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Louisiana Anthology

George Washington Cable.
“Posson Jone.”

Pike's Expeditions


Zebulon Montgomery Pike,

To Headwaters of the Mississippi River,
Through Louisiana Territory, and in New Spain,
During the Years 1805-6-7.


Now First Reprinted in Full from the Original of 1810,
With Copious Critical Commentary,
Memoir of Pike, New Map and other Illustrations,
and Complete Index,

Late Captain and Assistant Surgeon, United States Army,
Late Secretary and Naturalist, United States Geological Survey,
Member of the National Academy of Sciences,
Editor of Lewis and Clark,
etc., etc., etc.


Vol. II.

Arkansaw Journey?Mexican Tour.


Copyright, 1895,
New York.

All rights reserved.



The Arkansaw Journey.
Itinerary: Up the Missouri and Osage Rivers, andthrough Kansas to the Pawnee Village onthe Republican River, July 15th-September30th, 1806,357-416
Itinerary, Continued: From the Pawnee Villagethrough Kansas and Colorado to Pike's Peak,October 1st-November 30th, 1806,417-459
Itinerary, Concluded: In the Mountains of Coloradoon Headwaters of the Arkansaw andRio Grande, December 1st, 1806-February 26th,1807,460-510
Pike's Dissertation on Louisiana,511-538
Wilkinson's Report on the Arkansaw,539-561
The Mexican Tour.
Itinerary: Through New Mexico on the RioGrande to El Paso, February 27th-March21st, 1807,595-647
Itinerary, Continued: Through Old Mexico, inChihuahua, Durango, and Coahuila, to thePresidio Grande, March 22d-May 31st, 1807,648-689
Itinerary, Concluded: Through Texas to Natchitocheson the Red River of Louisiana, June1st-July 1st, 1807,690-717
Observations on New Spain,718-806
Congressional Report and Accompanying Documents,840-856



Part II.




Tuesday, July 15th, 1806. We sailed from the landingat Belle Fontaine[I-1] about 3 o'clock p. m., in twoboats. Our party consisted of two lieutenants, one surgeon,358one sergeant, two corporals, 16 privates and one interpreter.[I-2]We had also under our charge chiefs of the Osage and Pawnees,who, with a number of women and children, had beento Washington. These Indians had been redeemed fromcaptivity among the Potowatomies, and were now to be returned359to their friends at the Osage towns. The wholenumber of Indians amounted to 51.

We ascended the river about six miles, and encamped onthe south side behind an island. This day my boat swung360around twice; once when we had a tow-rope on shore, whichit snapped off in an instant. The Indians did not encampwith us at night. Distance six miles.[I-3]

July 16th. We rejoined our red brethren at breakfast,after which we again separated, and with very severe laborarrived late in the evening opposite the village of St. Charles,[I-4]where the Indians joined us. Distance 15 miles.

July 17th. We crossed the river to learn if any communicationshad arrived from St. Louis, and if there was anynews of other Indian enemies of the Osages. Called at Mr.James Morrison's, and was introduced to Mr. [George]Henry, of New Jersey, about 28 years of age; he spoke alittle Spanish and French tolerably well; he wished to gowith me as a volunteer. From this place I wrote lettersback to Belle Fontaine, whilst the Indians were crossing the361river. A man by the name of Ramsay reported to the Indiansthat 500 Sacs, Ioways, and Reynards were at themouth of Big Manitou [i. e., the band under Pashepaho(Stabber) and Quashquame (Lance)]. This gave themconsiderable uneasiness, and it took me some time to doaway the impression it made upon them, for I by no meansbelieved it. We were about sailing when my interpreter[Vasquez] was arrested by the sheriff at the suit of ManuelDe Liza [or Lisa[I-5]], for a debt between $300 and $400, andwas obliged to return to St. Louis. This made it necessaryfor me to write another letter to the general.[I-6] We encampedabout three-fourths of a mile above the village.

July 18th. Lieutenant Wilkinson and Dr. Robinson wentwith [one soldier and] the Indians across the country to thevillage of La Charette.[I-7] Mr. George Henry engaged, underoath, to accompany me on my tour. Wrote to the general,and inclosed him one of Henry's engagements.[I-8] After we362had made our little arrangements we marched by land andjoined the boats, which had sailed early [in charge of SergeantBallenger], at twelve o'clock. Two of the men beingsick, I steered one boat and Mr. Henry the other, by whichmeans we were enabled to keep employed our full complementof oars, although we put the sick men on shore. Encampedon the north side. About eleven at night a tremendousthunderstorm arose, and it continued to blow and rain,with thunder and lightning, until day. Distance 15 miles.[I-9]

July 19th. In consequence of the rain we did not put offuntil past nine o'clock; my sick men marched. I hadsome reason to suspect that one of them [Kennerman[I-10]] intendednever joining us again. At dinner time the sickman of my own boat came on board; I then went on boardthe other, and we continued to run races all day. Althoughthis boat had hitherto kept behind, yet I arrived at the encampingground with her nearly half an hour before theother. The current not generally so strong as below. Distance14 miles.[I-11]


Sunday, July 20th. Embarked about sunrise. Wishingto ascertain the temperature of the water, I discovered mylarge thermometer to be missing, which probably had falleninto the river. Passed one settlement on the north side,and, after turning the point to the south, saw two morehouses on the south side. We encamped [on the south] ina long reach which bore north and west. The absenteeshad not yet joined us. Distance 15 miles.[I-12]

July 21st. It commenced raining near day, and continueduntil four o'clock in the afternoon; the rain was immenselyheavy, with thunder and lightning remarkably severe. Thisobliged me to lie by; for, if we proceeded with our boats,it necessarily exposed our baggage much more than whenat rest, as the tarpaulin could then cover all. We set sailat a quarter past four o'clock, and arrived at the village of La364Charette at a little after the dusk of the evening. Here wefound Lieutenant Wilkinson and Dr. Robinson with theIndians; also, Baroney [Vasquez[I-13]], our interpreter, withletters from the general and our friends. The weather stillcontinued cloudy, with rain. We were received in thehouse of Mr. Chartron, and every accommodation in hispower was offered us. Distance six miles.[I-14]


July 22d. We arranged our boats, dried our lading, andwrote letters for Belle Fontaine.

July 23d. I dispatched an express to the general, withadvertisements relative to Kennerman, the soldier who haddeserted.[I-15] We embarked after breakfast, and made goodprogress. Lieutenant Wilkinson steered one boat and Ithe other, in order to detach all the men on shore, with theIndians, that we could spare. We crossed to the southside, a little below Shepherd river. Dr. Robinson killed adeer, which was the first killed by the party. Distance 13miles.[I-16]

July 24th. We embarked at half past six o'clock. Veryfoggy. The Indians accompanied by only three of mypeople. Lieutenant Wilkinson being a little indisposed, Iwas obliged to let Baroney steer his boat. We made an366excellent day's journey, and encamped [on the south] fivemiles from [below] the Gasconade river. Killed three deer,one bear, and three turkeys. But three or four of the Indiansarrived; the others encamped a small distance below.Distance 18 miles.[I-17]

July 25th. We embarked at half past six o'clock, and arrivedat the entrance of the Gasconade river at half pasteight o'clock, at which place I determined to remain the day,as my Indians and foot people were yet in the rear, and they367had complained to me of being without shoes, leggings, etc.Distance five miles.[I-18]

One of our Pawnees did not arrive until late; the otherhad communicated his suspicions to me that the Oto, whowas in company, had killed him: he acknowledged that heproposed to him to take out their baggage and return toSt. Louis. The real occasion of his absence, however, washis having followed a large fresh trace up the Gasconade aconsiderable distance; but finding it led from the Missouri,he examined it and discovered horses to have been on it; hethen left it, joined ours, and came in. This being generallythe route taken by the Potowatamies, when they go to waragainst the Osage, it occasioned some alarm. Every morningwe were awakened by the mourning of the savages, who368commenced crying about daylight, and continued for thespace of an hour. I made inquiry of my interpreter withrespect to this, who informed me that this was a custom notonly with those who had recently lost their relatives, but alsowith others who recalled to mind the loss of some friend,dead long since, and joined the other mourners purely fromsympathy. They appeared extremely affected; tears randown their cheeks, and they sobbed bitterly; but in amoment they dry their cheeks and cease their cries. Theirsongs of grief generally run thus: "My dear father existsno longer; have pity on me, O Great Spirit! you see I cryforever; dry my tears and give me comfort." The warriors'songs are thus: "Our enemies have slain my father (ormother); he is lost to me and his family; I pray to you, OMaster of Life! to preserve me until I avenge his death,and then do with me as thou pleaseth."

July 26th. We commenced at five o'clock to ferry theIndians over the Gasconade, and left the entrance of thisriver at half past six o'clock in the afternoon. Met fiveFrenchmen, who informed us that they had just left theOsage river, and that it was so low they could not ascend itwith their canoe. We wrote letters and sent them back bythem.[I-19] Dr. Robinson, Baroney, Sparks, and all the Indiansencamped about one league above us. Killed one bear, twodeer, one otter, three turkeys, and one raccoon. Distance15 miles.[I-20]


Sunday, July 27th. We embarked at half past five o'clock,and arrived at the Indians' camp at seven o'clock. Theyhad been alarmed the day before, and in the evening sentmen back in the trace, and some of the chiefs sat up allnight. Breakfasted with them. About half past threeo'clock encamped in sight of the Osage river. There beingevery appearance of rain, we halted thus early in order togive the Indians time to prepare temporary camps, and tosecure our baggage. I went out to hunt, and firing at adeer, near two of the Indians who were in the woods, theyknew the difference of the report of my rifle from their guns,were alarmed, and immediately retired to camp. Distance13 miles.[I-21]


July 28th. Embarked at half past five o'clock, and athalf past ten arrived at the Osage[I-22] river, where we stopped,discharged our guns, bathed, etc. We then proceeded onabout six miles, where we waited for and crossed the Indiansto the west shore; we then proceeded on to the first island,and encamped on the west side, Sans Oreille and only fouror five young men coming up, the rest encamping some distancebehind. Killed one deer and one turkey. Distance 19miles.

July 29th. All the [rest of the] Indians arrived very early.Big Soldier, whom I had appointed the officer to regulatethe march, was much displeased that Sans Oreille and theothers had left him, and said for that reason he would notsuffer any woman to go in the boat and by that meansseparate the party; but in truth it was from jealousy of the371men whose women went in the boats. He began by floggingone of the young men and was about to strike SansOreille's wife, but was stopped by him and told that heknew he had done wrong, but that the women were innocent.We then crossed them and embarked at half pasteight o'clock. About twelve o'clock we found the Indiansrafting the river, when the first chief of the Little Osage,called Tuttasuggy, or Wind, told me that the man whomBig Soldier struck had not yet arrived with his wife, "butthat he would throw them away." As I knew he wasextremely mortified at the dissensions which appeared toreign amongst them, I told him by no means [to do so];that one of my boats should wait for the woman and herchild, but that the man might go to the devil, as a punishmentfor his insubordination.

I then left Baroney with one boat, and proceeded withthe other. We were called ashore by three young Indians,who had killed some deer; and, on putting them on board,gave them about one or two gills of whisky, which intoxicatedall of them. It commenced raining about one o'clock,and continued incessantly for three hours, which obliged usto stop and encamp. One of our men, Miller, lost himself,and did not arrive until after dark. Killed five deer, oneturkey, and one raccoon. Distance 14 miles.[I-23]


July 30th. After the fog dispersed I left Lieutenant Wilkinsonwith the party to dry the baggage, and went withDr. Robinson and Bradley. About two o'clock we returned,set sail, and having passed the first rapid about three miles,encamped on the eastern shore. Killed three deer. Distancefive miles.[I-24]

July 31st. We embarked early, and passed several rapidspretty well. Dined with the Indians. Two of them left usin the morning for the village, and they all had an idea ofdoing the same, but finally concluded otherwise. One of theOsages, who had left the party for the village, returned andreported that he had seen and heard strange Indians in thewoods. This we considered as merely a pretext to comeback. I this day lost my dog, and the misfortune was thegreater, as we had no other dog which would bring anythingout of the water. This was the dog Fisher had presentedto me at Prairie des Chiens. Killed three deer and oneturkey. Distance 18 miles.[I-25]

Aug. 1st. It having rained all night, the river appearedto have risen about six inches. We spread out our baggageto dry, but it continuing to rain at intervals all day, thethings were wetter at sundown than in the morning. Werolled them up and left them on the beach. We sent out373two hunters in the morning, one of whom killed three deer;all the Indians killed three more.

Aug. 2d. The weather cleared up. The lading beingspread out to dry, Dr. Robinson, myself, Bradley, Sparks,and Brown went out to hunt. We killed four deer, the Indianstwo. Having reloaded the boats, we embarked at fiveo'clock, and came about two miles. The river rose, in thelast 24 hours, four inches.

Sunday, Aug. 3d. Embarked early, and wishing to savethe fresh [take advantage of the rise in the river], I pushedhard all day. Sparks was lost, and did not arrive until night.We encamped about 25 paces from the river, on a sand-bar.Near day I heard the sentry observe that the boats had betterbe brought in; I got up and found the water within arod of our tent, and before we could get all our things out ithad reached the tent. Killed nine deer, one wildcat, onegoose, and one turkey. Distance 18 miles.[I-26]

Aug. 4th. We embarked early and continued on for sometime, not being able to find a suitable place to dry ourthings, but at length stopped on the east shore. Here wehad to ferry the Indians over a small channel which we didnot before observe; all of them, however, not arriving, weput off and continued our route. Finding our progressmuch impeded by our mast, I unshipped it and stripped itof its iron, and, after Lieutenant Wilkinson had carved ournames on it, set it adrift, followed by the yards. This masthad been cut and made at [our wintering post on] Pinecreek, Upper Mississippi. After proceeding some miles, wefound the Indians on the west shore, they having rafted theriver. We stopped for them to cook, after which we proceeded.The navigation had become very difficult from therapidity of the current, occasioned by the rise of the water,374which rose one foot in an hour. Killed two deer. Rainy.Distance 10 miles.[I-27]

Aug. 5th. We lay by this day, in order to give the Indiansan opportunity to dry their baggage. Dr. Robinson andmyself, accompanied by Mr. Henry, went out to hunt; welost the latter about two miles from camp. After huntingsome time on the west shore, we concluded to raft the river,which we effected with difficulty and danger, and hunted forsome time, but without success. We then returned to theparty and found that Mr. Henry, who had been lost, hadarrived one hour before us; he had met one of the soldiers,who brought him in.

To-day in our tour I passed over a remarkably large rattlesnake,as he lay curled up, and trod so near him as totouch him with my foot, he drawing himself up to makeroom for my heel. Dr. Robinson, who followed me, was onthe point of treading on him, but by a spring avoided it. Ithen turned round and touched him with my ramrod, but heshowed no disposition to bite, and appeared quite peaceable.The gratitude which I felt toward him for not havingbitten me induced me to save his life. Killed four deer.River rises 13 inches. Rain continues.

Aug. 6th. We embarked at half past eight o'clock, ithaving cleared off and had the appearance of a fine day.Passed [Little] Gravel river [of Pike, now Big Gravois creek]on the west.[I-28] About three miles above this river the Indians375left us and informed me that, by keeping a little to thesouth and west, they would make in 15 miles what would beat least 35 miles for us. Dr. Robinson, Mr. Henry, and SergeantBallenger accompanied them. Killed two deer. Distance13 miles.

Aug. 7th. Not being detained by the Indians, we are foronce enabled to embark at a quarter past five o'clock. Theriver having fallen since yesterday morning about four feet,we wish to improve every moment of time previous to itsentire fall. We proceeded extremely well, passed the Saline[read Great Gravel[I-29]] river [of Pike, now Grand Auglaisecreek] on the east, and encamped opposite La Belle Rocheon the west shore. This day we passed many beautifulcliffs on both sides of the river; saw a bear and wolf swimmingthe river. I employed myself part of the day in translatinginto French a talk of General Wilkinson's to CheveuxBlanche.[I-30] Distance 21 miles.


Aug. 8th. We embarked at 20 minutes past five o'clock.Found the river had fallen about two feet during the night.At the confluence of the Youngar[I-31] with the Osage river webreakfasted. Encamped at night on a bar. Distance 21miles.

Aug. 9th. We embarked at five o'clock, and at half pastsix met the Indians and our gentlemen. They had metwith nothing extraordinary. They had killed in their excursionseven deer and three bear. We proceeded to an oldwintering ground, where there were eight houses, occupiedlast winter by [Blank], who had not been able to proceed anyhigher for want of water. Passed the Old Man's Rapids,below which, on the west shore, are some beautiful cliffs.Dined with the Indians, after which we passed Upper Gravelriver on the west, and Pottoe [qu. Poteau?] river on theeast. Sparks went out to hunt, and did not arrive at ourencampment, nor did the Indians. Distance 25 miles.[I-32]


Sunday, Aug. 10th. Embarked a quarter past five o'clock,when the sun shone out very clearly; but in 15 minutes itbegan to rain, and continued to rain very hard until oneo'clock. Passed the Indians, who were encamped on thewest shore, about half a mile, and halted for them. Theyall forded the river but Sans Oreille, who brought his wifeup to the boats, and informed me that Sparks had encampedwith them, but left them early to return in searchof us. We proceeded after breakfast. Sparks arrived justat the moment we were embarking. The Indians traversingthe country on the east had sent Sparks with Sans Oreille.About two o'clock split a plank in the bottom of thebatteau. Unloaded and turned her up, repaired thebreach, and continued on the route. By four o'clock foundthe Indians behind a large island; we made no stop, andthey followed us. We encamped together on a bar, wherewe proposed halting to dry our corn, etc., on Monday.Killed four deer. Distance 18� miles.[I-33]


Aug. 11th. We continued here to dry our corn andbaggage. This morning we had a match at shooting. Theprize offered to the successful person was a jacket anda twist of tobacco, which I myself was so fortunate as towin; I made the articles, however, a present to the youngfellow who waited on me. After this, taking Huddlestonwith me, I went out to hunt; after traveling about 12 mileswe arrived at the river, almost exhausted with thirst. Ihere indulged myself by drinking plentifully of the water,and was rendered so extremely unwell by it that I wasscarcely capable of pursuing my route to the camp. Onarriving opposite it, I swam the river, from which I experiencedconsiderable relief. The party informed methey had found the heat very oppressive, and the mercury,at sundown, was at 25� Reaumer [R�aumur]. This day,for the first time, I saw trout west of the Allegheny mountains.Reloaded our boats and finished two new oars,which were requisite.

Aug. 12th. Previously to our embarkation, which tookplace at half past five o'clock, I was obliged to convince myred brethren that, if I protected them, I would not sufferthem to plunder my men with impunity; for the chief hadgot one of my lads' tin cups attached to his baggage, and,notwithstanding it was marked with the initials of thesoldier's name, he refused to give it up. On which Irequested the interpreter to tell him, "that I had no ideathat he had purloined the cup, but supposed some other379person had attached it to his baggage; but that, knowingit to be my soldier's, I requested him to deliver it up, orI should be obliged to take other measures to obtain it."This had the desired effect; for I certainly should have putmy threats into execution, from this principle, formed frommy experience during my intercourse with Indians, that ifyou have justice on your side, and do not enforce it, theyuniversally despise you. When we stopped for dinner, oneof my men took his gun and went out; not having returnedwhen we were ready to re-embark, I left him. Passed theIndians twice when they were crossing the river. Passedsome very beautiful cliffs on the W. [N. or right] shore;also Vermillion [Little Tabeau] and Grand rivers, thelatter of which is a large stream, and encamped at the[first bend above it, on the E. or left-hand bank of theOsage[I-34]]. Distance 24 miles.

Immediately after our encampment a thunder-storm came380on, which blew overboard my flag-staff and a number ofarticles of my clothing, which were on top of the cabin, andsunk them immediately. Being much fatigued and thebank difficult of ascent, lay down in the cabin withoutsupper and slept all night. It continued to rain. The man[Sparks] I left on shore arrived on the opposite bank in thenight, having killed two deer, but was obliged to leave thelargest behind. Finding he was not to be sent for, he concealedhis gun and deer, and swam the river.

Aug. 13th. It continued to rain. In the morning senta boat over for Sparks' gun and deer. Embarked at halfpast nine o'clock. Stopped to dine at two o'clock. Duringthe time we halted, the river rose over the flat bar on whichwe were; this, if we had no other proof, would convince uswe were near the head of the river, as the rain must havereached it. We made almost a perfect circle, so that I donot believe we were to-night three miles from where weencamped last night. This day, for the first time, we haveprairie hills. Distance 13 miles.[I-35]

Aug. 14th. Embarked at half past five o'clock. Passedthe Park, which is 10 miles around, and not more than three-quartersof a mile across, bearing from S. 5� E. to due N.At its head we breakfasted, and just as we were about toput off we saw and brought-to a canoe manned with three381engagees of Mr. [Chouteau], who informed us that the LittleOsage had marched a war-party against the Kans, and theGrand Osage a party against our citizens on the Arkansawriver. Wrote by them to the general[I-36] and all friends.Gave the poor fellows some whisky and eight quarts ofcorn, they having had only two turkeys for four days. Weleft them and proceeded, passing on our east some of thelargest cedars I ever saw. Came on very well in the afternoon,and encamped[I-37] on an island above Turkey island.Distance 28 miles.

Aug. 15th. We embarked at five o'clock, and at eighto'clock met the Indians and the gentlemen[I-38] who accompaniedthem. Found all well. They had been joined by theirfriends and relatives from the village, with horses to transporttheir baggage. Lieutenant Wilkinson informed me thattheir meeting was very tender and affectionate?"wivesthrowing themselves into the arms of their husbands, parentsembracing their children, and children their parents,brothers and sisters meeting, one from captivity, the otherfrom the towns; they at the same time returning thanks to382the Good God for having brought them once more together"?inshort, the tout ensemble was such as to makepolished society blush, when compared with those savages,in whom the passions of the mind, whether joy, grief, fear,anger, or revenge, have their full scope. Why can we notcorrect the baneful passions, without weakening the good?Sans Oreille made them a speech, in which he remarked:"Osage, you now see your wives, your brothers, yourdaughters, your sons, redeemed from captivity. Who didthis? Was it the Spaniards? No. The French? No.Had either of those people been governors of the country,your relatives might have rotted in captivity, and you neverwould have seen them; but the Americans stretched forththeir hands, and they are returned to you! What can youdo in return for all this goodness? Nothing; all yourlives would not suffice to repay their goodness." This manhad children in captivity, not one of whom we were able toobtain for him.

The chief then requested that Lieutenant Wilkinson andDr. Robinson might be permitted to accompany them byland, to which I consented. Wrote a letter to CheveuxBlanche, by Lieutenant Wilkinson. When we parted, afterdelivering the Indians their baggage, Sans Oreille put anIndian on board to hunt, or obey any other commands Imight have for him. We stopped at eleven o'clock to dry ourbaggage. Found our biscuit and crackers almost all ruined.Put off at half past four o'clock, and encamped at three-quarterspast five o'clock. Distance 15� miles.[I-39]

Aug. 16th. We embarked at five o'clock and came on383extremely well in the barge to an evacuated French hunting-camp12 miles to breakfast, the batteaux coming uplate. We exchanged hands. About twelve o'clock passedthe Grand Fork [confluence of Sac river with the Osage,above Osceola], which is equal in size to the one on whichwe pursued our route. Waited to dine at the rocks calledthe Swallow's Nest, on the W. shore, above the forks. Thebatteaux having gained nearly half an hour, the crews areconvinced that it is not the boat, but men who make thedifference; each take their own boat, after which we proceededvery well, the water being good and men in spirits.Saw an elk on the shore; also met an old man alone hunting,from whom we obtained no information of consequence.Encamped on the W. shore of Mine [or Mire]river. Distance 37 miles.[I-40]


We to-day passed the place where the chief called BelleOiseau, and others, were killed. The Belle Oiseau waskilled by the Sacs in the year 1804, in a boat of Manuel deLiza, when on his way down to St. Louis, in order to jointhe first deputation of his nation who were forwarded to theseat of government by Governor Lewis. A particular relationof the event, no doubt, has been given by that gentleman.This chief had a son who accompanied me to thePawnee nation, and whose honorable deportment, attachmentto our government, amiableness of disposition, andthe respect and esteem in which he was held by his compeers,entitle him to the attention of our agents to hisnation.

Sunday, Aug. 17th. We embarked at five o'clock andcame 12 miles to breakfast. At four o'clock arrived at 10French houses on the E. shore, where was then residinga Sac, who was married to an Osage femme and spokeFrench only. We afterward passed the position where Mr.[Pierre] Chouteau formerly had his fort [Fort Carondelet[I-41]],not a vestige of which was remaining, the spot being385only marked by the superior growth of vegetation. Herethe river-bank is one solid bed of stone-coal, just belowwhich is a very shoal and rapid ripple [Kaw rapids, wherewas Collen or Colly ford]; whence to the village of the GrandOsage is nine miles across a large prairie. We came abouttwo miles above [Chouteau's], and encamped on the W.[right-hand] shore. This day the river has been generallybounded by prairies on both sides. Distance 41� miles.

Aug. 18th. We put off at half past five o'clock. Stoppedat nine o'clock to breakfast. Passed the second fork[I-42] of386the river at twelve o'clock, the right-hand fork bearing N.,about 30 yards wide; the left, the one which we pursued,N. 60� W., and not more than 50 or 60 feet in width, veryfull of old trees, etc., but with plenty of water. Observed theroad where the chiefs and Lieutenant Wilkinson crossed.We proceeded until one o'clock, when we were halted bya large drift quite across the river. Dispatched Baroney tothe village of the Grand Osage, to procure horses to takeour baggage nearer to the towns, and unloaded our boats.In about two hours Lieutenant Wilkinson, with Tuttasuggy,arrived at our camp, the former of whom presented me anexpress from the general[I-43] and letters from my friends.The chiefs remained at our camp all night. I was attackedby a violent headache. It commenced raining, and continuedwith great force until day. Distance 19� miles.

Aug. 19th. We commenced very early to arrange our387baggage, but had not finished at one o'clock, when the chiefof the Grand Osage, and 40 or 50 men of his village,arrived with horses. We loaded and took our departure forthe place where Manuel de Liza had his establishment,[near Fort Carondelet], at which we arrived about fouro'clock, and commenced pitching our encampment near theedge of the prairie, when I was informed that three menhad arrived from St. Louis sent by Manuel de Liza. I dispatchedLieutenant Wilkinson to the village with Baroney,who brought to camp the man [Jean Baptiste Duchouquette]who had charge of the others from St. Louis; hehaving no passport, I detained him until further consideration.Our reception by the Osage was flattering, andparticularly by White Hair and our fellow-travelers. Thisevening there arrived in the village of the Grand Osage anexpress from the Arkansaw, who brought the news that aboat, ascending that river, had been fired on, had two whitemen killed and two wounded, and that the brother-in-lawof Cheveux Blanche, who happened to be on board, wasalso killed. This put the whole village in mourning.

Aug. 20th. About twelve o'clock I dispatched Baroneyfor the chiefs of the Grand [Osage] village, in order to givethe general's parole to Cheveux Blanche; also, a young manto the village of the Little Osage. Cheveux Blanche andhis people arrived about three o'clock, and after waitingsome time for Wind and his people, I just informed thechiefs that I had merely assembled them to deliver theparole of the general and present the marks of distinctionintended for Cheveux Blanche and his son?hanging a grandmedal round the neck of the latter. The packets committedto my charge for the relations of the deceased Osages werethen delivered to them, the widow making the distribution.It must be remarked that I had merely requested CheveuxBlanche to come with his son, and receive the general'smessage; but instead of coming with a few chiefs, he wasaccompanied by 186 men, to all of whom we were obliged togive something to drink. When the council was over we388mounted our horses, rode to the village, and halted at thequarters of the chief, where we were regaled with boiledpumpkins; then we went to two different houses, and wereinvited to many others, but declined, promising that Iwould pay them a visit previous to my departure, and spendthe whole day. We then returned to camp. After inquiringof White Hair if the men of Manuel de Liza had anyostensible object in view, he informed me that they hadonly said to him that they expected Manuel would be up totrade in the autumn. I concluded to take the deposition ofBabtiste Larme as to the manner in which he was employedby Manuel de Liza, forward the same to Dr. Brown[I-44] andthe attorney-general of Louisiana, and permit the men toreturn to St. Louis, as it was impossible for me to detach aparty with them as prisoners.

Aug. 21st. In the morning White Hair paid us a visit,and brought us a present of corn, meat, and grease; weinvited him, his son, and son-in-law to breakfast with us,and gave his companions something to eat. I then wrote anumber of letters to send by express, and inclosed thedeposition of Larme. In the afternoon we rode to thevillage of the Little Osage, and were received by our fellow-travelerswith true hospitality. Returned in the evening,when a tremendous storm of rain, thunder, and lightningcommenced, and continued with extraordinary violence untilhalf past nine o'clock. It was with great difficulty we were389enabled to keep our tents from blowing down. The placeprepared for an observatory was carried away.

Aug. 22d. Preparing in the morning for the council, andcommitting to paper the heads of the subject on which Iintended to speak. The chiefs of the Little Osage arrivedabout one o'clock, also the interpreter of the Grand Osage,who pretended to say that the Grand Osage had expectedus at their village with the Little Osage. Cheveux Blanchearrived with his chiefs. The ceremony of the council beingarranged, I delivered them the general's parole, forwardedby express. My reason for not delivering it until this timewas in order to have the two villages together, as it wasequally interesting to both. After this I explained at largethe will, wishes, and advice of their Great Father, and themode which I conceived most applicable to carry them intoeffect. Cheveux Blanche replied in a few words, and promisedto give me a full reply to-morrow. Wind replied to thesame amount; after which Cheveux Blanche addressed himselfto Wind as follows: "I am shocked at your conduct,Tuttasuggy?you who have lately come from the States,and should have been wise; but you led the redeemed captives,with an officer of the United States, to your village,instead of bringing them through my town in the firstinstance." To this Wind made no reply, but left his seatshortly after, under pretense of giving some orders to hisyoung men. I conceived this reprimand intended barely toshow us the superiority of the one and inferiority of theother; it originated, in my opinion, from an altercation ofLieutenant Wilkinson and Cheveux Blanche, in which allusionswere made by the former to the friendly conduct ofthe Little Chief, alias Wind, when compared to that of thelatter. I must here observe that when the chiefs and prisonersleft me, accompanied by Lieutenant Wilkinson, I didnot know the geographical situation of the two villages,[I-45]390but conceived that, in going to the Little Village, theywould pass by the Grand Village, and of course that LieutenantWilkinson and the chief would arrange the affairproperly.

Aug. 23d. I expected to have received from the chiefstheir answers to my demands; but received an express fromboth villages, informing me that they wished to put them offuntil to-morrow. I then adjusted my instruments. Tookequal altitudes and a meridional altitude of the sun; but,owing to flying clouds, missed the immersions of Jupiter'ssatellites.

Sunday, Aug. 24th. Was nearly half the day in adjustingthe line of collimation in the telescopic sights of my theodolite.It began to cloud before evening, and although thesky was not entirely covered, I was so unfortunate as to missthe time of an immersion, and, although clear in the intermediateperiod, an emersion also. I was informed by Baroneythat the Little Village had made up 11 horses for us. Inthe evening, however, the interpreter, accompanied by theson-in-law and son of Cheveux Blanche, came to camp, andinformed me that there were no horses to be got in the villageof the Big Osage.

The son-in-law spoke as follows: "I am come to give youthe news of our village, which is unfortunate for us, ourchief having assembled his young men and warriors and proposed391to them to furnish horses, etc. They have generallyrefused him; but I, who am the principal man after CheveuxBlanche, will accompany you." The son: "Our youngmen and warriors will not take pity on my father, nor onme, nor on you, and have refused to comply with your request;but I will accompany you with two horses to carryprovision for your voyage." The interpreter: "The CheveuxBlanche was ashamed to bring you this answer, butwill again assemble his village and to-morrow come and giveyou the answer." I replied: "That I had made the demandwithout explanation, merely to let the Osage act agreeablyto their inclination, in order that we might see what dispositionthey would exhibit toward us; but why do I ask oftheir chiefs to follow me to the Pawnees? Is it for ourgood, or their own? Is it not to make peace with the Kans?To put their wives and children out of danger? As to theirhorses which they may furnish us with, I will pay them fortheir hire; but it is uncertain whether I can pay them here,or give them an order on the Superintendent of IndianAffairs at St. Louis; but this I do not now wish them to bemade acquainted with."

Aug. 25th. In the morning we were visited by CheveuxBlanche and three or four of his chiefs, who were pleased toaccord to my demands. He found much difficulty in informingme that in all his village he could only raise four horses,but that we should be accompanied by his son and son-in-law.I then expressed to him the difference of our expectationsfrom the reality. He remained until after twelveo'clock, when I went to the Little Osage village, and wasreceived with great friendship by the chief. Remained allnight at the house of Tuttasuggy. Took the census.[I-46]

Aug. 26th. Rose early and found my friends in council,which was merely relative to our horses. The chief then392declared their determination to me, and that he himselfgave me one horse, and lent me eight more to carry our baggageto the Pawnees. Sold the old batteau for $100 inmerchandise, which I conceived infinitely preferable to leavingher to the uncertain safeguard of the Indians. Aboutthis time we received the news that the party of Potowatomieswere discovered to be near the towns. I gave themthe best advice I was capable of giving, and then returnedto our camp.

Aug. 27th. Spent in arranging our baggage for thehorses. Received four horses from the Little Village andtwo from the Big Village. In the evening Lieutenant Wilkinsonrode to the Grand Village. I observed two immersionsof Jupiter's satellites.

Aug. 28th. Writing to the secretary at war and the general,and making arrangements for our departure. Visitedby Wind and Sans Oreille.

Aug. 29th. Forenoon writing letters. In the afternoonDr. Robinson and myself went to the Grand Village, atwhich we saw the great medicine dance. Remained at thevillage all night.

Aug. 30th. Returned to the camp after settling all myaffairs at the town. Sealed up our dispatches and sent offthe general's express.[I-47] In the afternoon we were visitedby the principal men of the Little Village and the chief, towhom I presented a flag, and made the donations which Iconceived requisite to the different Indians, on account ofhorses, etc.

Sunday, Aug. 31st. Arranging our packs and loading ourhorses, in order to fit our loads, as we expected to march onthe morrow. Up late writing letters.

Sept. 1st. Struck our tents early in the morning, andcommenced loading our horses. We now discovered thatan Indian had stolen a large black horse which Cheveux393Blanche had presented to Lieutenant Wilkinson. I mounteda horse to pursue him; but the interpreter sent to town, andthe chief's wife sent another in its place. We left the placeabout twelve o'clock with 15 loaded horses,[I-48] our party consistingof two lieutenants, one doctor, two sergeants, onecorporal, 15 privates, two interpreters, three Pawnees, andfour chiefs of the Grand Osage, amounting in all to 30 warriorsand one woman. We crossed the Grand Osage forkand a prairie N. 80� W. five miles to the fork of the LittleOsage.[I-49] Joined by Sans Oreille and seven Little Osage, allof whom I equipped for the march. Distance eight miles.

Sept. 2d. Marched at six o'clock. Halted at ten o'clockand two o'clock on the side of the creek [Little Osage river],our route having been all the time on its borders. Whilstthere I was informed by a young Indian that Mr. C. Chouteauhad arrived at the towns. I conceived it proper for meto return, which I did, accompanied by Baroney, first to theLittle Village; whence we were accompanied by Wind tothe Big Village, where we remained all night at the lodge ofCheveux Blanche. Mr. Chouteau gave us all the news,after which I scrawled a letter to the general and my friends.

Sept. 3d. Rose early, and went to the Little Village tobreakfast. After giving my letters to Mr. Henry, and arrangingmy affairs, we proceeded, and overtook our party394at two o'clock. They had left their first camp about fourmiles. Our horses being much fatigued, we concluded toremain all night. Sent out our red and white hunters, allof whom only killed two turkeys. Distance four miles.[I-50]

Sept. 4th. When about to march in the morning one ofour horses was missing; we left Sans Oreille, with the twoPawnees, to search for him, and proceeded till about nineo'clock; stopped until twelve o'clock, and then marched.In about half an hour I was overtaken and informed thatSans Oreille had not been able to find our horse; on whichwe encamped, and sent two horses back for the load. Oneof the Indians, being jealous of his wife, sent her back tothe village. After making the necessary notes, Dr. Robinsonand myself took our horses and followed the courseof a little stream until we arrived at the Grand[I-51] river,395which was distant about six miles. We here found a mostdelightful basin of water, of 25 paces' diameter and about100 in circumference, in which we bathed; found it deepand delightfully pleasant. Nature scarcely ever formed amore beautiful place for a farm. We returned to camp aboutdusk, when I was informed that some of the Indians hadbeen dreaming and wished to return. Killed one deer, oneturkey, one raccoon. Distance [made by the main party] 13miles.396

Sept. 5th. In the morning our Little Osage all came toa determination to return, and, much to my surprise, SansOreille among the rest. I had given an order on the chiefsfor the lost horse to be delivered to Sans Oreille's wife, previouslyto my knowing that he was going back; but tookfrom him his gun, and the guns from all the others also.

In about five miles we struck a beautiful hill, which bearssouth on the prairie; its elevation I suppose to be 100 feet.From its summit the view is sublime to the east and southeast.We waited on this hill to breakfast, and had to sendtwo miles for water. Killed a deer on the rise, which wassoon roasting before the fire. Here another Indian wishedto return and take his horse with him; which, as we had sofew, I could not allow, for he had already received a gunfor the use of his horse. I told him he might return, buthis horse would go to the Pawnees.

We marched, leaving the Osage trace, which we hadhitherto followed, and crossed the hills to a creek that wasalmost dry. Descended it to the main [Little Osage] river,where we dined [vicinity of Harding]. The discontentedIndian came up, and put on an air of satisfaction andcontent.

We again marched about six miles further, and encampedat the head of a small creek, about half a mile from the water.Distance 19 miles [approaching Xenia, Bourbon Co., Kas.[I-52]].

Sept. 6th. We marched at half past six o'clock, and arrivedat a large fork of the Little Osage river, where we397breakfasted [vicinity of Xenia]. In the holes of the creekwe discovered many fish, which, from the stripes on theirbellies and their spots, I supposed to be trout and bass;they were 12 inches long. This brought to mind the necessityof a net, which would have frequently afforded subsistenceto the whole party. We halted at one o'clock andremained until four o'clock. Being told that we could notarrive at any water, we here filled our vessels. At fiveo'clock arrived at the dividing ridge, between the waters ofthe Osage and the Arkansaw, alias White river,[I-53] the drybranches of which interlock within 20 yards of each other.The prospect from the dividing ridge to the east and southeastis sublime. The prairie rising and falling in regularswells, as far as the sight can extend, produces a very beautifulappearance. We left our course, and struck down tothe southwest on a small [tributary of Elm] creek, orrather a puddle of water. Killed one deer. Distance 20miles.

Sunday, Sept. 7th. We left this at half past six o'clock,398before which we had a difficulty with the son of the chief,which was accommodated. At nine o'clock we came on alarge fork [of Elm creek] and stopped for breakfast. Proceededon and encamped on a fine stream [Deer creek?],where we swam our horses and bathed ourselves. Killedfour deer. Distance 15 miles.[I-54]

Sept. 8th. Marched early, and arrived at a grand forkof the White river.[I-55] The Indians were all discontented;we had taken the wrong ford; but, as they were dispersedthrough the woods, we could not be governed by theirmovements. Previously to our leaving the camp, the sonof Cheveux Blanche proposed returning, and offered noother reason than that he felt too lazy to perform the route.The reason I offered to prevent his going was ineffectual,and he departed with his hunter, who deprived us of onehorse. His return left us without any chief or man of consideration,except the son of Belle Oiseau, who was but alad. The former appeared to be a discontented young fellow,399filled with self-pride; he certainly should have consideredit as an honor to be sent on so respectable an embassyas he was. Another Indian, who owned one of our horses,wished to return with him, which was positively refusedhim; but fearing he might steal him, I contented him witha present. We marched, and made the second branch[North Big creek], crossing one prairie 12 miles, in whichwe suffered much with drought. Distance 22 miles.[I-56]

Sept. 9th. Marched at seven o'clock, and struck a large[Eagle] creek at 11 miles' distance. On holding a council,it was determined to ascend this creek to the highest pointof water, and strike across to a large river of the Arkansaw[watershed]. We ascended 4� miles, and encamped.Killed one cabrie [antelope, Antilocapra americana], twodeer, and two turkeys. Distance 12 miles.[I-57]


Sept. 10th. Marched early. Struck and passed thedivide between the Grand [Neosho] river and the Verdegris[or Vermilion] river. Stopped to breakfast on a smallstream of the latter; after which we marched and encampedon the fourth small stream [tributary of Vermilionriver]. Killed one elk, one deer. Distance 21 miles.[I-58]

Sept. 11th. Passed four branches and over high hillyprairies. Encamped at night on a large branch of Grandriver. Killed one cabrie, one deer. Distance 17 miles.[I-59]

Sept. 12th. Commenced our march at seven o'clock.Passed very ruff [rough] flint hills. My feet blistered and401very sore. I stood on a hill, and in one view below mesaw buffalo, elk, deer, cabrie, and panthers. Encamped onthe main [Cottonwood] branch of Grand [Neosho] river,which had very steep banks and was deep. Dr. Robinson,Bradley, and Baroney arrived after dusk, having killed threebuffalo, which, with one I killed, and two by the Indians,made six; the Indians alleging it was the Kans' huntingground, therefore they would destroy all the game theypossibly could. Distance 18 miles.[I-60]

Sept. 13th. Late in marching, it having every appearanceof rain. Halted to dine on a branch of Grand river.402Marched again at half past two o'clock, and halted at five,intending to dispatch Dr. Robinson and one of our Pawneesto the village to-morrow. Killed six buffalo, one elk, andthree deer. Distance nine miles.[I-61]

Sunday, Sept. 14th. The doctor and Frank, a youngPawnee, marched for the village at daylight; we at halfpast six o'clock. Halted at one o'clock. On the march wewere continually passing through large herds of buffalo,elk, and cabrie; and I have no doubt that one hunter couldsupport 200 men. I prevented the men shooting at thegame, not merely because of the scarcity of ammunition,but, as I conceived, the laws of morality forbid it also.Encamped at sunset on the main branch [Cottonwood] ofWhite river, hitherto called Grand river. Killed one buffaloand one cabrie. Distance 21 miles.[I-62]

Sept. 15th. Marched at seven o'clock; passed a verylarge Kans encampment, evacuated, which had been occupiedlast summer. Proceeded on to the dividing ridgebetween the waters of White river and the Kans [moreexactly, from basin of the Cottonwood to that of the SmokyHill]. This ridge was covered with a layer of stone, whichwas strongly impregnated with iron ore, and on the W.side of said ridge we found spa springs. Halted at oneo'clock, very much against the inclination of the Osage,who, from the running of the buffalo, conceived a party ofKans to be near. Killed two buffalo. Distance 18 miles.[I-63]


Sept. 16th. Marched late, and in about 4� miles' distancecame to a very handsome branch of water [Hobbsbranch of Gypsum creek], at which we stopped and remaineduntil after two o'clock, when we marched and crossedtwo branches [main Gypsum and Stag creeks]. Encampedon a third. At the second [Gypsum] creek, a horse wasdiscovered on the prairie, when Baroney went in pursuit ofhim on a horse of Lieutenant Wilkinson, but arrived at ourcamp without success. Distance 13 miles.[I-64]


Sept. 17th. Marched early and struck the main S. E.[Smoky Hill] branch of the Kans river at nine o'clock; itappeared to be 25 or 30 yards wide, and is navigable in theflood seasons. We passed it six miles to a small branch tobreakfast. Game getting scarce, our provision began to runlow. Marched about two o'clock, and encamped at sundownon a large branch [Mulberry creek]. Killed onebuffalo. Distance 21 miles.[I-65]


Sept. 18th. Marched at our usual hour, and at twelveo'clock halted at a large branch [Saline river] of the Kans[Smoky Hill], which was strongly impregnated with salt.This day we expected the people of the [Pawnee] village tomeet us. We marched again at four o'clock. Our routebeing over a continued series of hills and hollows, we wereuntil eight at night before we arrived at a small dry branch[of Covert creek]. It was nearly ten o'clock before wefound any water. Commenced raining a little before day.Distance 25 miles.[I-66]


Sept. 19th. It having commenced raining early, we securedour baggage and pitched our tents. The rain continuedwithout any intermission the whole day, duringwhich we employed ourselves in reading the Bible andPope's Essays, and in pricking on our arms with India inksome characters, which will frequently bring to mind ourforlorn and dreary situation, as well as the happiest days ofour life. In the rear of our encampment was a hill, onwhich there was a large rock, where the Indians kept a continualsentinel, as I imagine to apprise them of the approachof any party, friends or foes, as well as to see if they coulddiscover any game on the prairies.

Sept. 20th. It appearing as if we possibly might have aclear day, I ordered our baggage spread abroad to dry; butit shortly after clouded up and commenced raining. TheOsage sentinel discovered a buffalo on the prairies; uponwhich we dispatched a hunter on horseback in pursuit ofhim, also some hunters on foot; before night they killedthree buffalo, some of the best of which we brought inand jerked or dried by the fire. It continued showery untilafternoon, when we put our baggage again in a position todry, and remained encamped. The detention of the doctorand our Pawnee ambassador began to be a serious matterof consideration.

Sunday, Sept. 21st. We marched at eight o'clock, althoughthere was every appearance of rain, and at eleven o'clockpassed a large [Little Saline river of Pike, now Covert] creek,remarkably salt. Stopped at one o'clock on a fresh branchof the salt creek. Our interpreter having killed an elk, wesent out for some meat, which detained us so late that I concludedit best to encamp where we were, in preference torunning the risk of finding no water. Distance 10 miles.

Lieutenant Wilkinson was attacked with a severe headacheand slight fever. One of my men had been attackedwith a touch of the pleurisy on the 18th, and was still ill.We were informed by an Osage woman that two of theIndians were conspiring to desert us in the night and steal407some of our horses, one of whom was her husband. Weengaged her as our spy. Thus were we obliged to keep ourselveson our guard against our own companions and fellow-travelers?menof a nation highly favored by the UnitedStates, but whom I believe to be a faithless set of poltrons,incapable of a great and generous action. Among them,indeed, there may be some exceptions.

In the evening, finding that the two Indians above mentionedhad made all preparations to depart, I sent for oneof them, who owned a horse and had received a gun andother property for his hire, and told him "I knew his plans,and that if he was disposed to desert, I should take care toretain his horse; that as for himself, he might leave me ifhe pleased, as I only wanted men with us." He replied"that he was a man, that he always performed his promises,that he had never said he would return; but that hewould follow me to the Pawnee village, which he intendedto do." He then brought his baggage and put it undercharge of the sentinel, and slept by my fire; but notwithstandingI had him well watched.

Sept. 22d. We did not march until eight o'clock, owingto the indisposition of Lieutenant Wilkinson. At elevenwaited to dine. Light mists of rain, with flying clouds.We marched again at three o'clock, and continued ourroute 12 miles to the first branch of the RepublicanFork. [?] Met a Pawnee hunter, who informed us thatthe chief had left the village the day after the doctorarrived, with 50 or 60 horses and many people, and hadtaken his course to the north of our route; consequentlywe had missed each other. He likewise informed us thatthe Tetaus [misprint for Tetans, and that a mistake forIetans, i. e., Comanches] had recently killed six Pawnees,the Kans had stolen some horses, and a party of 300Spaniards had lately been as far as the Sabine; but forwhat purpose was unknown. Distance 11 miles.[I-67]


Sept. 23d. Marched early and passed a large fork of theKans [i. e., Smoky Hill] river, which I [correctly] supposeto be the one generally called Solomon's. One of ourhorses fell into the water and wet his load. Halted at teno'clock on a branch of this fork. We marched at half pastone o'clock, and encamped at sundown on a stream [Buffalocreek] where we had a great difficulty to find water. Wewere overtaken by a Pawnee, who encamped with us. Heoffered his horse for our use. Distance 21 miles.[I-68]

Sept. 24th. We could not find our horses until late, whenwe marched. Before noon met Frank, who had accompaniedDr. Robinson to the village, and three other Pawnees,who informed us that the chief and his party had onlyarrived at the village yesterday, and had dispatched themout in search of us. Before three o'clock we were joinedby several Pawnees; one of them wore a scarlet coat, witha small medal of General Washington, and a Spanish medalalso. We encamped at sunset on a middle-sized branch[White Rock creek], and were joined by several Pawnees inthe evening, who brought us some buffalo meat. Here we409saw some mules, horses, bridles, and blankets, which theyobtained of the Spaniards. Few only had breech cloths,most being wrapped in buffalo robes, otherwise quite naked.Distance 18 miles.[I-69]

Sept. 25th. We marched at a good hour, and in abouteight miles struck a very large road on which the Spanishtroops had returned, and on which we could yet discoverthe grass beaten down in the direction which they went.

When we arrived within about three miles of the village,we were requested to remain, as the ceremony of receivingthe Osage into the towns was to be performed here. Therewas a small circular spot, clear of grass, before which theOsage sat down. We were a small distance in advance ofthe Indians. The Pawnees then advanced within a mile ofus, halted, divided into two troops, and came on each flankat full charge, making all the gestures and performing themaneuvers of a real war charge. They then encircled usaround, and the chief advanced in the center and gave ushis hand; his name was Caracterish. He was accompaniedby his two sons and a chief by the name of Iskatappe. TheOsage were still seated; but Belle Oiseau then rose, cameforward with a pipe, and presented it to the chief, who tooka whiff or two from it. We then proceeded; the chief,Lieutenant Wilkinson, and myself in front; my sergeant, ona white horse, next with the colors; then our horses andbaggage, escorted by our men, with the Pawnees on eachside, running races, etc. When we arrived on the hill overthe town we were again halted, and the Osage seated ina row; when each Pawnee who intended so to do presentedthem with a horse and gave a pipe to smoke to the Osageto whom he had made the present. In this manner were410eight horses given. Lieutenant Wilkinson then proceededwith the party to the [Republican] river above the town,and encamped. I went up to our camp in the evening,having a young Pawnee with me loaded with corn for mymen. Distance 12 miles.[I-70] As the chief had invited us tohis lodge to eat, we thought it proper for one to go. Atthe lodge he gave me many particulars which were interestingto us, relative to the late visit of the Spaniards.

I will attempt to give some memoranda of this expedition,which was the most important ever carried on from theprovince of New Mexico, and in fact the only one directed411N. E. (except that mentioned by the Abbe Raynal[I-71] in hisHistory of the Indies) to the Pawnees?of which see a moreparticular account hereafter. In the year 1806 our affairswith Spain began to wear a very serious aspect, and thetroops of the two governments almost came to actual hostilitieson the frontiers of Texas and the Orleans territory.At this time, when matters bore every appearance of comingto a crisis, I was fitting out for my expedition from St.Louis, where some of the Spanish emissaries in that countrytransmitted the information to Majar. Merior [sic] and theSpanish council at that place, who immediately forwardedthe information to the then commandant of Nacogdoches,Captain Sebastian Rodreriques [sic] who forwarded it toColonel [Don Antonio] Cordero, by whom it was transmittedto [General Don Nimesio Salcedo, at Chihuahua,]the seat of government. This information was personallycommunicated to me, as an instance of the rapid meansthey possessed of transmitting information relative to theoccurrences transacting on our frontiers. The expeditionwas then determined on, and had three objects in view:412

1st. To descend the Red river, in order, if he met ourexpedition, to intercept and turn us back; or, should MajorSparks[I-72] and Mr. [Thomas] Freeman have missed the partyfrom Nacogdoches, under the command of Captain Viana,to oblige them to return and not penetrate further into thecountry, or make them prisoners of war.

2d. To explore and examine all the internal parts of thecountry from the frontiers of the province of New Mexicoto the Missouri between the La Platte [sentence unfinished].

3d. To visit the Tetaus, Pawnees republic, Grand Pawnees,Pawnee Mahaws, and Kans.[I-73] To the head chief of eachof those nations the commanding officer bore flags, a commission,grand medal, and four mules; and with all of themhe had to renew the chains of ancient amity which was saidto have existed between their father, his most Catholicmajesty, and his children the red people.

The commanding officers also bore positive orders tooblige all parties or persons, in the above-specified countries,413either to retire from them into the acknowledged territoriesof the United States, or to make prisoners of them and conductthem into the province of N. Mexico. LieutenantDon Facundo Malgares, the officer selected from the fiveinternal provinces to command this expedition, was aEuropean (his uncle was one of the royal judges in thekingdom of New Spain), and had distinguished himself inseveral long expeditions against the Apaches and otherIndian nations with whom the Spaniards were at war; addedto these circumstances, he was a man of immense fortune,and generous in its disposal, almost to profusion; possesseda liberal education, high sense of honor, and a dispositionformed for military enterprise. This officer marched from theprovince of Biscay with 100 dragoons of the regular service,and at Santa Fe, the place where the expedition was fitted out,he was joined by 500 of the mounted militia of that province,armed after the manner described by my notes on that subject,and completely equipped with ammunition, etc., for sixmonths; each man leading with them (by order) two horsesand one mule, the whole number of their beasts was 2,075.They descended the Red river 233 leagues; met the grandbands of the Tetaus, and held councils with them; thenstruck off N. E., and crossed the country to the Arkansaw,where Lieutenant Malgares left 240 of his men with the lameand tired horses, while he proceeded on with the rest to thePawnee republic. Here he was met by the chiefs andwarriors of the Grand Pawnees; held councils with the twonations and presented them the flags, medals, etc., which weredestined for them. He did not proceed to the executionof his mission with the Pawnee Mahaws and Kans, as herepresented to me, from the poverty of their horses and thediscontent of his own men; but, as I conceive, from thesuspicion and discontent which began to arise between theSpaniards and the Indians; the former wished to revengethe death of Villineuve and party, while the latter possessedall the suspicions of conscious villainy deserving punishment.Malgares took with him all the traders he found414there from our country, some of whom, having been sent toNatchitoches, were in abject poverty at that place on myarrival, and applied to me for means to return to St. Louis.Lieutenant Malgares returned to Santa Fe the ?? ofOctober, when his militia was disbanded; but he remainedin the vicinity of that place until we were brought in, whenhe, with dragoons, became our escort to the seat of government[in Chihuahua].

Sept. 26th. Finding our encampment not eligible as tosituation, we moved down on to the prairie hill, aboutthree-fourths of a mile nearer the village. We sent ourinterpreter to town to trade for provisions. About threeo'clock in the afternoon 12 Kans arrived at the village, andinformed Baroney that they had come to meet us, hearingthat we were to be at the Pawnees' village. We pitchedour camp upon a beautiful eminence, whence we had a viewof the town and all that was transacting. In the eveningBaroney, with the chief, came to camp to give us the news,and returned together.

Sept. 27th. Baroney arrived from the village about oneo'clock, with Characterish, whose commission from theGovernor of New Mexico was dated Santa Fe, June 15th,1806, and three other chiefs, to all of whom we gave adinner. I then made an appropriate present to each, afterwhich Lieutenant Wilkinson and myself accompanied themto town, where we remained a few hours, and returned.Appointed to-morrow for the interview with the Kans andOsage.

Sunday, Sept. 28th. Held a council of the Kans andOsage, and made them smoke of the pipe of peace. Twoof the Kans agreed to accompany us. We received a visitfrom the chief of the village. Made an observation on anemersion of one of Jupiter's satellities.

Sept. 29th. Held our grand council with the Pawnees, atwhich were present not less than 400 warriors, the circumstancesof which were extremely interesting. The notes Itook on my grand council held with the Pawnee nation415were seized by the Spanish government, together with allmy speeches to the different nations. But it may be interestingto observe here, in case they should never bereturned, that the Spaniards had left several of their flagsin this village, one of which was unfurled at the chief's doorthe day of the grand council; and that among variousdemands and charges I gave them was, that the said flagshould be delivered to me, and one of the United States'flags be received and hoisted in its place. This probably wascarrying the pride of nations a little too far, as there had solately been a large force of Spanish cavalry at the village,which had made a great impression on the minds of theyoung men, as to their power, consequence, etc., which myappearance with 20 infantry was by no means calculated toremove.

After the chiefs had replied to various parts of my discourse,but were silent as to the flag, I again reiterated thedemand for the flag, adding "that it was impossible for thenation to have two fathers; that they must either be thechildren of the Spaniards, or acknowledge their Americanfather." After a silence of some time an old man rose,went to the door, took down the Spanish flag, brought itand laid it at my feet; he then received the American flag,and elevated it on the staff which had lately borne thestandard of his Catholic Majesty. This gave great satisfactionto the Osage and Kans, both of whom decidedly avowthemselves to be under American protection. Perceivingthat every face in the council was clouded with sorrow, asif some great national calamity were about to befall them,I took up the contested colors, and told them "that as theyhad shown themselves dutiful children in acknowledgingtheir great American father, I did not wish to embarrassthem with the Spaniards, for it was the wish of the Americansthat their red brethren should remain peaceablyaround their own fires, and not embroil themselves in anydisputes between the white people; and that for fear theSpaniards might return there in force again, I returned them416their flag, but with an injunction that it should never behoisted again during our stay." At this there was a generalshout of applause, and the charge was particularlyattended to.

Sept. 30th. Remained all day at the camp, but sent Baroneyto town, who informed me on his return that the chiefappeared to wish to throw great obstacles in our way. Agreat disturbance had taken place in the village, owing toone of the young Pawnees, Frank, who lately came fromthe United States, having taken the wife of an Osage andrun away with her. The chief, in whose lodge the Osageput up, was extremely enraged, considering it a breach ofhospitality to a person under his roof, and threatened tokill Frank if he caught him.417



Wednesday, Oct. 1st. Paid a visit to town and hada very long conversation with the chief, who urgedeverything in his power to induce us to turn back. Finally,he very candidly told us that the Spaniards wished to havegone further into our country, but he induced them to giveup the idea; that they had listened to him and he wishedus to do the same; that he had promised the Spaniards toact as he now did, and that we must proceed no further, orhe must stop us by force of arms. My reply was, "that Ihad been sent out by our great father to explore the westerncountry, to visit all his red children, to make peace betweenthem, and turn them from shedding blood; that he mightsee how I had caused the Osage and Kans to meet to smokethe pipe of peace together, and take each other by the handlike brothers; that as yet my road had been smooth, with ablue sky over our heads. I had not seen any blood inour path; but he must know that the young warriors ofhis great American father were not women, to be turnedback by words; that I should therefore proceed, and if hethought proper to stop me, he could attempt it; but wewere men, well armed, and would sell our lives at a dearrate to his nation; that we knew our great father would sendhis young warriors there to gather our bones and revengeour deaths on his people, when our spirits would rejoice inhearing our exploits sung in the war-songs of our chiefs."I then left his lodge and returned to camp, in considerableperturbation of mind.418

Oct. 2d. We received advice from our Kans that thechief had given publicity to his idea of stopping us byforce of arms, which gave serious reflections to me, and wasproductive of many singular expressions from my bravelads, which called for my esteem at the same time that theyexcited my laughter. Attempted to trade for horses, butcould not succeed. In the night we were alarmed by somesavages coming near our camp at full speed; but theyretreated equally rapidly, on being hailed with fierceness byour sentinels. This created some degree of indignation inmy little band, as we had noticed that all the day hadpassed without any traders presenting themselves, whichappeared as if all intercourse was interdicted. I wrote tothe secretary at war, the general, etc.

Oct. 3d. The intercourse again commenced. Tradedfor some horses, and wrote for my express.

Oct. 4th. Two French traders arrived at the village inorder to procure horses to transport their goods from theMissouri to the village. They gave us information thatCaptains Lewis and Clark,[II-1] with all their people, haddescended the river to St. Louis; this diffused general joythrough our party. Our trade for horses advanced nonethis day.

Sunday, Oct. 5th. Buying horses. Preparing to march,and finishing my letters.

Oct. 6th. Marched my express.[II-2] Purchasing horses andpreparing to march on the morrow.

Oct. 7th. In the morning we found two of our newlypurchased horses missing. Sent in search of them; theIndians brought in one pretty early. Struck our tents andcommenced loading our horses. Finding there was no419probability of our obtaining the other lost one, we marchedat 2 p. m.; and as the chief had threatened to stop us byforce of arms, we made every arrangement to make himpay as dearly for the attempt as possible. The party waskept compact, and marched by a road round the village,in order that, if attacked, the savages would not have theirhouses to fly to for cover. I had given orders not tofire until within five or six paces, and then to charge withthe bayonet and saber, when I believe it would have costthem at least 100 men to have exterminated us, whichwould have been necessary. The village appeared all tobe in motion. I galloped up to the lodge of the chief,attended by my interpreter and one soldier, but soon sawthere was no serious attempt to be made, although manyyoung men were walking about with their bows, arrows,guns, and lances. After speaking to the chief with apparentindifference, I told him that I calculated on his justicein obtaining the horse, and that I should leave a manuntil the next day at twelve o'clock to bring him out.We then joined the party and pursued our route.

When I was once on the summit of the hill whichoverlooks the village, I felt my mind relieved from a heavyburden; yet all the evil I wished the Pawnees was thatI might be the instrument, in the hands of our government,to open their ears and eyes with a strong hand, toconvince them of our power.

Our party now consisted of two officers, one doctor, 18soldiers, one interpreter, three Osage men, and one woman,making 25 warriors. We marched out and encamped on asmall branch [of Rock creek], distant seven miles, on thesame route we came in.[II-3] Rain in the night.


Oct. 8th. I conceived it best to send Baroney back to thevillage with a present, to be offered for our horse, the chiefhaving suggested the propriety of this measure; he met hisson and the horse with Sparks. Marched at ten o'clock, andat four o'clock came to the place where the Spanish troopsencamped the first night they left the Pawnee village. Theirencampment was circular, having only small fires round thecircle to cook by. We counted 59 fires; now if we allow sixmen to each fire, they must have been 354 in number.[II-4] Weencamped on a large branch of the second [Solomon's] forkof the Kans river. Distance 18 miles.[II-5]

Oct. 9th. Marched at eight o'clock, being detained untilthat time by our horses being at a great distance. At eleveno'clock we found the forks of the Spanish and Pawnee roads,421and when we halted at twelve o'clock, we were overtaken bythe second chief, Iskatappe, and the American chief withone-third of the village. They presented us with a piece ofbear-meat.

When we were about to march, we discovered that the dirkof the doctor had been stolen from behind the saddle. Aftermarching the men, the doctor and myself, with the interpreter,went to the chief and demanded that he shouldcause a search to be made; it was done, but when the dirkwas found, the possessor asserted that he had found it on theroad. I told him that he did not speak the truth, and informedthe chief that we never suffered a thing of ever solittle value to be taken without liberty. At this time theprairie was covered with his men, who began to encircle usaround, and Lieutenant Wilkinson with the troops hadgained half a mile on the road. The Indian demanded aknife before he would give it up; but as we refused to giveany, the chief took one from his belt and gave him, took thedirk and presented it to the doctor, who immediately returnedit to the chief as a present, desired Baroney to informhim he now saw it was not the value of the article but theact we despised, and then galloped off.

In about a mile we discovered a herd of elk, which we pursued;they took back in sight of the Pawnees, who immediatelymounted 50 or 60 young men and joined in the pursuit.Then, for the first time in my life, I saw animalsslaughtered by the true savages with their original weapons,bows and arrows; they buried the arrow up to the plume inthe animal. We took a piece of meat and pursued ourparty; we overtook them and encamped within the Grandor Solomon Fork, which we had crossed lower down on the23d of September, on our route to the Pawnees. This wasthe Spanish encamping ground. Distance 18 miles.[II-6]

In the evening two Pawnees came to our camp, who had422not eaten for three days, two of which they had carried asick companion whom they had left this day; we gave themfor supper some meat and corn, and they immediately departedin order to carry their sick companion this seasonablesupply. When they were coming into camp, the sentinelchallenged, it being dark; they immediately, on seeinghim bring his piece to the charge, supposing he was about tofire on them, advanced to give him their hands; he, however,not well discerning their motions, was on the point offiring; but being a cool, collected little fellow, called outthat there were two Indians advancing on him, and asked ifhe should fire. This brought out the guard, when the pooraffrighted savages were brought into camp, very muchalarmed, for they had not heard of a white man's beingin their country, and thought they were entering one of thecamps of their own people.

Oct. 10th. Marched at seven o'clock and halted at twelveo'clock to dine. Were overtaken by the Pawnee chiefwhose party we left the day before, who informed us thehunting-party had taken another road, and that he had cometo bid us good-by. We left a large ridge on our left, and atsundown crossed it.... [?[II-7]] From this place we had anextensive view of the southwest; we observed a creek at adistance, to which I meant to proceed. The doctor, interpreter,and myself arrived at eight o'clock at night; foundwater and wood, but had nothing to eat. Kindled a fire inorder to guide the party; but they, not being able to findthe route and not knowing the distance, encamped on theprairie without wood or water.

Oct. 11th. Ordered Baroney to return to find the partyand conduct them to our camp. The doctor and myselfwent out to hunt, and on our return found all our peoplehad arrived, except the rear-guard, which was in sight.423Whilst we halted five Pawnees came to our camp and broughtsome bones of a horse which the Spanish troops had beenobliged to eat at their encampment on this creek. We tookup our line of march at twelve o'clock, and at sundown theparty halted on the Saline. I was in pursuit of buffalo, anddid not make the camp until near ten o'clock at night.Killed one buffalo. Distance 12 miles.[II-8]

Sunday, Oct. 12th. Here Belle Oiseau and one Osage leftus, and there remained only one man and woman of that nation.Their reason for leaving us was that our course boretoo much west, and they desired to bear more for the hunting-groundof the Osage. In the morning we sent out toobtain the buffalo meat, and laid by until after breakfast.Proceeded at eleven o'clock; and crossing the [Grand Saline]river two or three times, we passed two camps where theSpanish troops had halted. Here they appeared to haveremained some days, their roads being so much blended withthe traces of the buffalo that we lost them entirely. Thiswas a mortifying stroke, as we had reason to calculate thatthey had good guides, and were on the best route for woodand water. We took a southwest direction, and before nightwere fortunate enough to strike their roads on the left; andat dusk, much to our surprise, struck the east [Smoky Hill]fork of the Kans, or La Touche de la Cote Bucanieus.Killed one buffalo. Distance 18 miles.[II-9]

Oct. 13th. The day being rainy, we did not march until424two o'clock; when, it having an appearance of clearing off,we raised our camp [and crossed the Smoky Hill river];after which we marched seven miles and encamped on thehead of a branch of the river we had left. Had to go twomiles for water. Killed one cabrie.

Oct. 14th. It having drizzled rain all night, and the atmospherebeing entirely obscured, we did not march until a quarterpast nine o'clock, and commenced crossing the dividingridge between the Kans and Arkansaw rivers.[II-10] Arrived ona branch of the latter at one o'clock; continued down it insearch of water until after dusk, when we found a pond onthe prairie, which induced us to halt. Sparks did not comeup, being scarcely able to walk with rheumatic pains.Wounded several buffalo, but could not get one of them.Distance 24 miles.

Oct. 15th. In the morning rode out in search of the southtrace, and crossed the low prairie [Cheyenne Bottoms],which was nearly all covered with ponds, but could not discover425it. Finding Sparks did not arrive, sent two men insearch of him, who arrived with him about eleven o'clock.At twelve o'clock we commenced our line of march, and atfive o'clock Dr. Robinson and myself left the party at a large[Walnut[II-11]] creek, having pointed out a distant wood to Lieutenant426Wilkinson for our encampment, in order to searchsome distance up it for the Spanish trace. Killed two buffaloand left part of our clothing with them to scare awaythe wolves. Went in pursuit of the party. On our arrival427at the [Little Walnut] creek appointed for the encampment,did not find them. Proceeded down it for some miles, andnot finding them, encamped, struck fire, and then supped onone of our buffalo tongues.

Oct. 16th. Early on horseback; proceeded up the [LittleWalnut] creek some distance in search of our party, but attwelve o'clock crossed to our two buffaloes; found a greatmany wolves at them, notwithstanding the precautions takento keep them off. Cooked some marrow-bones and againmounted our horses, and proceeded down the creek to theirjunction. Finding nothing of the party, I began to be seriouslyalarmed for their safety. Killed two more buffalo,made our encampment, and feasted sumptuously on the marrow-bones.Rain in the night.

Oct. 17th. Rose early, determining to search the [LittleWalnut] creek to its source. Very hard rain, accompaniedby a cold northwester all day. Encamped near night withoutbeing able to discover any signs of the party. Our sensationsnow became excruciating, not only for their personalsafety, but for fear of the failure of the national objects intendedto be accomplished by the expedition. Our own situationwas not the most agreeable, not having more thanfour rounds of ammunition each, and being 400 miles in thenearest direction from the first civilized inhabitants. We,however, concluded to search for the party on the morrow,and if we did not succeed in finding them, to strike theArkansaw, where we were in hopes to discover some traces,if not cut off by the savages.

Oct. 18th. Commenced our route at a good time, andabout ten o'clock discovered two men on horseback in searchof us?one my waiter. They informed us the party was encampedon the Arkansaw, about three miles south of wherewe then were; this surprised us very much, as we had noconception of that river being so near. On our arrival wewere met by Lieutenant Wilkinson, who, with all the party,was greatly concerned for our safety. The Arkansaw, on theparty's arrival, had not water in it six inches deep, and the428stream was not more than 20 feet wide; but the rain of thetwo days covered all the bottom of the river, which in thisplace is 450 yards from bank to bank. These are not morethan four feet in height, bordered by a few cottonwood trees;on the north side is a low swampy prairie; on the south,a sandy sterile desert at a small distance. In the afternoonthe doctor and myself took our horses and crossed the Arkansaw,in order to search for some trees which mightanswer the purpose to make canoes; found but one, and returnedat dusk. It commenced raining at twelve o'clock.

Sunday, Oct. 19th. Finding the river rising rapidly, Ithought it best to secure our passage over [from the N. tothe S. bank]; we consequently made it good by ten o'clock.Rain all day. Preparing our tools and arms for labor andthe chase on the morrow.

Oct. 20th. Commenced our labor at two trees for canoes,but one proved too much doated.[II-12] Killed two buffalo andone cabrie. Discharged our guns at a mark, the best shot aprize of one tent and a pair of shoes. Our only dog wasstanding at the root of the tree, in the grass; one of the ballsstruck him on the head and killed him. Ceased rainingabout twelve o'clock.

Oct. 21st. Dr. Robinson and myself mounted our horses,in order to go down the river to the entrance of the threelast creeks we had crossed on our route; but meeting withbuffalo, we killed four; also, one cabrie. Returned to thecamp and sent for the meat.

Oct. 22d. Having sat up very late last evening, expectingthe sergeant and party, who did not arrive, we were veryanxious for them; but about ten o'clock Bradley arrived andinformed us that they could not find the buffalo which we hadkilled on the prairie. They all arrived before noon. In theafternoon we scaffolded some meat, and nearly completedthe frame of a skin canoe, which we concluded to build.Overhauled my instruments and made some rectificationspreparatory to taking an observation, etc.429

Oct. 23d. Dr. Robinson and myself, accompanied by oneman, ascended the river with an intention of searching forthe Spanish trace; at the same time we dispatched Baroneyand our two hunters to kill some buffalo, to obtain the skinsfor canoes. We ascended the river about 20 miles to a largebranch [Pawnee fork[II-13]] on the right. Just at dusk gavechase to a buffalo and were obliged to shoot 19 balls intohim before we killed him. Encamped on the fork [at Larned,Pawnee Co.].

Oct. 24th. We ascended the right branch [Pawnee fork]about five miles [old Fort Larned], but could not see anysign of the Spanish trace; this is not surprising, as the riverbears southwest, and they no doubt kept more to the westfrom the head of one branch to another. We returned andon our way killed some prairie-squirrels [Cynomys ludovicianus],or wishtonwishes, and nine large rattlesnakes [Crotalusconfluentus], which frequent their villages. On our arrival,found the hunters had come in a boat, one hour before,with two buffalo and one elk skin.430

The wishtonwish of the Indians, prairie-dogs of some travelers,or squirrels, as I should be inclined to denominatethem, reside on the prairies of Louisiana in towns or villages,having an evident police established in their communities.The sites of their towns are generally on the brow ofa hill, near some creek or pond, in order to be convenient towater, and that the high ground which they inhabit may notbe subject to inundation. Their residence, being underground, is burrowed out, and the earth, which answers thedouble purpose of keeping out the water and affording anelevated place in wet seasons to repose on, and to give thema further and more distinct view of the country. Their holesdescend in a spiral form; therefore I could never ascertaintheir depth; but I once had 140 kettles of water pouredinto one of them in order to drive out the occupant, withouteffect. In the circuit of the villages they clear off all thegrass, and leave the earth bare of vegetation; but whetherit is from an instinct they possess inducing them to keep theground thus cleared, or whether they make use of the herbageas food, I cannot pretend to determine. The latteropinion I think entitled to a preference, as their teeth designatethem to be of the graminivorous species, and I know ofno other substance which is produced in the vicinity of theirpositions on which they could subsist; and they never extendtheir excursions more than half a mile from the burrows.They are of a dark brown color, except their bellies,which are white. Their tails are not so long as those of ourgray squirrels, but are shaped precisely like theirs; theirteeth, head, nails, and body are the perfect squirrel, exceptthat they are generally fatter than that animal. Their villagessometimes extend over two and three miles square, inwhich there must be innumerable hosts of them, as there isgenerally a burrow every ten steps in which there are two ormore, and you see new ones partly excavated on all the bordersof the town. We killed great numbers of them withour rifles and found them excellent meat, after they were exposeda night or two to the frost, by which means the rankness431acquired by their subterraneous dwelling is corrected.As you approach their towns, you are saluted on all sides bythe cry of "wishtonwish," from which they derive theirname with the Indians, uttered in a shrill and piercing manner.You then observe them all retreating to the entranceof their burrows, where they post themselves, and regardevery, even the slightest, movement that you make. It requiresa very nice shot with a rifle to kill them, as they mustbe killed dead, for as long as life exists they continue towork into their cells. It is extremely dangerous to passthrough their towns, as they abound with rattlesnakes, bothof the yellow and black species; and strange as it may appear,I have seen the wishtonwish, the rattlesnake, the hornfrog [Phrynosoma douglasi], with which the prairie abounds(termed by the Spaniards the cammellion [camaleon, i. e.,chameleon], from their taking no visible sustenance), and aland-tortoise, all take refuge in the same hole. I do notpretend to assert that it was their common place of resort;but I have witnessed the above facts more than in oneinstance.[II-14]

Oct. 25th. Took an observation; passed the day inwriting, and preparing for the departure of LieutenantWilkinson.

Sunday, Oct. 26th. Delivered out a ration of corn byway of distinction of the Sabbath. Preparing for ourdeparture.

Oct. 27th. Delivered to Lieutenant Wilkinson letters forthe general[II-15] and our friends, with other papers, consisting ofhis instructions, traverse tables of our voyage, and a draught432of our route to that place complete, in order that if we werelost, and he arrived in safety, we might not have made thetour without some benefit to our country. He took withhim, in corn and meat, 21 days' provisions, and all the necessarytools to build canoes or cabins. Launched hiscanoes. We concluded we would separate in the morning,he to descend [the river], and we to ascend to the mountains.

Oct. 28th. As soon as possible all was in motion, myparty crossing the river to the north side, and LieutenantWilkinson launching his canoes of skins and wood. Webreakfasted together, and then filed off; but I suffered myparty to march, while I remained to see Lieutenant Wilkinsonsail. This he did at ten o'clock, having one skin canoe,made of four buffalo skins and two elk skins, which heldthree men besides himself and one Osage. In his woodencanoe were one soldier, one Osage, and their baggage; oneother soldier marched on shore.[II-16] We parted with "Godbless you" from both parties; they appeared to sail verywell. In the pursuit of our party, Dr. Robinson, Baroney,one soldier, and myself, killed a brelau [blaireau, badger,Taxidea americana] and a buffalo; of the latter we tookonly his marrow-bones and liver. Arrived where our menhad encamped, about dusk. Distance 14 miles.[II-17]


Oct. 29th. Marched after breakfast and in the first hour'smarch passed two fires, where 21 Indians had recentlyencamped, in which party, by their paintings on the rocks,there were seven guns. Killed a buffalo, halted, made fire,and feasted on the choice pieces of meat. About noon discoveredtwo horses feeding with a herd of buffalo; weattempted to surround them, but they soon cleared ourfleetest coursers. One appeared to be an elegant horse.These were the first wild horses we had seen. Two or threehours before night struck the Spanish road; and, as it wassnowing, halted and encamped the party at the first woodson the bank of the river. The doctor and myself thenforded it, the ice running very thick, in order to discoverthe course the Spaniards took; but owing to the many buffaloroads, could not ascertain it. It evidently appearedthat they had halted here some time, as the ground wascovered with horse-dung for miles around. Returned tocamp. The snow fell about two inches deep, and then itcleared up. Distance 12 miles.[II-18]


Oct. 30th. In the morning sent out to kill a buffalo, tohave his marrow-bones for breakfast, which was accomplished.After breakfast the party marched up on the northside; the doctor and myself crossed with considerable difficulty,on account of the ice, to the Spanish camp, wherewe took a large circuit in order to discover the Spanishtrace, and came in at a point of woods south of the river,where we found our party encamped. We discovered alsothat the Spanish troops had marked the river up [i. e., leftan up-river trail], and that a party of savages had beenthere not more than three days before. Killed two buffalo.Distance 4 miles. [Opposite Garfield, Pawnee Co., whereBig Coon creek falls in.[II-19]]

Oct. 31st. Fine day; marched at three quarters pastnine o'clock, on the Spanish road. Encamped, sun anhour high, after having made 16 miles [opposite Kinsley,Edwards Co.[II-20]].


We observed this day a species of crystallization on theroad, when the sun was high, in low places where therehad been water settled; on tasting it found it to be salt;this gave in my mind some authenticity to the report ofthe prairie being covered for leagues. Discovered thetrace of about 20 savages who had followed our road; andof horses going down the river. Killed one buffalo, oneelk, one deer.

Nov. 1st. Marched early; just after commencing ourline, heard a gun on our left. The doctor, Baroney, andmyself being in advance, and lying on the ground waitingfor the party, a band of cabrie came up among our horses,to satisfy their curiosity; we could not resist the temptationof killing two, although we had plenty of meat. Atthe report of the gun they appeared astonished, and stoodstill until we hallowed [hallooed] at them to drive themaway. Encamped in the evening on an island.[II-21]

Upon using my glass to observe the adjacent country,I observed on the prairie a herd of horses. Dr. Robinsonand Baroney accompanied me to go and view them; whenwithin a quarter of a mile they discovered us, and came436immediately up near us, making the earth tremble underthem; this brought to my recollection a charge of cavalry.They stopped and gave us an opportunity to view them;among them there were some very beautiful bays, blacks, andgrays, and indeed of all colors. We fired at a black horse,with an idea of creasing[II-22] him, but did not succeed; theyflourished round and returned again to see us, when wereturned to camp.

Sunday, Nov. 2d. In the morning, for the purpose oftrying the experiment, we equipped six of our fleetestcoursers with riders and ropes, to noose the wild horses, ifin our power to come among the band. They stood untilwe came within forty yards of them, neighing and whinneying,when the chase began, which we continued abouttwo miles, without success. Two of our horses ran up withthem; but we could not take them. Returned to camp.I have since laughed at our folly; for taking wild horsesin that manner is scarcely ever attempted, even with thefleetest horses and most expert ropers. See my account ofwild horses and the manner of taking them, in my dissertationon the province of Texas. Marched late. Killed onebuffalo. River turned to north by west. Hills changed tothe north side. Distance 13� miles.[II-23]

Nov. 3d. Marched at ten o'clock. Passed numerous437herds of buffalo, elk, some horses, etc., all traveling south.The river bottoms full of salt ponds; grass similar to oursalt meadows. Killed one buffalo. Distance 25� miles.[II-24]


Nov. 4th. This day brought to our recollection the fateof our countrymen at Recovery,[II-25] when defeated by theIndians, in the year 1791. In the afternoon discovered thenorth side of the river to be covered with animals; which,when we came to them, proved to be buffalo cows andcalves. I do not think it an exaggeration to say there were3,000 in one view. It is worthy of remark that in all theextent of country yet crossed, we never saw one cow, andthat now the face of the earth appeared to be covered withthem. Killed one buffalo. Distance 24� miles.[II-26]


Nov. 5th. Marched at our usual hour; at the end of twomiles shot a buffalo and two deer, and halted, which detainedus so long that we foolishly concluded to halt thisday and kill some cows and calves, which lay on theopposite side of the river. I took post on a hill, and sentsome horsemen over, when a scene took place which gavea lively representation of an engagement. The herd ofbuffalo being divided into separate bands covered theprairie with dust, and first charged on the one side, then tothe other, as the pursuit of the horsemen impelled them;440the report and smoke from the guns added to the pleasureof the scene, which in part compensated for our detention.

Nov. 6th. Marched early, but was detained two or threehours by the cows which we killed. The cow buffalo wasequal to any meat I ever saw, and we feasted sumptuouslyon the choice morsels. I will not attempt to describe thedroves of animals we now saw on our route; suffice it tosay that the face of the prairie was covered with them, oneach side of the river; their numbers exceeded imagination.Distance 16 miles.[II-27]

Nov. 7th. Marched early. The herbage being verypoor, concluded to lay by on the morrow, in order to recruitour horses. Killed three cow buffalo, one calf, two wolves,one brelaw. Distance 18 miles.[II-28]

Nov. 8th. Our horses being very much jaded and oursituation very eligible, we halted all day; jerked meat,mended mockinsons, etc.

Sunday, Nov. 9th. Marched early. At twelve o'clock struckthe Spanish road, which had been on the outside of us, andwhich appeared to be considerably augmented. On our arrivalat the camp, found it to consist of 96 fires, from whicha reasonable conclusion might be drawn that there werefrom 600 to 700 men. We this day found the face of thecountry considerably changed, being hilly, with springs;passed numerous herds of buffalo and some horses. Distance27 miles.[II-29]


Nov. 10th. The hills increased; the banks of the rivercovered with groves of young cottonwood; the river itselfmuch narrower and crooked. Our horses growing weak;two gave out; bring them along empty; cut down trees atnight for them to browse on. Killed one buffalo. Distance20 miles.[II-30]

Nov. 11th. Marched at the usual hour. Passed two oldcamps, and one of last summer, which had belonged to thesavages, and we supposed Tetaus. Passed a Spanish campwhere it appeared they remained some days, as we conjectured,to lay up meat, previously to entering the Tetaucountry, as the buffalo evidently began to grow much lessnumerous. Finding the impossibility of performing thevoyage in the time proposed, I determined to spare no painsto accomplish every object, even should it oblige me tospend another winter in the desert. Killed one buffalo, onebrelaw. Distance 24 miles.[II-31]

Nov. 12th. Was obliged to leave the two horses, whichentirely gave out. Missed the Spanish road. Killed onebuffalo. Distance 20 miles.[II-32]


Nov. 13th. We marched at the usual hour. The river-banksbegan to be entirely covered with woods on bothsides, but no other species than cotton-wood. Discoveredvery fresh signs of Indians, and one of our hunters informedme he saw a man on horseback, ascending a ravine on ourleft. Discovered signs of war-parties ascending the river.Wounded several buffalo. Killed one turkey, the first wehave seen since we left the Pawnees. [Supposed distance12 miles.[II-33]]

Nov. 14th. In the morning, Dr. Robinson, one man and443myself, went up the ravine in which the man was supposedto have been seen, but could make no important discovery.Marched at two o'clock; passed a point of red rocks andone large creek.[II-34] Distance 10 miles.

Nov. 15th. Marched early. Passed two deep creeks[II-35]444and many high points of rocks; also, large herds ofbuffalo.

At two o'clock in the afternoon I thought I could distinguisha mountain to our right, which appeared like asmall blue cloud; viewed it with the spy glass, and was stillmore confirmed in my conjecture, yet only communicatedit to Dr. Robinson, who was in front with me; but in halfan hour they appeared in full view before us. When oursmall party arrived on the hill they with one accord gavethree cheers to the Mexican mountains.[II-36] Their appearancecan easily be imagined by those who have crossed theAlleghenies; but their sides were whiter, as if covered withsnow, or a white stone. Those were a spur of the grandwestern chain of mountains which divide the waters of thePacific from those of the Atlantic ocean; and it [the spur]divides the waters which empty into the Bay of the HolySpirit from those of the Mississippi, as the Alleghenies dothose which discharge themselves into the latter river andthe Atlantic. They appear to present a natural boundarybetween the province of Louisiana and New Mexico, andwould be a defined and natural boundary.


Before evening we discovered a fork [Purgatory river] onthe south side bearing S. 25� W.; and as the Spanish troopsappeared to have borne up it, we encamped on its banks,about one mile from its confluence, that we might makefurther discoveries on the morrow, Killed three buffalo.Distance 24 miles.[II-37]

Sunday, Nov. 16th. After ascertaining that the Spanishtroops had ascended the right branch or main river, wemarched at two o'clock. The Arkansaw appeared at thisplace to be much more navigable than below, where wefirst struck it; and for any impediment I have yet discoveredin the river, I would not hesitate to embark in Februaryat its mouth and ascend to the Mexican mountains,with crafts properly constructed. Distance 11� miles.[II-38]


Nov. 17th. Marched at our usual hour; pushed on withan idea of arriving at the mountains, but found at night novisible difference in their appearance from what we did yesterday.One of our horses gave out and was left in a ravine,not being able to ascend the hill; but I sent back for himand had him brought to the camp. Distance 23� miles.[II-39]


Nov. 18th. As we discovered fresh signs of the savages,we concluded it best to stop and kill some meat, for fear weshould get into a country where we could not kill game.Sent out the hunters; walked myself to an eminencewhence I took the courses to the different mountains, and asmall sketch of their appearance. In the evening, found thehunters had killed without mercy, having slain 17 buffaloand wounded at least 20 more.

Nov. 19th. Having several buffalo brought in, gave outsufficient to last this month. I found it expedient to remainand dry the meat, as our horses were getting veryweak, and the one died which was brought up on the 17th.Had a general feast of marrow-bones, 136 of them furnishingthe repast.

Nov. 20th. Marched at our usual hour; but as our horses'loads were considerably augmented by the death of onehorse and the addition of 900 lbs. of meat, we moved slowlyand made only 18 miles.[II-40] Killed two buffalo and tooksome choice pieces.


Nov. 21st. Marched at our usual hour; passed twoSpanish camps, within three miles of each other. We againdiscovered the tracks of two men, who had ascended theriver yesterday. This caused us to move with caution;but at the same time increased our anxiety to discover them.The river was certainly as navigable here, and I think muchmore so, than some hundred miles below; which I supposearises from its flowing through a long course of sandy soil,which must absorb much of the water, and render it shoalerbelow than above, near the mountains. Distance 21 miles.[II-41]


Nov. 22d. Marched at our usual hour, and with rathermore caution than usual. After having marched about fivemiles on the prairie, we descended into the bottom?thefront only[II-42]; when Baroney cried out "Voila un Savage!"We observed a number running from the woods toward us;we advanced to them, and on turning my head to the leftI observed several running on the hill, as it were to surroundus; one with a stand of colors. This caused amomentary halt; but perceiving those in front reachingout their hands, and without arms, we again advanced;they met us with open arms, crowding round to touch andembrace us. They appeared so anxious that I dismountedfrom my horse; in a moment a fellow had mounted himand was off. I then observed that the doctor and Baroneywere in the same predicament. The Indians were embracingthe soldiers. After some time tranquillity was so farrestored, they having returned our horses all safe, as toenable us to learn they were a war-party from the GrandPawnees, who had been in search of the Tetaus; but notfinding them, were now on their return. An unsuccessfulwar-party, on their return home, are always ready to embracean opportunity of gratifying their disappointedvengeance on the first persons whom they meet.

Made for the woods and unloaded our horses, when thetwo partisans endeavored to arrange the party; it was withgreat difficulty that they got them tranquil, and not untilthere had been a bow or two bent on the occasion. Whenin some order, we found them to be 60 warriors, half withfire-arms, and half with bows, arrows, and lances. Ourparty was 16 total. In a short time they were arranged ina ring, and I took my seat between the two partisans; ourcolors were placed opposite each other; the utensils for450smoking were paraded on a small seat before us; thus farall was well. I then ordered half a carrot of tobacco, onedozen knives, 60 fire steels, and 60 flints to be presentedthem. They demanded ammunition, corn, blankets, kettles,etc., all of which they were refused, notwithstanding thepressing instances of my interpreter to accord to somepoints. The pipes yet lay unmoved, as if they were undeterminedwhether to treat us as friends or enemies; butafter some time we were presented with a kettle of water,drank, smoked, and ate together. During this time Dr.Robinson was standing up to observe their actions, in orderthat we might be ready to commence hostilities as soon asthey. They now took their presents and commenced distributingthem, but some malcontents threw them away, byway of contempt.

We began to load our horses, when they encircled usand commenced stealing everything they could. Finding itwas difficult to preserve my pistols, I mounted my horse,when I found myself frequently surrounded; during whichsome were endeavoring to steal the pistols. The doctorwas equally engaged in another quarter, and all the soldiersin their positions, in taking things from them. One havingstolen my tomahawk, I informed the chief; but he paid norespect, except to reply that "they were pitiful." Findingthis, I determined to protect ourselves, as far as was in mypower, and the affair began to take a serious aspect. Iordered my men to take their arms and separate themselvesfrom the savages; at the same time declaring to them thatI would kill the first man who touched our baggage. Onwhich they commenced filing off immediately; we marchedabout the same time, and found they had made out to stealone sword, tomahawk, broad-ax, five canteens, and sundryother small articles. After leaving them, when I reflectedon the subject, I felt myself sincerely mortified, that thesmallness of my number obliged me thus to submit to theinsults of lawless banditti, it being the first time a savage evertook anything from me with the least appearance of force.451

After encamping at night the doctor and myself wentabout one mile back, and waylaid the road, determined incase we discovered any of the rascals pursuing us to stealour horses, to kill two at least; but after waiting behindsome logs until some time in the night, and discovering noperson, we returned to camp. Killed two buffalo and onedeer. Distance 17 miles.[II-43]

Sunday, Nov. 23d. Marched at ten o'clock; at oneo'clock came to the third fork [St. Charles river], on thesouth side, and encamped at night in the point of the grandforks [confluence of Fountain river]. As the river appearedto be dividing itself into many small branches, and of coursemust be near its extreme source, I concluded to put theparty in a defensible situation, and ascend the north fork[Fountain river] to the high point [Pike's Peak] of the bluemountain [Front range], which we conceived would be oneday's march, in order to be enabled, from its pinical [pinnacle],to lay down the various branches and positions ofthe country. Killed five buffalo. Distance 19 miles.[II-44]


Nov. 24th. Early in the morning we cut down 14 logs,and put up a breast work,[II-45] five feet high on three sides andthe other thrown on the river. After giving the necessaryorders for their government during my absence, in case ofour not returning, we marched at one o'clock, with an ideaof arriving at the foot of the mountain; but found ourselvesobliged to take up our night's lodging under a singlecedar which we found in the prairie, without water andextremely cold. Our party besides myself consisted ofDr. Robinson, and Privates Miller and Brown. Distance 12miles.[II-46]


Nov. 25th. Marched early, with an expectation ofascending the mountain, but was only able to encamp at itsbase, after passing over many small hills covered withcedars and pitch-pines. Our encampment was on a[Turkey] creek, where we found no water for several milesfrom the mountain; but near its base, found springs sufficient.Took a meridional observation, and the altitude ofthe mountain. Killed two buffalo. Distance 22 miles.[II-47]

Nov. 26th. Expecting to return to our camp the sameevening, we left all our blankets and provisions at the footof the [Cheyenne] mountain. Killed a deer of a new species[Cariacus macrotis], and hung his skin on a tree with some456meat. We commenced ascending; found it very difficult,being obliged to climb up rocks, sometimes almost perpendicular;and after marching all day we encamped ina cave, without blankets, victuals, or water.[II-48] We had457a fine clear sky, while it was snowing at the bottom. Onthe side of the mountain we found only yellow and pitch-pine.Some distance up we found buffalo; higher still the458new species of deer, and pheasants [dusky grouse, Dendragapusobscurus].

Nov. 27th. Arose hungry, dry, and extremely sore, fromthe inequality of the rocks on which we had lain all night,but were amply compensated for toil by the sublimity ofthe prospect below. The unbounded prairie was overhungwith clouds, which appeared like the ocean in a storm, wavepiled on wave and foaming, while the sky was perfectlyclear where we were. Commenced our march up themountain, and in about one hour arrived at the summit ofthis chain. Here we found the snow middle-deep; no signof beast or bird inhabiting this region. The thermometer,which stood at 9� above zero at the foot of the mountain,here fell to 4� below zero. The summit of the Grand Peak,which was entirely bare of vegetation and covered withsnow, now appeared at the distance of 15 or 16 miles fromus. It was as high again as what we had ascended, and itwould have taken a whole day's march to arrive at its base,when I believe no human being could have ascended to itspinical. This, with the condition of my soldiers, who hadonly light overalls on, no stockings, and were in every wayill provided to endure the inclemency of the region; thebad prospect of killing anything to subsist on, with thefurther detention of two or three days which it must occasion,determined us to return. The clouds from below hadnow ascended the mountain and entirely enveloped thesummit, on which rest eternal snows. We descended bya long, deep ravine, with much less difficulty than contemplated.Found all our baggage safe, but the provisionsall destroyed. It began to snow, and we sought shelterunder the side of a projecting rock, where we all four made459a meal on one partridge and a piece of deer's ribs the ravenshad left us, being the first we had eaten in that 48 hours.

Nov. 28th. Marched at nine o'clock. Kept straight ondown the [Turkey] creek to avoid the hills.[II-49] At half pastone o'clock shot two buffalo, when we made the first fullmeal we had made in three days. Encamped in a valleyunder a shelving rock. The land here very rich, and coveredwith old Tetau [Comanche] camps.

Nov. 29th. Marched after a short repast, and arrived atour camp before night; found all well.

Sunday, Nov. 30th. Marched at eleven o'clock; it snowedvery fast, but my impatience to be moving would not permitmy lying still at that camp. The doctor, Baroney, and myselfwent to view a Tetau encampment, which appeared tobe about two years old; and from their having cut down solarge a quantity of trees to support their horses, we concludedthere must have been at least 1,000 souls. Passedseveral more in the course of the day; also one Spanishcamp. This day came to the first cedar and pine. Killedtwo deer. Distance 15 miles.[II-50]




Monday, Dec. 1st. The storm still continuing withviolence, we remained encamped; the snow by nightwas one foot deep. Our horses were obliged to scrape itaway to obtain their miserable pittance, and to increasetheir misfortunes the poor animals were attacked by themagpies, which, attracted by the scent of their sore backs,alighted on them, and in defiance of their wincing and kicking,picked many places quite raw. The difficulty of procuringfood rendered those birds so bold as to alight onour men's arms and eat meat out of their hands. One ofour hunters went out, but killed nothing.

Dec. 2d. It cleared off in the night, and in the morningthe thermometer stood at 17� below zero (Reaumer[R�aumur]), being three times as cold as any morning wehad yet experienced. We killed an old buffalo on the opposite[north] side of the river, which here was so deep asto swim horses. Marched and found it necessary to crossto the north side, about two miles up, as the ridge joinedthe river.[III-1] The ford was a good one, but the ice ran verybad, and two of the men got their feet frozen before wecould get accommodated with fire, etc. Secured some of461our old buffalo and continued our march. The countrybeing very rugged and hilly, one of our horses took a freakin his head and turned back, which occasioned three of ourrear-guard to lie out all night; I was very apprehensivethey might perish on the prairie. Distance 13 miles.

Dec. 3d. The weather moderating to 3� below zero, ourabsentees joined, one with his feet frozen, but were not ableto bring up the horse. I sent two men back on horseback.The hardships of last voyage [i. e., that up the Mississippi,winter of 1805-6] had now begun; and had the climateonly been as severe as the climate then was, some of themen must have perished, for they had no winter clothing.I wore myself cotton overalls, for I had not calculated onbeing out in that inclement season of the year.

Dr. Robinson and myself, with assistants, went out andtook the altitude of the north mountain [Pike's Peak], on thebase of a mile. The perpendicular height of this mountain,from the level of the prairie, was 10,581 feet, and admittingthat the prairie was 8,000 feet from the level of the sea, itwould make the elevation of this peak 18,581 feet; equal tosome and surpassing the calculated height of others for thepeak of Teneriffe, and falling short of that of Chimborazoonly 1,701 feet. Indeed, it was so remarkable as to beknown to all the savage nations for hundreds of milesaround, to be spoken of with admiration by the Spaniards ofNew Mexico, and to be the bounds of their travels N. W.In our wandering in the mountains it was never out ofsight, except when in a valley, from the 14th of Novemberto the 27th of January.[III-2]

After this, together with Sparks, we endeavored to kill acow, but without effect. Killed two bulls, that the men462might use pieces of their hides for mockinsons. Left Sparksout. On our return to camp found the men had got backwith the strayed horse, but too late to march.

Dec. 4th. Marched about five o'clock; took up Sparks,who had succeeded in killing a cow. Killed two buffaloesand six turkeys. Distance 20 miles.[III-3]

Dec. 5th. Marched at our usual hour. Passed one verybad place of falling rocks; had to carry our loads. Encampedon the main branch of the river [as distinguishedfrom Grape creek], near the entrance of the South [Wet]mountain. In the evening walked up to the mountain.Heard 14 guns at camp during my absence, which alarmedme considerably; returned as quickly as possible, and foundthat the cause of my alarm was their shooting turkeys.Killed two buffaloes and nine turkeys. Distance 18 miles.[III-4]


Dec. 6th. Sent out three different parties to hunt theSpanish trace, but without success. The doctor and myselffollowed the river into the mountain, where it was boundedon each side by the rocks of the mountain, 200 feet high,leaving a small valley of 50 or 60 feet [in the "RoyalGorge"]. Killed two buffaloes, two deer, one turkey.

Sunday, Dec. 7th. We again dispatched parties in searchof the trace. One party discovered it, on the other side ofthe river, and followed it into the valley of the river at theentrance of the mountain, where they met two parties whowere returning from exploring the two branches[III-5] of theriver, in the mountains; of which they reported that theyhad ascended until the river was merely a brook, boundedon both sides with perpendicular rocks, impracticable forhorses ever to pass them; they had then recrossed the riverto the north side, and discovered, as they supposed, thatthe Spanish troops had ascended a dry valley to the right.On their return they found some rock-salt, samples of whichwere brought me. We determined to march the morrow tothe entrance of the valley, there to examine the salt andthe road. Killed one wildcat.

Dec. 8th. On examining the trace found yesterday, conceivedit to have been only a reconnoitering party, dispatched464from the main body; and on analyzing the rock-salt, foundit to be strongly impregnated with sulphur. There weresome very strong sulphurated springs at its foot. Returnedto camp; took with me Dr. Robinson and Miller, and descendedthe river, in order to discover certainly if the whole[Spanish] party had come by this route. Descended aboutseven miles on the south side [of the Arkansaw]. Saw greatquantities of turkeys and deer. Killed one deer.

Dec. 9th. Before we marched, killed a fine buck at ourcamp as he was passing. Found the Spanish camp aboutfour miles below; and, from every observation we couldmake, conceived they had all ascended the river. Returnedto camp, where we arrived about two o'clock. Foundall well; would have moved immediately, but four men wereout reconnoitering. Killed three deer.

Dec. 10th. Marched and found the road over the mountainto be excellent. Encamped in a dry ravine.[III-6] Obligedto melt snow for ourselves and horses; and as there wasnothing else for the latter to eat, gave them one pint of corneach. Killed one buffalo.

Dec. 11th. Marched at ten o'clock, and in one mile strucka branch [Oil creek] of the Arkansaw on which the supposedSpaniards had encamped, where there was both water andgrass. Kept up this branch, but was frequently embarrassed465as to the trace; at three o'clock, having no sign of it,halted and encamped, and went out to search it; found itabout one mile to the right. Distance 15 miles.

Dec. 12th. Marched at nine o'clock. Continued up thesame branch [Oil creek] as yesterday. The ridges onour right and left appeared to grow lower, but mountainsappeared on our flanks, through the intervals, covered withsnow. Owing to the weakness of our horses, we made only12 miles.[III-7]

Dec. 13th. Marched at the usual hour; passed largesprings, and the supposed Spanish camp; crossed at twelveo'clock a dividing ridge,[III-8] and immediately fell on a small466branch running N. 20� W. There being no appearance ofwood, we left it and the Spanish trace to our right, andmade for the hills to encamp. After the halt I took mygun and went out to see what discovery I could make. Aftermarching about two miles north, fell on a river 40 yardswide, frozen over; which, after some investigation, I foundran northeast. This was the occasion of much surprise, aswe had been taught to expect to meet with the branchesof Red river, which should run southeast. Query: Must itnot be the headwaters of the river Platte? [Answer: Youare on the South Platte, at the head of Eleven Mile ca�on.]If so, the Missouri must run much more west than is generallyrepresented; for the Platte is a small river, by no meanspresenting an expectation of so extensive a course. Onehorse gave out and was left. Distance 18 miles.

Sunday, Dec. 14th. Marched; struck the river, ascendedit four miles, and encamped on the north side.[III-9] The prairie,467being about two miles wide, was covered for at least sixmiles along the banks of the river with horse-dung and themarks of Indian camps, which had been made since coldweather, as was evident by the fires which were in the centerof the lodges. The sign made by their horses was astonishing,and would have taken a thousand horses somemonths. As it was impossible to say which course the Spaniardshad pursued, amongst this multiplicity of signs, wehalted early, and discovered that they or the savages hadascended the river. We determined to pursue them, as thegeography of the country had turned out to be so differentfrom our expectations. We were somewhat at a loss whichcourse to pursue, unless we attempted to cross the snow-cappedmountains to the southeast of us, which was almostimpossible. Burst one of our rifles, which was a greatloss, as it made three guns which had burst; five had beenbroken on the march, and one of my men was now armedwith my sword and pistols. Killed two buffaloes.

Dec. 15th. After repairing our guns we marched, butwere obliged to leave another horse. Ascended the river,both sides of which were covered with old Indian camps, atwhich we found corn-cobs. This induced us to believe thatthose savages, although erratic, must remain long enough in468one position to cultivate this grain, or obtain it of the Spaniards.From their sign they must have been extremelynumerous, and possessed vast numbers of horses. My poorfellows suffered extremely with cold, being almost naked.Distance 10 miles.[III-10]

Dec. 16th. Marched up the river about two miles andkilled a buffalo; when, finding no road up the stream, wehalted and dispatched parties in different courses, the doctorand myself ascending high enough to enable me to laydown the course of the river into the mountains. From ahigh ridge we reconnoitered the adjacent country, and concluded,putting the Spanish trace out of the question, tobear our course southwest, for the head of Red river.[III-11] Oneof our party found a large camp, which had been occupiedby at least 3,000 Indians, with a large cross in the middle.Query: Are those people Catholics? [Answer: No?partyof Comanches and Kiowas, among whom was JamesPursley.]

Dec. 17th. Marched; and on striking a left-hand fork ofthe river we had left, found it to be the main branch [of theSouth Platte]; ascended it to some distance, but finding itto bear too much to the north, we encamped about twomiles from it, for the purpose of benefiting by its water.Distance 15 miles.[III-12]

Dec. 18th. Marched, and crossed the mountain [one of469the Trout Creek Pass hills] which lay southwest of us; in adistance of seven miles arrived at a small spring. Some ofour lads observed that they supposed it to be Red river, towhich I then gave very little credit. On entering a gap in thenext mountain [of the Park range], came past an excellentspring, which formed a fine [Trout] creek. This we followedthrough narrows in the mountains for about six miles.Found many evacuated camps of Indians, the latest yet seen.After pointing out the ground for the encampment, thedoctor and myself went on to make discoveries, as was ourusual custom, and in about four miles' march we struck whatwe supposed to be Red river [but was the Arkansaw],which here was about 25 yards wide, ran with great rapidity,and was full of rocks. We returned to the party with thenews, which gave general pleasure. Determined to remaina day or two in order to examine the source. Snowing.Distance 18 miles.[III-13]

Dec. 19th. Marched down the creek near the opening ofthe prairie, and encamped;[III-14] sent out parties hunting, etc.,470but had no success. Still snowing and stormy; makingpreparations to take an observation.

Dec. 20th. Having found a fine place for pasture on theriver, sent our horses down to it with a guard; also, threeparties out hunting, all of whom returned without success.Took an observation. As there was no prospect of killingany game, it was necessary that the party should leave thatplace. I therefore determined that the doctor and Baroneyshould descend the river in the morning; that myself andtwo men would ascend; and that the rest of the party shoulddescend after the doctor, until they obtained provisions andcould wait for me.

Sunday, Dec. 21st. The doctor and Baroney marched;the party remained for me to take a meridional observation;after which we separated. Myself and the two men whoaccompanied me, Mountjoy and Miller, ascended 12 miles[III-15]and encamped on the north side. The river continued closeto the north mountain [Park range], running through anarrow rocky channel in some places not more than 20 feetwide and at least 10 feet deep. Its banks were bordered byyellow pine, cedar, etc.

Dec. 22d. Marched up [the Arkansaw] 13 miles,[III-16] to a471large point of the mountain, whence we had a view at least35 miles, to where the river entered the mountains; it beingat that place not more than 10 or 15 feet wide, and properlyspeaking, only a brook. From this place, after taking thecourse and estimating the distance, we returned to our campof last evening. Killed one turkey and a hare.

Dec. 23d. Marched early, and at two o'clock discoveredthe trace of our party on the opposite side of the river;forded it, although extremely cold, and marched until sometime in the night, when we arrived at the second night's encampment[III-17]472of our party. Our clothing was frozen stiff,and we ourselves were considerably benumbed.

Dec. 24th. The party's provisions extended only to the23d, and their orders were not to halt until they killed somegame, and then wait for us; consequently they might havebeen considerably advanced. About eleven o'clock metDr. Robinson on a prairie, who informed me that he andBaroney had been absent from the party two days withoutkilling anything, also without eating; but that overnightthey had killed four buffaloes, and that he was in searchof the men. I suffered the two lads [Miller, Mountjoy]with me to go to the camp where the meat was, as we hadalso been nearly two days without eating. The doctor andmyself pursued the trace and found them encamped onthe river-bottom. Sent out horses for the meat. Shortlyafterward Sparks arrived and informed us he had killedfour cows. Thus, from being in a starving condition, wehad eight beeves in our camp.[III-18]


We now again found ourselves all assembled together onChristmas Eve, and appeared generally to be content, althoughall the refreshment we had to celebrate that day withwas buffalo meat, without salt, or any other thing whatever.My little excursion up the river had been in order to establishthe geography of the sources of the supposed Red river.As I well knew that the indefatigable researches of Dr.Hunter, [William] Dunbar, and [Thomas] Freeman had leftnothing unnoticed in the extent of their voyage up saidriver, I determined that its upper branches should be equallywell explored. In this voyage I had already ascertained thesources of the [Little] Osage and White [Neosho] rivers, beenround the head of the Kans river [i. e., above the confluenceof its Smoky Hill and Republican forks], and on the headwatersof the [South] Platte.

Dec. 25th. It being stormy weather and having meat todry, I concluded to lie by this day. Here I must takethe liberty of observing that, in this situation, the hardshipsand privations we underwent were on this day brought morefully to our mind, having been accustomed to some degreeof relaxation, and extra enjoyments. But here, 800 milesfrom the frontiers of our country, in the most inclement seasonof the year?not one person clothed for the winter?manywithout blankets, having been obliged to cut them upfor socks, etc., and now lying down at night on the snow orwet ground, one side burning whilst the other was piercedwith the cold wind?such was in part the situation of theparty, whilst some were endeavoring to make a miserablesubstitute of raw buffalo hide for shoes, etc. I will not speakof diet, as I conceive that to be beneath the serious consideration474of a man on a voyage of such a nature. We spentthe day as agreeably as could be expected from men in oursituation.

Caught a bird of a new species [Conurus carolinensis]having made a trap for him. This bird was of a green color,almost the size of a quail, had a small tuft on its head likea pheasant, and was of the carnivorous species; it differedfrom any bird we ever saw in the United States. We kepthim with us in a small wicker cage, feeding him on meat,until I left the interpreter on the Arkansaw, with whom Ileft it. We at one time took a companion of the same speciesand put them in the same cage, when the first residentnever ceased attacking the stranger until he killed him.

Dec. 26th. Marched at two o'clock and made 7� milesto the entrance of the mountains.[III-19] On this piece of prairiethe river spreads considerably, and forms several smallislands; a large stream [South Arkansaw] enters from thesouth. As my boy and some others were sick, I omittedpitching our tent in order that they might have it; in consequenceof which we were completely covered with snowon top, as well as that part on which we lay.

Dec. 27th. Marched over an extremely rough road; ourhorses received frequent falls, and cut themselves considerablyon the rocks. From there being no roads of buffalo,or signs of horses, I am convinced that neither those animals,nor the aborigines of the country, ever take this route, to gofrom the source of the river out of the mountains; but that475they must cross one of the chains to the right or left, andfind a smoother tract to the lower country. Were obligedto unload our horses and carry the baggage at several places.Distance 12� miles.[III-20]

Sunday, Dec. 28th. Marched over an open space [PleasantValley]; and, from the appearance before us, concluded wewere going out of the mountains; but at night encampedat the entrance of the most perpendicular precipices onboth sides, through which the river ran and our course lay.Distance 16 miles.[III-21]

Dec. 29th. Marched; but owing to the extreme ruggednessof the road, made but five miles.[III-22] Saw one of a newspecies of animal on the mountains; ascended to kill him,but did not succeed. Finding the impossibility of gettingalong with the horses, made one sled, which with the menof three horses, carries their load [i. e., on which the mendragged the loads of three horses].

Dec. 30th. Marched; but at half past one o'clock wereobliged to halt and send back for the sled loads, as the menhad broken it and could not proceed, owing to the watersrunning over the ice. Crossed our horses twice on the ice.Distance eight miles.[III-23]

Dec. 31st. Marched; had frequently to cross the river onthe ice; horses falling down, we were obliged to pull them476over on the ice. The river turned so much to the north asalmost induced us to believe it was the Arkansaw. Distance10� miles.[III-24]

Jan. 1st, 1807. The doctor and one man marched early,in order to precede the party until they should kill a supplyof provision. We had great difficulty in getting our horsesalong, some of the poor animals having nearly killed themselvesin falling on the ice. Found on the way one of themountain rams [bighorn, Ovis montana], which the doctorand Brown had killed and left in the road. Skinned it withhorns, etc. At night ascended a mountain, and discovereda prairie ahead about eight miles, the news of which gavegreat joy to the party.

Jan. 2d. Labored all day, but made only one mile; manyof our horses were much wounded in falling on the rocks.Provision growing short, left Stoute and Miller with twoloads, to come on with a sled on the ice, which was on thewater in some of the coves. Finding it almost impossible toproceed any further with the horses by the bed of the river,ascended the mountain and immediately after were againobliged to descend an almost perpendicular side of the mountain;in effecting which, one horse fell down the precipice,and bruised himself so miserably that I conceived it mercyto cause the poor animal to be shot. Many others werenearly killed with falls received. Left two more men withloads, and tools to make sleds. The two men we had leftin the morning had passed us.

Jan. 3d. Left two more men to make sleds and comeon. We pursued the river, and with great difficulty made477six miles by frequently cutting roads on the ice, and coveringit with earth, in order to go round precipices, etc. Themen left in the morning encamped with us at night; butthose of the day before we saw nothing of. This day twoof the horses became senseless from the bruises received onthe rocks, and were obliged to be left.[III-25]

Sunday, Jan. 4th. We made the prairie about threeo'clock, when I detached Baroney and two soldiers withthe horses, in order to find some practicable way for them toget out of the mountains light. I then divided the othersinto two parties of two men each, to make sleds and bringon the baggage. I determined to continue down the riveralone, until I could kill some sustenance, and find the twomen who left us on the 2d inst., or the doctor and his companion;for we had no provision, and everyone had thento depend on his own exertion for safety and subsistence.Thus we were divided into eight different parties, viz.:1st. The doctor and his companion; 2d. The two menwith the first sled; 3d. The interpreter and the two menwith the horses; 4th. Myself; 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, two meneach, with sleds at different distances; all of whom, exceptthe last, had orders, if they killed any game, to secure somepart in a conspicuous place, for their companions in therear. I marched about five miles on the river, which wasone continued fall through a narrow channel, with immensecliffs on both sides.[III-26] Near night I came to a place where478the rocks were perpendicular on both sides, and there wasno ice, except a narrow border on the water. I beganto look about, in order to discover which way the doctorand his companion had managed, and to find what hadbecome of the two lads with the first sled, when I discoveredone of the latter climbing up the side of the rocks.I called to him; he and his companion immediately joinedme. They said they had not known whether we werebefore or in the rear; that they had eaten nothing for thelast two days, and that this night they had intended tohave boiled a deer-skin to subsist on. We at length discovereda narrow ravine, where was the trace of the doctorand his companion; as the water had run down it andfrozen hard, it was one continuous sheet of ice. Weascended it with the utmost difficulty and danger, loadedwith the baggage. On the summit of the first ridge wefound an encampment of the doctor, and where they hadkilled a deer; but they had now no meat. He afterwardinformed me that they had left the greatest part of ithanging on a tree, but supposed the birds had destroyed it.I left the boys to bring up the remainder of the baggage,and went out in order to kill some subsistence; woundeda deer, but the darkness of the night approaching, couldnot find him. I returned hungry, weary, and dry, and hadonly snow to supply the calls of nature. Distance 8 miles.

Jan. 5th. I went out in the morning to hunt, while thetwo lads were bringing up some of their loads still left atthe foot of the mountain. Wounded several deer, but wassurprised to find I killed none. On examining my gun discoveredher bent, owing, as I suppose, to some fall on the479ice or rocks; shortly afterward received a fall on the sideof a hill, which broke her off by the breach. This put meinto d�sepoir, as I calculated on it as my grandest resourcefor the great part of my party; returned to my companionssorely fatigued and hungry. I then took a double-barreledgun and left them, with assurances that the first animal Ikilled, I would return with part for their relief. About teno'clock rose [that is, I surmounted] the highest summit ofthe [Noonan] mountain, when the unbounded spaces of theprairie again presented themselves to my view; and fromsome distant peaks I immediately recognized it to be theoutlet of the Arkansaw, which we had left nearly onemonth since. This was a great mortification; but at thesame time I consoled myself with the knowledge I hadacquired of the sources of La Platte and Arkansaw rivers,with the river to the northwest, supposed to be the PierreJaun [Roche Jaune, Yellowstone[III-27]], which scarcely any personbut a madman would ever purposely attempt to tracefurther than the entrance of those mountains which hadhitherto secured their sources from the scrutinizing eye ofcivilized man.

I arrived at the foot of the mountain and bank of theriver, in the afternoon, and at the same time discovered, onthe other shore, Baroney with the horses; they had foundquite an eligible pass [through Webster Park], and hadkilled one buffalo and some deer. We proceeded to our oldcamp [Ca�on City], which we had left the 10th of December,and reoccupied it. Saw the traces of the doctor and480his companion, but could not discover their retreat. Thiswas my birth-day, and most fervently did I hope never topass another so miserably. Fired a gun off as a signal forthe doctor. Distance seven miles.

Jan. 6th. Dispatched the two soldiers back with someprovision to meet the first lads and assist them on, and sentthe interpreter hunting. About eight o'clock the doctorcame in, having seen some of the men. He had been confinedto the camp for one or two days, by a vertigo whichproceeded from some berries he had eaten on the mountains.His companion brought down six deer, which theyhad at their camp; thus we again began to be out of dangerof starving. In the afternoon some of the men arrived,and part were immediately returned with provisions, etc.Killed three deer.

Jan. 7th. Sent more men back to assist in the rear, andto carry the poor fellows provisions; at the same time keptBaroney and one man hunting. Killed three deer.

Jan. 8th. Some of the different parties arrived. Put oneman to stocking my rifle; others were sent back to assist upthe rear. Killed two deer.

Jan. 9th. The whole party were once more joined together,when we felt comparatively happy, notwithstandingthe great mortification I experienced at having been so egregiouslydeceived as to the Red river. I now felt at considerableloss how to proceed, as any idea of services at that timefrom my horses was entirely preposterous. After variousplans formed and rejected, and the most mature deliberation,481I determined to build a small place for defense anddeposit;[III-28] leave part of the baggage, horses, my interpreter,and one man [Smith]; and with the balance, our packs ofIndian presents, ammunition, tools, etc., on our backs, crossthe mountains on foot, find the Red river, and then sendback a party to conduct the horses and baggage by the mosteligible route we could discover; by which time the horseswould be so recovered as to be able to endure the fatiguesof the march. In consequence of this determination, somewere put to constructing the blockhouse, some to hunting,some to taking care of horses, etc. I myself made preparationsto pursue a course of observations which would enableme to ascertain the latitude and longitude of this situation,which I conceived to be an important one. Killed threedeer.

Jan. 10th. Killed five deer. Took equal altitudes andangular distances of two stars, etc., but do not now recollectwhich. Killed three deer.482

Sunday, Jan. 11th. Ascertained the latitude and took theangular distances of some stars. Killed four deer.

Jan. 12th. Prepared the baggage for a march by separatingit, etc. Observations continued.

Jan. 13th. Weighed out each man's pack. This day Iobtained the angle between sun and moon, which I conceivedthe most correct way I possessed of ascertaining thelongitude, as an immersion and emersion of Jupiter's satellitescould not be obtained. Killed four deer.

Jan. 14th. We marched our party, consisting of 18 [read12][III-29] soldiers, the doctor, and myself, each of us carrying45 pounds and as much provision as he thought proper,which, with arms, etc., made on an average 70 pounds.Left Baroney and one man, Patrick Smith [in the blockhouseat Ca�on City].

We crossed the first ridge, leaving the main branch ofthe river to the north of us, and struck on the south fork[Grape creek], on which we encamped, intending to pursueit through the mountains, as its course was more southerly.Distance 13 miles.[III-30]


Jan. 15th. Followed up this branch and passed the mainridge of what I term the Blue [now Wet] mountains. Haltedearly. The doctor, myself, and one hunter went out withour guns; each killed a deer, and brought them into camp.Distance 19 miles.[III-31]

Jan. 16th. Marched up the [Grape] creek all day. Encampedearly, as it was snowing. I went out to hunt, butkilled nothing. Deer on the hill; the [Wet] mountainslessening. Distance 18 miles.[III-32]

Jan. 17th. Marched about four miles, when the greatWhite mountain[III-33] presented itself before us, in sight of484which we had been for more than one month, and throughwhich we supposed lay the long-sought Red river. Wenow left the [Grape] creek on the north of us, and boreaway more east, to a low place in the [Wet] mountains.About sunset we came to the edge of a prairie whichbounded the foot of the [Wet] mountains. As there wasno wood or water where we were, and the woods from theskirts of the [Sangre de Cristo] mountains appeared to beat no great distance, I thought proper to march for it; inthe middle of said prairie crossed the creek [recrossedGrape creek from N. E. to S. W.], which now bore east.Here we all got our feet wet. The night commenced extremelycold, when we halted at the woods at eight o'clock,for encampment. After getting fires made, we discoveredthat the feet of nine of our men were frozen; and, to add tothis misfortune, both of those whom we called hunterswere among the number. This night we had no provision.Reaumer's [R�aumur's] thermometer stood at 18�� belowzero. Distance 28 miles.[III-34]


Sunday, Jan. 18th. We started two of the men least injured;the doctor and myself, who fortunately were untouchedby the frost, also went out to hunt something topreserve existence. Near evening we wounded a buffalowith three balls, but had the mortification to see him run offnotwithstanding. We concluded it was useless to go hometo add to the general gloom, and went amongst some rocks,where we encamped and sat up all night; from the intensecold it was impossible to sleep. Hungry and without cover.

Jan. 19th. We again took the field, and after crawlingabout one mile in the snow, got to shoot eight times amonga gang of buffalo; we could plainly perceive two or three tobe badly wounded, but by accident they took the wind of us,and to our great mortification all were able to run off. Bythis time I had become extremely weak and faint, it beingthe fourth day since we had received sustenance, all of whichwe were marching hard, and the last night had scarcelyclosed our eyes to sleep. We were inclining our course to apoint of woods, determined to remain absent and die by ourselvesrather than return to our camp and behold the miseryof our poor lads, when we discovered a gang of buffalo comingalong at some distance. With great exertions I madeout to run and place myself behind some cedars. By thegreatest of good luck, the first shot stopped one, which wekilled in three more shots; and by the dusk had cut each of486us a heavy load, with which we determined immediately toproceed to the camp, in order to relieve the anxiety of ourmen and carry the poor fellows some food.

We arrived there about twelve o'clock, and when I threwmy load down, it was with difficulty I prevented myself fromfalling; I was attacked with a giddiness of the head, whichlasted for some minutes. On the countenances of the menwas not a frown, nor a desponding eye; all seemed happyto hail their officer and companions, yet not a mouthfulhad they eaten for four days. On demanding what weretheir thoughts, the sergeant replied that on the morrow themost robust had determined to set out in search of us andnot return unless they found us, or killed something to preservethe lives of their starving companions.

Jan. 20th. The doctor and all the men able to march;returned to the buffalo to bring in the balance of the meat.On examining the feet of those who were frozen we found itimpossible for two of them [Sparks and Dougherty] to proceed,and two others only without loads, by the help of astick. One of the former was my waiter, a promisingyoung lad of twenty, whose feet were so badly frozen asto present every probability of losing them. The doctorand party returned toward evening, loaded with the buffalomeat.

Jan. 21st. This day we separated the four loads which weintended to leave, and took them some distance from camp,where we secured them. I went up to the foot of the mountainto see what prospect there was of being able to cross it,but had not more than fairly arrived at its base when Ifound the snow four or five feet deep; this obliged me todetermine to proceed and c�toyer the mountain [keep alongsidethe base of the Sangre de Cristo range] to the south,where it appeared lower, until we found a place where wecould cross.

Jan. 22d. I furnished the two poor lads who were to remainwith ammunition, made use of every argument in mypower to encourage them to have fortitude to resist their487fate, and gave them assurance of my sending relief as soonas possible. We parted, but not without tears.

We pursued our march, taking merely sufficient provisionsfor one meal, in order to leave as much as possible for thetwo poor fellows who remained. They were John Sparksand Thomas Dougherty. We went on eight miles andencamped on a little creek,[III-35] which came down from themountains. At three o'clock went out to hunt, but killednothing. Little snow.

Jan. 23d. After showing the sergeant a point tosteer for, the doctor and myself proceeded on ahead inhopes to kill something, as we were again without victuals.About one o'clock it commenced snowing very hard; weretreated to a small copse of pine, where we constructeda camp to shelter us; and, as it was time the party shouldarrive, we sallied forth to search for them. We separated,and had not marched more than one or two miles, whenI found it impossible to keep any course without the compasscontinually in my hand, and then was not able to seemore than 10 yards. I began to perceive the difficulty evenof finding the way back to our camp; and I can scarcelyconceive a more dreadful idea than remaining on the wild,where inevitable death must have ensued. It was withgreat pleasure I again reached the camp, where I found thedoctor had arrived before me. We lay down and strove todissipate the ideas of hunger and misery by thoughts of ourfar distant homes and relatives. Distance eight miles.[III-36]

Jan. 24th. We sallied out in the morning, and shortlyafter perceived our little band marching through the snowabout two and a half feet deep, silent and with downcast488countenances. We joined them and learned that, findingthe snow to fall so thickly that it was impossible to proceed,they had encamped about one o'clock the preceding day.As I found all the buffalo had quit the plains, I determinedto attempt the traverse of the mountain, in which we persevereduntil the snow became so deep that it was impossibleto proceed; when I again turned my face to the plain,and for the first time in the voyage found myselfdiscouraged.

This was also the first time I heard a man express himselfin a seditious manner; he [John Brown] exclaimedthat "it was more than human nature could bear, to marchthree days without sustenance, through snows three feetdeep, and carry burdens only fit for horses," etc. As I knewvery well the fidelity and attachment of the majority of themen, and even of this poor fellow (only he could not endurefasting), and that it was in my power to chastise him whenI thought proper, I passed it unnoticed for the moment,determined to notice it at a more auspicious time.

We dragged our weary and emaciated limbs along untilabout ten o'clock. The doctor and myself, who were inadvance, discovered some buffalo on the plain, when we leftour loads on the snow, and gave orders to proceed to thenearest woods to encamp. We went in pursuit of the buffalo,which were on the move. The doctor, who was thenless reduced than myself, ran and got behind a hill and shotone down, which stopped the remainder. We crawled upto the dead one and shot from him as many as 12 or 14times among the gang, when they removed out of sight.We then proceeded to butcher the one we had shot; andafter procuring each of us a load of the meat, we marchedfor the camp, the smoke of which was in view. We arrived489at the camp, to the great joy of our brave lads, who immediatelyfeasted sumptuously.

After our repast I sent for the lad who had presumed tospeak discontentedly in the course of the day, and addressedhim to the following effect: "Brown, you this day presumedto make use of language which was seditious, andmutinous. I then passed it over, pitying your situation,and attributing it to your distress rather than your inclinationto sow discontent among the party. Had I reservedprovisions for ourselves, while you were starving; had webeen marching along light and at our ease, while you wereweighed down with your burden; then you would have hadsome pretext for your observations. But when we wereequally hungry, weary, emaciated, and charged with burdenswhich I believe my natural strength is less able to bear thanany man's in the party; when we were always foremost inbreaking the road, in reconnoitering, and in the fatigues ofthe chase, it was the height of ingratitude in you to let anexpression escape which was indicative of discontent. Yourready compliance and firm perseverance I had reason toexpect, as the leader of men and my companions in miseriesand dangers. But your duty as a soldier called on yourobedience to your officer, and a prohibition of such language,which for this time I will pardon; but assure you,should it ever be repeated, by instant death will I avengeyour ingratitude and punish your disobedience. I take thisopportunity likewise to assure you, soldiers generally, of mythanks for the obedience, perseverance, and ready contemptof every danger which you have generally evinced. Iassure you nothing shall be wanting, on my part, to procureyou the rewards of our government and the gratitude ofyour countrymen." They all appeared very much affected,and retired with assurances of perseverance in duty, etc.Distance nine miles.[III-37]


Sunday, Jan. 25th. I determined never again to marchwith so little provision on hand; as, had the storm continuedone day longer, the animals would have continuedin the mountains; we should have become so weak asnot to be able to hunt, and of course have perished. Thedoctor went out with the boys, and they secured three ofthe buffalo; we commenced bringing in the meat, at whichwe continued all day.

Jan. 26th. Got in all the meat and dried it on a scaffold,intending to take as much as possible along and leave oneof my frozen lads with the balance, as a deposit for theparties who might return for their baggage, etc., on theirway back to Baroney's camp.

Jan. 27th. We marched, determined to cross the [Sangrede Cristo] mountains, leaving Menaugh[III-38] encamped withour deposit. After a bad day's march through snows, insome places three feet deep, we struck on a brook which ledwest. This I followed down, and shortly came to a smallstream [Sand creek], running west, which we hailed withfervency as the waters of Red river. Saw some sign of elk.Distance 14 miles.[III-39]

Jan. 28th. Followed down the ravine and discovered491after some time that there had been a road cut out; onmany trees were various hieroglyphics painted. Aftermarching some miles, we discovered through the lengthy492vista, at a distance, another [the San Juan] chain ofmountains; and nearer by, at the foot of the Whitemountains which we were then descending, sandy hills [the493Dunes]. We marched on the outlet of the mountains, leftthe sandy desert to our right, and kept down between itand the mountain. When we encamped, I ascended one ofthe largest hills of sand, and with my glass could discovera large river [the Rio Grande], flowing nearly N. by W.and S. by E., through the plain [San Luis valley]. Thisriver came out of the third chain of mountains, about N.75� W.; the prairie between the two mountains bore nearlyN. and S. I returned to camp with the news of my discovery.The sand-hills extended up and down the foot ofthe White mountains about 15 miles, and appeared to beabout five miles in width. Their appearance was exactlythat of the sea in a storm, except as to color, not the leastsign of vegetation existing thereon. Distance 15 miles.[III-40]

Jan. 29th. Finding the distance too great to attemptcrossing immediately to the river, in a direct line, wemarched obliquely to a copse of woods, which made downa considerable distance from the mountains. Saw sign ofhorses. Distance 17 miles.[III-41]

Jan. 30th. We marched hard, and arrived in the evening494on the banks of the Rio del Norte, then supposed to beRed river. Distance 24 miles.[III-42]

Jan. 31st. As there was no timber here we determinedon descending until we found timber, in order to maketransports to descend the river with, where we mightestablish a position that four or five might defend againstthe insolence, cupidity, and barbarity of the savages, whilethe others returned to assist the poor fellows who had beenleft behind at different points. We descended 18 [13]miles, when we met a large west branch [Rio Conejos],emptying into the main stream, about five miles up whichbranch we took our station. Killed one deer. Distance 18miles.[III-43]


Sunday, Feb. 1st. Laid out the place for our works, andwent out hunting.

Feb. 2d. The doctor and myself went out to hunt, andwith great difficulty, by night, at the distance of seven oreight miles from camp, killed one deer, which we carried in.

Feb. 3d. Spent in reading, etc.

Feb. 4th. Went out hunting, but could not kill anything.One of my men killed a deer.

Feb. 5th. The doctor and myself went out to hunt.496After chasing some deer for several hours, without success,we ascended a high hill which lay south of our camp,whence we had a view of all the prairies and rivers to thenorth of us. It was at the same time one of the most sublimeand beautiful inland prospects ever presented to theeyes of man. The prairie, lying nearly north and south,was probably 60 miles by 45. The main river, bursting outof the western mountain, and meeting from the northeasta large branch [San Luis creek] which divides the chain of497mountains, proceeds down the prairie, making many largeand beautiful islands, one of which I judge contains 100,000acres of land, all meadow ground, covered with innumerableherds of deer. About six miles from the mountains [SanLuis hills] which cross the prairie at the south end, a branch[Alamosa or La Jara creek] of 12 steps wide pays its tributeto the main stream from the west course. Due W. 12�.N. 75�. W. 6� [sic]. Four miles below is a stream [Trincheracreek] of the same size, which enters on the east andup which was a large road; its general course is N. 65� E.From the entrance of this was about three miles, down tothe junction of the west fork [Rio Conejos], which watersthe foot of the hill on the north, while the main river woundalong its meanders on the east. In short, this view combinedthe sublime and the beautiful. The great and loftymountains, covered with eternal snows, seemed to surroundthe luxuriant vale, crowned with perennial flowers, like aterrestrial paradise shut out from the view of man.

Feb. 6th. The doctor, having some pecuniary demandsin the province of New Mexico, conceived this to be themost eligible point for him to go in, and return previous toall my party having joined me from the Arkansaw, and thatI was prepared to descend to Nachitoches. He thereforethis day made his preparations for marching to-morrow.I went out hunting, and killed at three miles' distance a deerwhich, with great difficulty, I brought in whole. We continuedto go on with the works of our stockade or breastwork,which was situated on the north bank of the westbranch, about five miles from its junction with the mainriver, and was on a strong plan.

The stockade was situated in a small prairie on the westfork [Conejos river] of the Rio [Grande] del Norte. Thesouth flank joined the edge of the river, which at that placewas not fordable; the east and west curtains were flankedby bastions in the northeast and northwest angles, whichlikewise flanked the curtain of the north side of the work.The stockade from the center of the angle of the bastions498was 36 feet square. Heavy cottonwood logs, about twofeet in diameter, were laid up all round about six feet, afterwhich lighter ones, until we made it 12 feet in height; theselogs were joined together by a lap of about two feet at eachend. We then dug a small ditch on the inside all round,making it perpendicular on the internal side and slopingnext the work. In this ditch we planted small stakes, aboutsix inches in diameter, sharpened at the upper end to a nicepoint, and slanted them over the top of the work, givingthem about 2� feet projection. We then secured themabove and below in that position, which formed a smallpointed frise, which must have been removed before theworks could have been scaled. Lastly, we had dug a ditchround the whole, four feet wide, and let the water in allround. The earth taken out, being thrown against thework, formed an excellent rampart against small-arms, threeor four feet high. Our mode of getting in was to crawlover the ditch on a plank, and into a small hole sunk belowthe level of the work near the river for that purpose. Ourport-holes were pierced about eight feet from the ground,and a platform was prepared to shoot from. Thus fortified,I should not have had the least hesitation of putting the100 Spanish horse at defiance until the first or second night,and then to have made our escape under cover of the darkness;or made a sally and dispersed them, when restingunder a full confidence of our being panic-struck by theirnumbers and force.

Feb. 7th. The doctor marched alone for Santa Fe; andas it was uncertain whether this gentleman would ever joinme again, I at that time committed to paper the followingtestimonial of respect for his good qualities, which I do not,at this time, feel any disposition to efface. He has had thebenefit of a liberal education, without having spent his time,as too many of our gentlemen do in colleges, in skimmingon the surfaces of sciences, without ever endeavoring tomake themselves masters of the solid foundations. Robinsonstudied and reasoned; with these qualifications he possessed499a liberality of mind too great ever to reject an hypothesisbecause it was not agreeable to the dogmas of theschools; or adopt it because it had all the eclat of novelty.His soul could conceive great actions, and his hand wasready to achieve them; in short, it may truly be said thatnothing was above his genius, nor anything so minute thathe conceived it entirely unworthy of consideration. Asa gentleman and companion in dangers, difficulties, andhardships, I in particular, and the expedition generally, owemuch to his exertions.

The demands which Dr. Robinson had on persons in NewMexico, although legitimate, were in some degree spuriousin his hands.[III-44] The circumstances were as follows: In the500year 1804, William Morrison, Esq., an enterprising merchantof Kaskaskias, sent a man by the name of Babtiste LaLande, a Creole of the country, up the Missouri and LaPlatte, directing him if possible to push into Santa Fe. He501sent in Indians, and the Spaniards came out with horsesand carried him and his goods into the province. Findingthat he sold the goods high, had land offered him, and thewomen kind, he concluded to expatriate himself and convert502the property of Morrison to his own benefit. WhenI was about to sail, Morrison, conceiving that it waspossible that I might meet some Spanish factors onthe Red river, intrusted me with the claim, in order, ifthey were acquainted with La Lande, I might negotiatethe thing with some of them. When on the frontiers,the idea suggested itself to us of making this claima pretext for Robinson to visit Santa Fe. We thereforegave it the proper appearance, and he marched for thatplace. Our views were to gain a knowledge of the country,the prospect of trade, force, etc.; while, at the same time,our treaties with Spain guaranteed to him, as a citizen ofthe United States, the right of seeking the recovery of alljust debts or demands before the legal and authorizedtribunals of the country, as a franchised inhabitant of thesame, as specified in the 22d article of said treaty.

In the evening I dispatched Corporal Jackson with fourmen, to recross the mountains, in order to bring in the baggageleft with the frozen lads, and to see if they were yetable to come on. This detachment left me with four menonly, two of whom had their feet frozen; they were employedin finishing the stockade, and myself to supportthem by the chase.

Sunday, Feb. 8th. Refreshing my memory as to theFrench grammar, and overseeing the works.

Feb. 9th. Hunting, etc.

Feb. 10th. Read and labored at our works.

Feb. 11th. Hunting. Killed three deer.

Feb. 12th. Studying.

Feb. 13th. Hunting. Killed two deer.

Feb. 14th. Crossed the [Conejos] river and examined thenumerous springs which issued from the foot of the hill,opposite our camp. These were so strongly impregnatedwith mineral qualities, as not only to keep clear of iceprevious to their joining the main branch, but to keep openthe west fork until its junction with the main river and fora few miles afterward, while all the other branches in the503neighborhood were bound in the adamantine chains ofwinter.

Sunday, Feb. 15th. Reading, etc. Works going on.

Feb. 16th. I took one man and went out hunting; aboutsix miles from the post, shot and wounded a deer.

Immediately afterward I discovered two horsemen risingthe summit of a hill, about half a mile to our right. Asmy orders were to avoid giving alarm or offense to theSpanish government of New Mexico, I endeavored to avoidthem at first; but when we attempted to retreat, they pursuedus at full charge, flourishing their lances; and whenwe advanced, they would retire as fast as their horses couldcarry them. Seeing this, we got in a small ravine, in hopesto decoy them near enough to oblige them to come toa parley; which happened agreeably to our desires, as theycame on, hunting us with great caution. We suffered themto get within 40 yards?where we had allured them; butthey were about running off again, when I ordered thesoldier to lay down his arms and walk toward them, at thesame time standing ready with my rifle to kill either whoshould lift an arm in an hostile manner. I then hollowedto them that we were "Americans," and "friends," whichwere almost the only two words I knew in the Spanishlanguage; when, with great signs of fear, they came up,and proved to be a Spanish dragoon and a civilized Indian,armed after their manner, of which we see a description inthe Essai Militaire.[III-45] We were jealous of our arms on bothsides, and acted with great precaution.

They informed me that this was the fourth day since theyhad left Santa Fe; that Robinson had arrived there, andbeen received with great kindness by the governor. As504I knew them to be spies, I thought proper to inform themmerely that I was about to descend the river to Nachitoches.We sat on the ground a long time, till, finding theywere determined not to leave us, we rose and bade themadieu. But they demanded where our camp was; and,finding they were not about to leave us, I thought it mostproper to take them with me, thinking we were on Redriver, and of course in the territory claimed by the UnitedStates.[III-46]

We took the road to my fort, and as they were on horseback,they traveled rather faster than myself; they werehalted by the sentinel, and immediately retreated muchsurprised. When I came up, I took them in, and thenexplained to them, as well as possible, my intention ofdescending the river to Nachitoches; but at the same timetold them that if Governor Allencaster would send out anofficer with an interpreter who spoke French or English,I would do myself the pleasure to give his Excellency everyreasonable satisfaction as to my intentions in coming onhis frontiers. They informed me that on the second day505they would be in Santa Fe, but were careful never to suggestan idea of my being on the Rio del Norte. As theyconcluded, I did not think as I spoke. They were veryanxious to ascertain our numbers, etc.; seeing only fivemen here, they could not believe we came without horses.To this I did not think proper to give them any satisfaction,giving them to understand we were in manyparties, etc.

Feb. 17th. In the morning, our two Spanish visitorsdeparted, after I had made them some trifling presents,with which they seemed highly delighted. After theirdeparture, we commenced working at our little stockade, asI thought it probable the governor might dispute my rightto descend the Red river, and send out Indians, or somelight party, to attack us; I therefore determined to be asmuch prepared to receive them as possible.

This evening the corporal and three of the [four] menarrived, who had been sent back to the camp of the frozenlads. They informed me that two men would arrive the nextday, one of whom was Menaugh, who had been left alone onthe 27th of January [and the other of whom was the fourthone of the soldiers who had gone as a relief-party underCorporal Jackson]; but that the other two, Dougherty andSparks, were unable to come in. They said that they[Dougherty and Sparks] had hailed them [the relief-party]with tears of joy, and were in despair when they again leftthem, with the chance of never seeing them more. Theysent on to me some of the bones taken out of their feet,and conjured me, by all that was sacred, not to leave themto perish far from the civilized world. Ah! little did theyknow my heart, if they could suspect me of conduct soungenerous. No! before they should be left, I would formonths have carried the end of a litter, in order to securethem the happiness of once more seeing their native homes,and being received in the bosom of a grateful country.Thus those poor lads are to be invalids for life, made infirmat the commencement of manhood and in the prime of their506course, doomed to pass the remainder of their days inmisery and want. For what is the pension? Not sufficientto buy a man his victuals. What man would even lose thesmallest of his joints for such a trifling pittance?

Feb. 18th. The other two boys [Menaugh and the fourthmember of the relief-party] arrived. In the evening Iordered the sergeant [Meek] and one man [Miller] to prepareto march to-morrow for the [stockade on the] Arkansaw,where we had left our interpreter [Vasquez, withPatrick Smith], horses, etc., to conduct them on, and on hisreturn to bring the two lads [Dougherty and Sparks] whowere still in the mountains.

Feb. 19th. Sergeant William E. Meek marched with oneman, whose name was Theodore Miller, and I took threeother men to accompany him some distance, in order topoint out to him a pass[III-47] in the mountain which I conceivedmore eligible for horses than the one by which we came.I must here remark the effect of habit, discipline, andexample, in two soldiers soliciting a command of more than180 miles, over two great ridges of mountains covered withsnow, inhabited by bands of unknown savages, in the interestof a nation with which we were not on the best understanding.To perform this journey, each had about ten poundsof venison. Only let me ask, What would our soldiersgenerally think, on being ordered on such a tour, thusequipped? Yet those men volunteered it with others, andwere chosen; for which they thought themselves highlyhonored. We accompanied them about six miles, andpointed out the pass alluded to, in a particular manner.But the corporal afterward reported that the new one whichI obliged him to take was impassable, he having been threedays in snows nearly middle deep.

We then separated and, having killed a deer, sent one of507the men back to the fort with it. With the other two,I kept on my exploring trip down the river on the east side,at some leagues from its banks, intending to return up it.At nine o'clock at night we encamped on a small creek[III-48]which emptied into the river from a nearly due east course.

Feb. 20th. We marched down the river for a few hours;but, seeing no fresh sign of persons, or any other object toattract our attention, took up our route for the fort. Discoveredthe sign of horses and men on the shore. Wearrived after night and found all well.

Feb. 21st. As I was suspicious that possibly some partyof Indians might be harboring round, I gave particularorders to my men, if they discovered any people, to endeavorto retreat undiscovered; but if not, never to run,and not to suffer themselves to be disarmed or takenprisoners, but conduct whatever party discovered them, ifthey could not escape, to the fort.

Sunday, Feb. 22d. As I began to think it was time wereceived a visit from the Spaniards or their emissaries, Iestablished a lookout guard on the top of a hill all day, andat night a sentinel in a bastion on the land side. Studying,reading, and working at our ditch to bring the river roundthe works.

Feb. 23d. Reading, writing, etc.; the men at their usualwork.

Feb. 24th. Took one man with me and went out on theSpanish road hunting; killed one deer and wounded severalothers. As we were a great distance from the fort, weencamped near the road all night. Saw several signs ofhorses.

Feb. 25th. Killed two more deer, when we marched forour post. Took all three of the deer with us, and arrivedabout nine o'clock at night, as much fatigued as ever I wasin my life. Our arrival dissipated the anxiety of the men,who began to be apprehensive we were taken or killed bysome of the savages.508

Feb. 26th. In the morning was apprized of the approachof strangers by the report of a gun from my lookout guard.Immediately afterward two Frenchmen arrived. My sentinelhalted them, and ordered them to be admitted, aftersome questions. They informed me that his Excellency,Governor [Joachin R.] Allencaster, had heard it was theintention of the Utah Indians to attack me; had detachedan officer with 50 dragoons to come out and protect me;and that they would be here in two days. To this I madeno reply: but shortly after the party came in sight, to thenumber, as I afterward learned, of 50 dragoons and 50mounted militia of the province, armed in the same mannerwith lances, escopates,[III-49] and pistols. My sentinel haltedthem at the distance of about 50 yards. I had the worksmanned. I thought it most proper to send out the twoFrenchmen to inform the commanding officer that it wasmy request he should leave his party in the small copse ofwoods where he was halted, and that I would meet himmyself in the prairie in which our work was situated. ThisI did, with my sword on me only. I was then introducedto Don Ignatio Saltelo and Don Bartholemew Fernandez,two lieutenants, the former the commandant of the party.I gave them an invitation to enter the works, but requestedthe troops might remain where they were. This was compliedwith. When they came round and discovered that toenter they were obliged to crawl on their bellies over asmall draw-bridge, they appeared astonished, but enteredwithout further hesitation.

We first breakfasted on deer, meal, goose, and some biscuitwhich the civilized Indian who came out as a spy hadbrought me. After breakfast the commanding officeraddressed me as follows:

"Sir, the governor of New Mexico, being informed youhad missed your route, ordered me to offer you, in hisname, mules, horses, money, or whatever you might stand in509need of to conduct you to the head of Red river; as fromSanta Fe to where it is sometimes navigable is eight days'journey, and we have guides and the routes of the tradersto conduct us."

"What," said I, interrupting him, "is not this the Redriver?"

"No, Sir! The Rio del Norte."

I immediately ordered my flag to be taken down androlled up, feeling how sensibly I had committed myself inentering their territory, and conscious that they must havepositive orders to take me in.

He now added that he "had provided 100 mules andhorses to take in my party and baggage, and how anxioushis Excellency was to see me at Santa Fe." I stated tohim the absence of my sergeant [Meek, with Miller], thesituation of the balance of the party [Vasquez and Smithin the stockade on the Arkansaw; Dougherty and Sparksin the mountains with frozen feet], and that my orderswould not justify my entering into the Spanish territory.He urged still further, until I began to feel myself a littleheated in the argument; and told him, in a peremptorystyle, that I would not go until the arrival of my sergeantwith the balance of the party. He replied, "that there wasnot the least restraint to be used; that it was only necessaryhis Excellency should receive an explanation of mybusiness on his frontier; that I could go now, or on thearrival of my party; that, if none went in at present, heshould be obliged to send in for provisions; but that, if Iwould now march, he would leave an Indian interpreter andan escort of dragoons to conduct the sergeant [Meek, andthe five other absentees?Miller of the relief-party, Vasquez,Smith, Sparks, Dougherty] into Santa Fe." His mildnessinduced me to tell him that I would march, but must leavetwo men [Jackson and Carter] to meet the sergeant andparty, to instruct him as to coming in, as he never wouldcome without a fight, if not ordered.

I was induced to consent to this measure by the conviction510that the officer had positive orders to bring me in;and as I had no orders to commit hostilities, and indeedhad committed myself, although innocently, by violatingtheir territory, I conceived it would appear better to showa will to come to an explanation than to be in any way constrained;yet my situation was so eligible, and I could soeasily have put them at defiance, that it was with greatreluctance I suffered all our labor to be lost without oncetrying the efficacy of it. My compliance seemed to spreadgeneral joy through their party, as soon as it was communicated;but it appeared to be different with my men,who wished to have "a little dust," as they expressed themselves,and were likewise fearful of treachery.

My determination being once taken, I gave permissionfor the Spanish lieutenant's men to come to the outside ofthe works, and some of mine to go out and see them. Thehospitality and goodness of the Creoles and Metifs beganto manifest itself by their producing their provision andgiving it to my men, covering them with their blankets, etc.

After writing orders to my sergeant [Meek], and leavingthem with my corporal [Jackson] and one private [notnamed (Carter)], who were to remain, we[III-50] sallied forth,mounted our horses, and went up the river about 12miles, to a place where the Spanish officers had madea camp deposit, whence we sent down mules for ourbaggage, etc.

Washington City, January, 1808.




From the entrance of the Missouri, on the south bankthe land is low until you arrive at Belle Fontaine, fourmiles from its entrance. In this distance are several strataof soil, one rising above the other. As the river is cuttingoff the north point, and making land on the south, this iswell timbered with oak, walnut, ash, etc.

From Belle Fontaine to St. Charles the north side of theMissouri is low, bounded on its banks by timbered landextending from half a mile to one mile from the river. Sixmiles below St. Charles, on the south side, in front of avillage called Florissant, is a coal hill, or, as it is termed bythe French, La Charbonniere. This is one solid stone hill,which probably affords sufficient fuel for all the populationof Louisiana. St. Charles is situated on the west side ofthe Missouri, where the hill first joins the river, and is laidout parallel to the stream.

The main street is on the first bank, the second on thetop of the hill. On this street is situated a round wooden512tower, formerly occupied by the Spaniards as a fort orguard-house, now converted into a prison. From thistower you have an extensive view of the river below. St.Charles consists of about 80 houses, principally occupied byIndian traders or their engagees. It is the seat of justice forthe district of St. Charles.

From St. Charles to the village of La Charrette, the westside is generally low, but with hills running parallel at agreat distance back from the river; the south side is morehilly, with springs. Scattering settlements are on bothsides.

La Charrette is the last settlement we saw on the Missouri,although there is one above, at a saline on the westside. From La Charrette to the Gasconade river, youfind on the north low land heavily timbered; on the south,hills, rivulets, and a small number of small creeks, with veryhigh cane. The Gasconade is 200 yards wide at its entrance;it is navigable at certain seasons 100 miles. At thetime we were at it, it was backed by the Mississippi,[IV-2] butwas clear and transparent above their confluence. On theside opposite their confluence commences the line betweenthe Sac Indians and the United States. [See p. 339, andnote14, p. 11.]

From the Gasconade to the entrance of the Osage river,the south side of the river is hilly but well timbered. Onthe north are low bottoms and heavy timber. In this spaceof the Missouri, from its [the Gasconade's] entrance tothe Osage river, we find it well timbered, rich in soil, andvery proper for the cultivation of all the productions of ourMiddle and Western States. It is timbered generally withcottonwood, ash, oak, pecan, hickory, and some elm; butthe cottonwood predominates on all the made bottoms.From the entrance of the Osage river to the Gravel river,a distance of 118 miles, the banks of the Osage are covered513with timber and possess a very rich soil. Small hills, withrocks, alternately border the eastern and western shores;the bottoms being very excellent soil, and the countryabounding in game. From thence to the Yungar, the rivercontinues the same in appearance; the shoals and islandsbeing designated on the chart. The Yungar, or Ne-hem-gar,as termed by the Indians, derives its name from the vastnumber of springs at its source; it is supposed to be nearlyas extensive as the Osage river, navigable for canoes 100miles, and is celebrated for the abundance of bear which arefound on its branches. On it hunt the Chasseurs du Boisof Louisiana, Osage, and Creeks or Muskogees, a wanderingparty of whom have established themselves in Louisiana;and between whom and the French hunters frequent skirmisheshave passed on the head of the Yungar.

A few miles above this river the Osage river becomesnarrower, and evidently shows the loss experienced by thedeficiency of [gain not as yet acquired from] the waters ofthe Yungar. On the east shore is a pond of water, about20 paces from the bank of the river, and half a mile in circumference;it was elevated at least 20 feet above the surfaceof the river. This appeared the more singular, as thesoil appeared to be sandy, whence it would be concludedthat the waters of the pond would speedily dischargethrough the soil into the river; but there appeared to beno reason for any such deduction.

Thence to a few miles below the Park (see chart [anddiary of Aug. 14th]), the banks of the river continue asusual. We now, for the first time, were entertained withthe sight of prairie land; but it still was interspersed withclumps of woodland, which diversified the prospect.

In this district the cliffs, which generally bordered one ofthe sides of the river, were covered with the largest andmost beautiful cedars I ever saw. Thence to the GrandForks [confluence of Little with main Osage], the banks ofthe river continue the same; but thence up to the Osagetown, there is a larger proportion of prairie. At the place514where Mr. Chouteau formerly had his trading-establishment,the east bank of the river is an entire bed of stone-coal;whence by land by the villages is but nine miles, but bywater at least 50. The country round the Osage villages isone of the most beautiful the eye ever beheld. The threebranches of the river, viz.: the large east fork [Sac river],the middle one [Little Osage], up which we ascended, andthe northern one [main Osage], all winding round and pastthe villages, giving the advantages of wood and water, andat the same time the extensive prairies crowned with richand luxuriant grass and flowers, gently diversified by therising swells and sloping lawns, present to the warm imaginationthe future seats of husbandry, the numerous herds ofdomestic animals, which are no doubt destined to crownwith joy those happy plains. The best comment I canmake on the navigation of the Osage river is a reference tomy chart and journal on that subject. From the last villageon the Missouri to the prairies on the Osage river we foundplenty of deer, bear, and some turkeys. Thence to thetowns there are some elk and deer, but near the villagesthey become scarce.

From the Osage towns to the source of the [Little] Osageriver there is no difference in the appearance of the country,except that on the south and east the view on the prairiesbecomes unbounded, and is only limited by the imbecilityof our sight. The waters of the White [Neosho] river andthe [Little] Osage are divided merely by a small ridge inthe prairie, and the dry branches appear to interlock at theirhead. From thence to the main branch of the said [Neosho]river the country appeared high, with gravelly ridges ofprairie land. On the main White river is large timber andfine ground for cultivation. Hence a doubt arises as to thedisemboguing of this stream. Lieutenant Wilkinson, fromsome authority, has drawn the conclusion that it dischargesitself into the Arkansaw a short distance below the Vermilionriver; but from the voyages of Captain Maney[Many] on White river, the information of hunters, Indians,515etc., I am rather induced to believe it to be the White river ofthe Mississippi, as at their mouths there is not so great a differencebetween their magnitude; and all persons agree inascertaining [asserting] that the White river heads betweenthe Osage, Arkansaw, and Kansas rivers, which would stillleave the Arkansaw near 800 miles more lengthy than theWhite river. From the proofs, I am perfectly confident inasserting that this was the White river of the Mississippiwhich we crossed.[IV-3] At the place where we traversed it, thestream was amply navigable for canoes, even at this dryseason (August) of the year.

Up this river to the dividing ridges between it and theVerdigrise river, the bottom is of some magnitude andimportance; but the latter river is bounded here in a narrowbed of prairie hills, affording not more than sufficient timberfor firewood for a limited number of inhabitants for a fewyears. From the Verdigrise our course again lay overgravelly hills and a prairie country, but well watered by thebranches of the Verdigrise and White (alias Grand) rivers.From this point to the source of White river there is verylittle timber, the grass short, prairies high and dry. Fromthe head of White river over the dividing ridge betweenthat and the eastern [Smoky Hill] branch of the Kansriver, the ridge is high, dry, and has many appearances ofiron ore, and on the west side are some spaw springs [spas].Here the country is very deficient of water. From the eastbranch of the Kans river (by our route) to the Pawnee516Republic on the Republican fork (see chart), the prairiesare low, with high grass; the country abounds with salines,and the earth appears to be impregnated with nitrous andcommon salts. The immediate border of the Republicanfork near the village is high ridges, but this is an exceptionto the general face of the country. All the country betweenthe forks of the Kans river, a distance of 160 miles, may becalled prairie, notwithstanding the borders of woodlandwhich ornament the banks of those streams, but are nomore than a line traced on a sheet of paper, when comparedto the immense tract of meadow country.

For some distance from the Osage villages you only finddeer, then elk, then cabrie, and finally buffalo. But it isworthy of remark that although the male buffaloes were ingreat abundance, yet in all our route from the Osage to thePawnees we never saw one female. I acknowledge myselfat a loss to determine whether this is to be attributed tothe decided preference the savages give to the meat of thefemales, so that consequently they are almost exterminatedin the hunting-grounds of the nations, or to some physicalcauses; for I afterward discovered the females with youngin such immense herds as gave me no reason to believe theyyielded to the males in numbers.

From the Pawnee town on the Kansas river to the Arkansaw,the country may almost be termed mountainous; butwant of timber gives the hills less claim to the appellationof mountains. They are watered and created, as itwere, by the various branches of the Kans river. One ofthose branches, a stream of considerable magnitude (say 20yards), which I have designated on the chart by the nameof Saline, was so salt, where we crossed it on our route tothe Arkansaw, that it salted sufficiently the soup of themeat which my men boiled in it. We were here veryeligibly situated; had a fresh spring, issuing from a banknear us; plenty of the necessaries of life all around, viz.:buffalo; a beautiful little sugar-loaf hill, for a lookout post;fine grass for our horses; and a saline in front of us.517

As you approach the Arkansaw on this route within 15 or20 miles, the country appears to be low and swampy; orthe land is covered with ponds extending out from the riversome distance. The river at the place where I struck it isnearly 500 yards wide, from bank to bank, those banks notmore than four feet high, thinly covered with cottonwood.The north side is a swampy low prairie [Cheyenne Bottoms],and the south a sandy sterile desert. Thence, about halfwayto the mountains, the country continued with lowprairie hills, and scarcely any streams putting into the river;and on the bottom are many bare spots on which, when thesun is in the meridian, is congealed a species of salt sufficientlythick to be accumulated, but so strongly impregnatedwith nitric qualities as to render it unfit for use until purified.The grass in this district, on the river bottoms, hasa great appearance of the grass on our salt marshes. Fromthe first south fork ([Purgatory river] see chart) the bordersof the river have more wood, and the hills are higher,until you arrive at its entrance into the mountains. Thewhole of the timber is cottonwood, from the entrance of theArkansaw into the mountains to its source, a distance ofabout 170 miles by the meanders; it is alternately boundedby perpendicular precipices and small, narrow prairies, onwhich the buffalo and elk have found the means to arrive,and are almost secure from danger from their destroyer?man.In many places the river precipitates itself overrocks, so as at one moment to be visible only in the foamingand boiling of its waters?at the next moment itdisappears in the chasms of the overhanging precipices.

The Arkansaw[IV-4] river, taking its meanders agreeably to518Lieutenant Wilkinson's survey of the lower part, is 1,981miles from its entrance into the Mississippi to the mountains,and from thence to its source 192 miles, making itstotal length 2,173 miles: all of which may be navigatedwith proper boats, constructed for the purpose, except the519192 miles in the mountains. It has emptying into it severalsmall rivers navigable for 100 miles and upward. Boatsbound up the whole length of the navigation should embarkat its entrance on the 1st of February, when they wouldhave the fresh [high water] quite to the mountains, and520meet with no detention. But if they should start later,they would find the river 1,500 miles up nearly dry. It hasone singularity which struck me very forcibly at first view,but which, on reflection, I am induced to believe is the samecase with all the rivers which run through a low, dry, sandy521soil in warm climates, as I observed it to be the case withthe Rio del Norte, viz.: for the extent of 400 or 500 milesbefore you arrive near the mountains, the bed of the riveris extensive and a perfect sand-bar, which at certain seasonsis dry, or at least the water is standing in ponds not affording522sufficient to procure a running course; but when youcome nearer the mountains you find the river contracted,a gravelly bottom, and a deep, navigable stream. Fromthese circumstances it is evident that the sandy soil imbibesall the [not evaporated] waters which the sources projectfrom the mountains, and renders the river in dryseasons less navigable 500 than 200 miles from its source.

The borders of the Arkansaw river may be termed the terrestrialparadise of our territories for the wandering savages.Of all countries ever visited by the footsteps of civilized man,there never was one probably that produced game in greaterabundance. We know that the manners and morals of theerratic nations are such (the reasons I leave to be given bythe ontologists) as never to give them a numerous population;and I believe that there are buffalo, elk, and deersufficient on the banks of the Arkansaw alone, if used withoutwaste, to feed all the savages in the United States territoryone century. By the route of the Arkansaw and theRio Colorado of California, I am confident in asserting, ifmy information from Spanish gentlemen of informationis correct, there can be established the best communication,on this side of the Isthmus of Darien, between the Atlanticand Pacific oceans; as, admitting the utmost, the land carriage523would not be more than 200 miles, and the route maybe made quite as eligible as our public highways over theAlleghany mountains. The Rio Colorado is to the greatGulph of California what the Mississippi is to the Gulph ofMexico, and is navigable for ships of considerable burden,to opposite the upper parts of the province of Senora.

From the Arkansaw to the Rio del Norte, by the routeI passed, the country was covered with mountains and smallprairies, as per chart; but the game became much morescarce, owing to the vicinity of the Spanish Indians and theSpaniards themselves.

In this western traverse of Louisiana, the followinggeneral observations may be made, viz.: that from theMissouri to the head of the [Little] Osage river, a distancein a straight line of probably 300 miles, the country willadmit of a numerous, extensive, and compact population;thence, on the rivers Kanses, La Platte, Arkansaw, andtheir various branches, it appears to me to be only possibleto introduce a limited population on their banks. Theinhabitants would find it most to their advantage to payattention to the multiplication of cattle, horses, sheep, andgoats, all of which they can raise in abundance, the earthproducing spontaneously sufficient for their support, bothwinter and summer, by which means their herds mightbecome immensely numerous; but the wood now in thecountry would not be sufficient for a moderate share ofpopulation more than 15 years, and it would be out ofthe question to think of using any of it in manufactures;consequently, the houses would be built entirely of mud-brick[adobe], like those in New Spain, or of the brickmanufactured with fire. But possibly time may make thediscovery of coal-mines, which would render the countryhabitable.

The source of La Platte is situated in the same chain ofmountains with the Arkansaw (see chart), and comes fromthat grand reservoir of snows and fountains which givesbirth on its northeastern side to the Red river of the Missouri524(the yellow stone river of Lewis [and Clark], its greatsouthwestern branch), and La Platte; on its southwesternside it produces the Rio Colorado of California; on itseast the Arkansaw; and on its south the Rio del Norteof North Mexico. I have no hesitation in asserting thatI can take a position in the mountains, whence I can visitthe source of any of those rivers in one day.[IV-5]

Numerous have been the hypotheses formed by variousnaturalists to account for the vast tract of untimbered countrywhich lies between the waters of the Missouri, Mississippi,and the Western Ocean, from the mouth of the latter riverto 48� north latitude. Although not flattering myself to beable to elucidate that which numbers of highly scientificcharacters have acknowledged to be beyond their depth ofresearch, still I would not think I had done my countryjustice did I not give birth to what few lights my examinationof those internal deserts has enabled me to acquire.In that vast country of which I speak, we find the soilgenerally dry and sandy, with gravel, and discover that themoment we approach a stream the land becomes morehumid, with small timber. I therefore conclude that thiscountry never was timbered; as, from the earliest age thearidity of the soil, having so few water-courses runningthrough it, and they being principally dry in summer, hasnever afforded moisture sufficient to support the growth oftimber. In all timbered land the annual discharge of theleaves, with the continual decay of old trees and branches,creates a manure and moisture, which is preserved from the525heat of the sun not being permitted to direct his rays perpendicularly,but only to shed them obliquely through thefoliage. But here a barren soil, parched and dried up foreight months in the year, presents neither moisture nor nutritionsufficient to nourish the timber. These vast plains ofthe western hemisphere may become in time as celebratedas the sandy deserts of Africa; for I saw in my route, invarious places, tracts of many leagues where the wind hadthrown up the sand in all the fanciful form of the ocean'srolling wave, and on which not a speck of vegetable matterexisted.

But from these immense prairies may arise one greatadvantage to the United States, viz.: The restriction of ourpopulation to some certain limits, and thereby a continuationof the Union. Our citizens being so prone to ramblingand extending themselves on the frontiers will, throughnecessity, be constrained to limit their extent on the westto the borders of the Missouri and Mississippi, while theyleave the prairies incapable of cultivation to the wanderingand uncivilized aborigines of the country.

The Osage appear to have emigrated from the north andwest; from their speaking the same language with the Kans,Otos, Missouries, and Mahaws, together with their greatsimilarity of manners, morals, and customs, there is left noroom to doubt that they were originally the same nation,but separated by that great law of nature, self-preservation,the love of freedom, and the ambition of various characters,so inherent in the breast of man. As nations purely erraticmust depend solely on the chase for subsistence, unlesspastoral, which is not the case with our savages, it requireslarge tracts of country to afford subsistence for a verylimited number of souls; consequently, self-preservationobliges them to expand themselves over a large and extensivedistrict. The power of certain chiefs becomingunlimited, and their rule severe, added to the passionatelove of liberty and the ambition of young, bold, and daringcharacters who step forward to head the malcontents, and526like the tribes of Israel, to lead them through the wildernessto a new land?the land of promise which flowed with milkand honey, alias abounded with deer and buffalo?thesecharacters soon succeed in leading forth a new colony, andin process of time establishing a new nation. The Mahaws,Missouries, and Otos remained on the banks of the Missouririver, such a distance up as to be in the reach of thatpowerful enemy, the Sioux, who, with the aid of the smallpox,which the former nations unfortunately contracted bytheir connection with the whites, have reduced the Mahaws,formerly a brave and powerful nation, to a mere cipher,and obliged the Otos and Missouries to join their forces, sothat these now form but one nation. The Kanses andOsage came further to the east, and thereby avoided theSioux, but fell into the hands of the Iowas, Sacs, Kickapous,Potowatomies, Delawares, Shawanese, Cherokees,Chickasaws, Chactaws, Arkansaws, Caddoes, and Tetaus;and what astonished me extremely is that they have notbeen entirely destroyed by those nations. But it must onlybe attributed to their ignorance of the enemies' force, theirwant of concert, wars between themselves, and the greatrenown the invaders always acquire, by the boldness of theirenterprise, in the minds of the invaded.

Their government is oligarchical, but still partakes of thenature of a republic; for, although the power nominally isvested in a small number of chiefs, yet they never undertakeany matter of importance without first assembling thewarriors and proposing the subject in council, there to bediscussed and decided on by a majority. Their chiefs arehereditary, in most instances, yet there are many men whohave risen to more influence than those of illustrious ancestry,by their activity and boldness in war. Although thereis no regular code of laws, yet there is a tacit acknowledgmentof the right which some have to command on certainoccasions, whilst others are bound to obey, and even tosubmit to corporeal punishment; as is instanced in theaffair related in my diary of July 29th, when Has-ha-ke-da-tungar527or Big Soldier, whom I had made a partisan to regulatethe movements of the Indians, flogged a young Indianwith arms in his hands. On the whole, their governmentmay be termed an oligarchical republic, where the chiefspropose and the people decide on all public acts.

The manners of the Osage are different from those of anynation I ever saw except those before mentioned of the sameorigin, having their people divided into classes. All thebulk of the nation being warriors and hunters?with themthese terms being almost synonymous?the remainder isdivided into two classes, cooks and doctors; the latter ofwhom likewise exercise the functions of priests or magicians,and have great influence in the councils of the nation bytheir pretended divinations, interpretations of dreams, andmagical performances. An illustration of this will be bettergiven by the following anecdote of what took place duringmy stay at the nation, in August, 1806: Having had all thedoctors or magicians assembled in the lodge of Ca-ha-ga-tonga,alias Cheveux Blancs, and about 500 spectators, theyhad two rows of fires prepared, around which the sacredband was stationed. They commenced the tragicomedy byputting a large butcher-knife down their throats, the bloodappearing to run during the operation very naturally; thescene was continued by putting sticks through the nose,swallowing bones and taking them out of the nostrils, etc.At length one fellow demanded of me what I would give ifhe would run a stick through his tongue, and let anotherperson cut off the piece. I replied, "a shirt." He then apparentlyperformed his promise, with great pain, forcing astick through his tongue, and then giving a knife to a bystander,who appeared to cut off the piece, which he held tothe light for the satisfaction of the audience, and then joinedit to his tongue, and by a magical charm healed the woundimmediately. On demanding of me what I thought of theperformance, I replied I would give him 20 shirts if he wouldlet me cut off the piece from his tongue; this disconcertedhim a great deal, and I was sorry I had made the observation.528

The cooks are either for the general use, or attached particularlyto the family of some great man; and what is themore singular, men who have been great warriors and bravemen, having lost all their families by disease, in the war, andthemselves becoming old and infirm, frequently take up theprofession of cook, in which they do not carry arms, and aresupported by the public or their particular patron.

They likewise exercise the functions of town criers, callingthe chiefs to council and to feasts; or if any particularperson is wanted, you employ a crier, who goes through thevillage crying his name and informing him he is wanted atsuch a lodge. When received into the Osage village youimmediately present yourself at the lodge of the chief, whoreceives you as his guest, where you generally eat first, afterthe old patriarchal style. You are then invited to a feast byall the great men of the village, and it would be a great insultif you did not comply, at least as far as to taste of theirvictuals. In one instance, I was obliged to taste of 15 differententertainments the same afternoon. You will hearthe cooks crying, "come and eat"?such an one "gives afeast, come and eat of his bounty." Their dishes were generallysweet corn boiled in buffalo grease, or boiled meat andpumpkins; but San Oriel [Sans Oreille], alias Tetobasi,treated me to a dish of tea in a wooden dish, with new hornspoons, boiled meat, and crullers; he had been in the UnitedStates. Their towns hold more people in the same space ofground than any places I ever saw. Their lodges are postedwith scarcely any regularity, each one building in the manner,directions, and dimensions which suit him best, bywhich means they frequently leave only room for a singleman to squeeze between them; added to this, they havepens for their horses, all within the village, into which theyalways drive them at night, in case they think there is anyreason to believe there is an enemy lurking in the vicinity.

The Osage lodges are generally constructed with uprightposts, put firmly in the ground, of about 20 feet in height,with a crotch at the top; they are about 12 feet distant from529each other; in the crotch of those posts are put the ridge-poles,over which are bent small poles, the ends of which arebrought down and fastened to a row of stakes about fivefeet in height; these stakes are fastened together with threehorizontal bars, and form the flank walls of the lodge. Thegable ends are generally broad slabs, rounded off to theridge-pole. The whole of the building and sides are coveredwith matting made of rushes, two or three feet inlength and four feet in width, which are joined together, andentirely exclude the rain. The doors are on the sides of thebuilding, and generally are one on each side. The fires aremade in holes in the center of the lodge, the smoke ascendingthrough apertures left in the roof for the purpose. Atone end of the dwelling is a raised platform, about three feetfrom the ground, which is covered with bear-skins, generallyholds all the little choice furniture of the master, and onwhich repose his honorable guests. In fact, with neatnessand a pleasing companion, these dwellings would composea very comfortable and pleasant summer habitation, but areleft in the winter for the woods. They vary in length from36 to 100 feet.

The Osage nation is divided into three villages, and in afew years you may say nations, viz.: the Grand Osage, theLittle Osage, and those of the Arkansaw.

The Little Osage separated from the Big Osage about 100years since, when their chiefs, on obtaining permission tolead forth a colony from the great council of the nation,moved on to the Missouri; but after some years, findingthemselves too hard pressed by their enemies, they againobtained permission to return, put themselves under theprotection of the Grand village, and settled down about sixmiles off. (See chart.)

The Arkansaw schism was effected by Mr. Pierre Choteau,10 or 12 years ago, as a revenge on Mr. Manuel De Sezei[Liza or Lisa], who had obtained from the Spanish governmentthe exclusive trade of the Osage nation, by the way ofthe Osage river, after it had been in the hands of Mr.530Choteau for nearly 20 years. The latter, having the trade ofthe Arkansaw, thereby nearly rendered abortive the exclusiveprivilege of his rival. He has been vainly promising tothe government that he would bring them back to join theGrand village. But his reception at the Arkansaw village,in the autumn of 1806, must have nearly cured him of thatidea. And in fact, every reason induces a belief that theother villages are much more likely to join the Arkansawband, which is daily becoming more powerful, than the latteris to return to its ancient residence. For the Grand andLittle Osage are both obliged to proceed to the Arkansawevery winter, to kill the summer's provision; also, all thenations with whom they are now at war are situated to thewestward of that river, whence they get all their horses.These inducements are such that the young, the bold, andthe enterprising are daily emigrating from the Osage villageto the Arkansaw village. In fact, it would become the interestof our government to encourage that emigration, ifwe intend to encourage the extension of the settlement ofUpper Louisiana; but if the contrary (our true policy),every method should be taken to prevent their elongationfrom the Missouri.

They are considered by the nations to the south and westof them as a brave and warlike nation; but are by no meansa match for the northern nations, who make use of the rifle,and can combat them two for one; whilst they again mayfight those armed with bows, arrows, and lances, at the samedisproportion.

The humane policy which the United States have heldforth to the Indian nations, of accommodating their differencesand acting as mediators between them, has succeededto a miracle with the Osage of the Grand village and theLittle Osage. In short, they have become a nation ofQuakers, as respects the nations to the north and east ofthem, at the same time that they continue to make war onthe naked and defenseless savages of the west. An instanceof their forbearance was exhibited in an attack made on a531hunting-party of the Little Osage, in the autumn of 1808, onthe grand river of the Osage, by a party of the Potowatomies,who crossed the Missouri river by the Saline, andfound the women and children alone and defenseless. Themen, 50 or 60, having found plenty of deer the day before,had encamped out all night. The enemy struck the campabout ten o'clock in the morning, killed all the women andboys who made resistance, also some infants, the wholenumber amounting to 34; and led into captivity near 60, 46of whom were afterward recovered by the United Statesand sent under my protection to the village. When the menreturned to camp, they found their families all destroyedor taken prisoners. My narrator had his wife and four childrenkilled on the spot; yet, in obedience to the injunctionsof their great father, they forebore to revenge the blow.

As an instance of the great influence the French formerlyhad over this nation, the following anecdote may be interesting:Chtoka, alias Wet Stone, a Little Osage, said he"was at Braddock's defeat, with all the warriors who couldbe spared from both villages; that they were engaged by Mr.M'Cartie, who commanded at Fort Chartres,[IV-6] and who suppliedthem with powder and ball; that the place of rendezvouswas near a lake and large fall (supposed to be Niagara);the Kans did not arrive until after the battle; but the Otoswere present. They were absent from their villages sevenmonths, and were obliged to eat their horses on their return."


The Osage raise large quantities of corn, beans, and pumpkins,which they manage with the greatest economy, inorder to make them last from year to year. All the agriculturallabor is done by women.

If the government think it expedient to establish factoriesfor the Grand and Little villages, equidistant from both,which would answer for the Grand and Little villages, theother establishment should be on the Arkansaw, near theentrance of the Verdigrise river, for the Arkansaw Osage, asstated by Lieutenant Wilkinson.

The Pawnees are a numerous nation of Indians, whoreside on the rivers Platte and Kans. They are dividedinto three distinct nations, two of them being now at war;but their manners, language, customs, and improvementsare in the same degree of advancement. On La Plattereside the Grand Pawnees, and on one of its branches thePawnee Loups, with whom the Pawnee Republicans are atwar. [See note73, p. 412.]

Their language is guttural, and approaches nearer to thelanguage of the Sioux than the Osage; and their figure, tall,slim, with high cheek-bones, clearly indicates their Asiaticorigin. But their emigration south, and the ease with whichthey live on the buffalo plains, have probably been the causeof a degeneracy of manners, for they are neither so brave norso honest as their more northern neighbors. Their governmentis the same as the Osages', an hereditary aristocracy,the father handing his dignity of chieftain down to his son;533but their power is extremely limited, notwithstanding thelong life they have to establish their authority and influence.They merely recommend and give council in the great assemblageof the nation.

They are not so cleanly, neither do they carry their internalpolicy so far as, the Osage; but out of the bounds of thevillage it appeared to me that they exceeded them; as Ihave frequently seen two young soldiers come out to mycamp and instantly disperse a hundred persons, by thestrokes of long whips, who were assembled there to tradewith my men. In point of cultivation [agriculture], they areabout equal to the Osage, raising a sufficiency of corn andpumpkins to afford a little thickening to their soup duringthe year. The pumpkin they cut into thin slices and dry inthe sun, which reduces it to a small size, and not more thana tenth of its original weight.

With respect to raising horses, the Pawnees are far superiorto the Osage, having vast quantities of excellent horseswhich they are daily increasing, by their attention to theirbreeding mares, which they never make use of; and in additionthey frequently purchase from the Spaniards.

Their houses are a perfect circle, except where the doorenters, whence there is a projection of about 15 feet; thewhole being constructed after the following manner: First,there is an excavation of a circular form made in the ground,about 4 feet deep and 60 in diameter, where there is a rowof posts about 5 feet high, with crotches at the top, setfirmly in all round, and horizontal poles from one to theother. There is then a row of posts, forming a circle about10 feet wide in the diameter of the others, and 10 feetin height; the crotches of these are so directed that horizontalpoles are also laid from one to the other; long polesare then laid slanting upward from the lower poles overthe higher ones, and meeting nearly at the top, leaving onlya small aperture for the smoke of the fire to pass out, whichis made on the ground in the middle of the lodge. There isthen a number of small poles put up around the circle, so as534to form the wall, and wicker-work is run through the whole.The roof is then thatched with grass, and earth is thrown upagainst the wall until a bank is made to the eaves of thethatch; that is also filled with earth one or two feet thick,and rendered so tight as entirely to exclude any storm,and make the houses extremely warm. The entrance isabout six feet wide, with walls on each side, and roofed likeour houses in shape, but of the same materials as the mainbuilding. Inside there are numerous little apartments constructedof wicker-work against the wall, with small doors;they have a great appearance of neatness, and in them themembers of the family sleep and have their little deposits.Their towns are by no means so much crowded as the Osage,giving much more space; but they have the same mode ofintroducing their horses into the village at night, whichmakes it extremely crowded. They keep guards with thehorses during the day.

They are extremely addicted to gaming, and have for thatpurpose a smooth piece of ground cleared out on each sideof the village for about 150 yards in length, on which theyplay the three following games: One is played by twoplayers at a time, and in the following manner: They havea large hoop about four feet in diameter, in the center ofwhich is a small leather ring; this is attached to leatherthongs which are extended to the hoop, and by that meanskept in its central position; they also have a pole about sixfeet in length, which the player holds in one hand; he thenrolls the hoop from him, and immediately slides the poleafter it; and the nearer the head of the pole lies to thesmall ring within the hoop, when they both fall, the greateris the cast. But I could not ascertain their mode of countingsufficiently to decide when the game was won. Anothergame is played with a small stick, with several hooks, and ahoop about four inches in diameter, which is rolled alongthe ground, and the forked stick darted after it, the valueof the cast being estimated by the hook on which the ringis caught. This game is gained at 100. The third game535alluded to is that of la platte, described by various travelers[as the platter or dish game]; this is played by the women,children, and old men, who, like grasshoppers, crawl out tothe circus to bask in the sun, probably covered only with anold buffalo robe.

The Pawnees, like the Osage, quit their villages in thewinter, making concealments under ground of their corn, inwhich [caches] it keeps perfectly sound until spring. Theonly nations with whom the Pawnees are now at war are theTetaus, Utahs, and Kyaways. The two latter of these residein the mountains of North Mexico, and shall be treatedwhen I speak of the Spanish Indians. The former generallyinhabit the borders of the Upper Red river, Arkansaw,and Rio del Norte. The war has been carried on bythose nations for years, without any decisive action beingfought, although they frequently march with 200 or 300 men.

The Pawnees have much the advantage of their enemiesin point of arms, at least one-half having firearms, whilsttheir opponents have only bows, arrows, lances, shields, andslings. The Pawnees always march to war on foot; theirenemies are all cavalry. This nation may be considered asthe one equidistant between the Spanish population and thatof our settlements in Louisiana, but are at present decidedlyunder Spanish influence, and, should a war commence to-morrow,would all be in their interest. This circumstancedoes not arise from their local situation, because they are allsituated on navigable waters of the Missouri; nor from theirinterest, because from the Spaniards they obtain nothing excepthorses and a few coarse blankets of W. Mexico; whilstfrom us they receive all their supplies of arms, ammunition,and clothing?but all those articles in very small quantities,not more than half having blankets, and many being withoutbreech-cloths to cover their nakedness. But the grandprinciple by which the Spaniards keep them in their influenceis fear, frequently chastising their small parties onthe frontiers. Their sending out the detachment of 600horsemen, in 1806, has made such an impression that the536Spaniards may safely calculate on the Pawnees in case ofwar. This detachment took with them some of the Pawneesto Chihuahua, at the same time that I entered the Spanishprovinces. But, by our withholding their supplies of arms,ammunition, and clothing for one or two years, bringing ontheir backs the Osage and Kans, the Pawnees would be ingreat distress, and feel the necessity of a good understandingwith the United States.

If there should ever be factories established for their accommodation,these should be at the entrances of La Platteand Kans rivers, as those waters are of so uncertain navigation(only in freshets) that it would be folly to attempt anypermanent establishments high up them; and to make thoseestablishments useful to the Pawnees, we must presupposeour influence sufficient to guarantee them peace and a safepassage through the nations of the Kans, Otos, and Missouries?theformer on the Kans river, the two latter onthe river Platte. My journal will give various other strikingtraits of the national character of the Pawnees, and mydissertation on the subject of the Spanish claims will furtherelucidate the political and relative situation of that nation.

The Kans are a small nation, situated on a river of thatname (see the chart), and are in language, manners, customs,and agricultural pursuits, precisely similar to the Osage;with whom I believe them, as before observed, to have hadone common origin. It may be said, however, that theirlanguage differs in some degree, but not more than thedialect of our Eastern States differs from that of the Southern.But in war they are yet more brave than their Osagebrethren; being, although not more than one-third of theirnumber, their most dreaded enemies, and frequently makingthe Pawnees tremble.

The Tetaus, or Camanches as the Spaniards term them,[called] Padoucas by the Pawnees, are a powerful nationwho are entirely erratic, without the least species of cultivation,and subsist solely by the chase. But their wanderingsare confined to the frontiers of New Mexico on the537W., to the nations on the Lower Red river on the S., to thePawnees and Osage on the E., and to the Utahs, Kyaways,and various unknown nations on the N. This nation,although entirely in our territories, is claimed exclusivelyby the Spaniards, and may be said to be decidedly intheir interest, notwithstanding the few who lately paid avisit to Natchitoches.

They are the only nation bordering on the Spanish settlementswhom that nation treats as an independent people.They are by the Spaniards reputed brave?indeed, theyhave given some very strong evidences of this; for when Ifirst entered the province of New Mexico, I was shownvarious deserted villages and towns beaten down, which hadbeen destroyed by the Tetaus in an invasion of that province,when they were at war with the Spaniards about tenyears since.

From the village of Agua Caliente (see chart) they carriedoff at one time 2,000 head of horses; but they now havean excellent understanding with the Spaniards, which DonFacundo Malagare's [Malgares'] late expedition has servedvery much to increase. He personally related his rencounterwith the Tetaus in the following manner: Having beenpersonally apprised of each other's approximation, andappointed a time for the Indians to receive him on anextensive prairie, he sallied forth from his camp with 500men, all on white horses, excepting himself and his twoprincipal officers, who rode jet black ones, and was receivedon the plain by 1,500 of the savages, dressed in their gayrobes, and displaying their various feats of chivalry. I leavethis subject to the judicious, whether the circumstancewould not be handed down to the latest posterity as aninstance of the good will and respect which the Spaniardspaid their nation, as no doubt Malgares had policy sufficientto induce them to believe that the expedition was principallyfitted out with a view to pay them a visit. As Iwas not in their country, and did not meet with any of thewandering parties, I shall not attempt to describe their538manners and customs; but in my statistical tables I shallinclude them, agreeably to the best information obtained oftheir nation.

I shall here conclude my account of the nations with whomI became acquainted in our boundaries; as I conceive theSpanish Indians require a different discussion and attentionfrom a different point of view, as their missionaries havesucceeded with them beyond what we can form an ideaof. My diary will present numerous additional circumstances,to form an idea of those savages, their manners,customs, principles, and biases, political and local.

Washington City, January, 1808.539



New Orleans, April 6th, 1807.

Sir: Agreeably to your order dated in June, 1806, I tookmy departure from Belle Fontaine, under the commandof Lieutenant Pike, early in July [15th]. The Missouribeing well up, we found the navigation as favorable as couldhave been expected. On the 28th of the same month wereached the mouth of the Osage river, which we founda pellucid, tranquil stream, with the exception of a fewtrifling ripples, and a fall of about six feet in two-thirds ofa mile, called the Old Man's Rapid. The river aboundswith various kinds of good fish, especially the soft-shelledturtle [Trionyx or Aspidonectes ferox], which we took ingreat numbers. The banks of the river are generally formedby craggy cliffs, and not unfrequently you perceive stupendous540rocks projecting over the water, out of which issueexcellent springs. The most remarkable natural curiositywhich I observed is a pond of water, about 300 toises[V-2] incircumference, six miles above the Yanga [Yungar, Nehemgar,or Niangua river], on a rising piece of ground, considerablyabove the level of the river, which keeps one continuedheight, is perfectly pure and transparent, and has nooutlet by which to discharge.

On the 12th of August the Osages appeared dissatisfiedwith the tedious movement of our barges, and expresseda wish to cross the prairie to their villages, in case an escortwere allowed them. I immediately volunteered my services,and we parted with the boats at the mouth of Grand river[the branch of the Osage], the spot where our ransomedprisoners were taken the preceding winter by the Potowatomies.We reached the village of the Little Osages aftera fatiguing and laborious march of six days across an aridprairie.

When within a mile of the town, the chief Tuttasuggy,or Wind, desired that a regular procession might be observed;he accordingly placed me between himself and hisfirst warrior, and the ransomed captives followed by files.Half a mile from the village we were met by 180 horsemen,painted and decorated in a very fanciful manner; theywere considered as a guard of honor, and on our approachopened to the right and left, leaving a sufficient space forus to pass through. A few yards in advance, on the right,I perceived 60 or more horsemen painted with blue chalk;when the chief observed them, he commanded a halt, andsent forward his younger brother Nezuma, or Rain thatWalks, with a flag and silk handkerchief as a prize for theswiftest horseman. At a given signal they started off atfull speed, the two foremost taking the flag and handkerchief,and the rest contenting themselves with having showntheir agility and skill. As I entered the village I was541saluted by a discharge from four swivels which the Indianshad taken from an old fort [Fort Carondelet: see note41,p. 384] erected by the Spaniards on the river, and passedthrough a crowd of nearly a thousand persons, part ofwhom I learned were of the Grand village. I was immediately,but with ceremony, ushered into the lodge ofSoldier of the Oak, who, after having paid me some veryhandsome compliments, courteously invited me to eat ofgreen corn, buffalo-meat, and water-melons about the sizeof a 24-pound shot, which, though small, were highlyflavored.

After Lieutenant Pike's arrival with the boats, we formedour camp on the bank of the river, equidistant from thevillages of the Grand and Little Osages, and he selecteda situation for making his observations, which he did notcomplete until the 28th of the month. The 29th and 30thwere devoted to packing as conveniently and carefully aspossible the mathematical instruments and a small quantityof provisions. On the 1st of September we commenced ourmarch for the Pawnee Republic, and entered on that vastand extensive prairie which lies between the Missouri andthe Rio del Norte.

We coursed the [Little] Osage river to its source, andalmost immediately crossed some of the small branches ofGrand [Neosho] river, which enters the Arkansaw about700 miles from the Mississippi. After passing Grand river,which we found to be 60 or 80 yards wide, we marcheda whole day [week[V-3]] before we reached the waters of theKansas, and were agreeably surprised to find ourselves onthe bank of a bold running stream [Smoky Hill fork].Between this and the village of the Pawnees we crossedtwo strongly impregnated salines. We then passed overa sandy country almost destitute of herbage; and aftera painful march under an oppressive sun, over an irregular542and broken surface, we arrived at the town of the RepublicanPawnees on the 25th of September.

We the day before were met by a number of warriorswhom curiosity had led thus far to see us, among whomwas the third consequential character of the Republicanparty; for you must know that the village is composed ofthe followers of a dissatisfied warrior who first made thisestablishment, and the adherents of a regular chief of theGrand Pawnees who migrated thither some few years sincewith his family, and usurped the power of the Republicanwarrior. To such a pitch does this party spirit prevail thatyou easily perceive the hostility which exists between theadherents of the two chiefs.

Early on the morning of the 25th we were joined bya few more savages of distinction, headed by the brother ofCharacterish, or White Wolf, chief of the nation, who wasto act as master of the ceremonies to our formal entry.Preparatory to our march, we had our men equipped asneatly as circumstances would admit. About mid-day wereached the summit of a lofty chain of ridges, where wewere requested to halt and await the arrival of the chief,who was half a mile from us, with 300 horsemen, who weregenerally naked, except buffalo robes and breech cloths,and painted with white, yellow, blue, and black paint. Atthe word of the chief the warriors divided, and, pushing onat full speed, flanked us on the right and left, yelling ina most diabolical manner. The chief advanced in front,accompanied by Iskatappe, or Rich Man, the second greatpersonage of the village and his two sons, who were clothedin scarlet cloth. They approached slowly, and when within100 yards the three latter halted; Characterish advanced ingreat state, and when within a few paces of us stretched outhis hand and cried, "Bon jour." Thus ended the first ceremony.We moved on about a mile further, and havinggained the summit of a considerable hill, we discovered thevillage directly at its base. We here were again halted, andthe few Osages who accompanied us were ordered in front543and seated in rank entire. The chief squatted on his hamsin front of them and filled a calumet, which several differentIndians took from him and handed the Osages to smoke.This was called the horse-smoke, as each person who tookthe pipe from the chief intended to present the Osagesa horse. Mr. Pike and Dr. Robinson afterward accompaniedthe chief to his lodge, and I moved on with thedetachment and formed our camp on the opposite bank ofthe Republican fork of the Kansas river, on a commandinghill which had been selected as the most favorable situationfor making observations, though very inconvenient onaccount of wood and water, which we had to transportnearly a quarter of a mile.

At a council held some few days after our arrival, LieutenantPike explained to them the difference of their presentsituation and that of a few years past; that now they mustlook up to the president of the United States as their greatfather; that he [Pike] had been sent by him [Jefferson] toassure them of his good wishes, etc.; that he perceived aSpanish flag flying at the council-lodge door, and was anxiousto exchange one of their great father's for it; and that itwas our intention to proceed further to the westward, toexamine this, our newly acquired country. To this a singularand extraordinary response was given?in fact, an objectionstarted in direct opposition to our proceeding furtherwest; however, they gave up the Spanish flag, and we hadthe pleasure to see the American standard hoisted in itsstead.

At the same council Characterish observed that a largebody of Spaniards had lately been at his village, and thatthey promised to return and build a town adjoining his.The Spanish chief, he said, mentioned that he was not empoweredto council with him; that he came merely to breakthe road for his master, who would visit him in the springwith a large army; that he further told him the Americanswere a little people, but were enterprising, and one of thosedays would stretch themselves even to his town; that they544took the lands of Indians, and would drive off their game;"and how very truly," said Characterish, "has the Spanishchieftain spoken!" We demanded to purchase a fewhorses, which was prohibited, and the friendly communicationwhich had existed between the town and our campwas stopped. The conduct of our neighbors assumed a mysteriouschange; our guards were several times alarmed, andfinally appearances became so menacing as to make it necessaryfor us to be on our guard day and night.

It was obvious that the body of Spaniards, who precededus but a few weeks in their mission to this village, were theregular cavalry and infantry of the province of Santa Fee, asthey had formed their camps in regular order; also we wereinformed they kept regular guards, and that the beats oftheir drum were uniform morning and evening. The Spanishleader, further, delivered to Characterish a grand medal,two mules, and a commission bearing the signature of thegovernor, civil and military, of Santa Fee. He also hadsimilar marks of distinction for the Grand Pawnees, the PawneeMahaws, Mahaws Proper, Otos, and Kanses.

On the 6th of October we made some few purchases ofmiserable horses at the most exorbitant prices, and on the7th, unmoved by the threats of the chief relative to our proceedingfurther to the west, we marched in a close and compactbody until we passed their village, and took the largebeaten Spanish trace for the Arkansaw river. We passedthe following day [8th] an encampment of the Spaniards,where we counted 69 fires. On the 9th, as usual, made aneasy march; and about noon, when we halted to refresh ourselves,were overtaken by 300 Pawnees, on their way to thesalines of the Kanses to hunt buffalo. Their every actshowed a strong disposition to quarrel, and in fact theyseemed to court hostility; but, finding us without fear andprepared, to a man, they offered no outrage. Havinggrazed our horses an hour, we parted from this turbulentband, slung our packs, proceeded to Solomon's Fork of theKanses, and pitched our tents on an old encampment of the545Spaniards whose trace we were following, as we found thenext morning [10th] many tent-pins made of wood differentfrom any in that country. At mid-day Lieutenant Pike, Dr.Robinson, and the interpreter Baroney pushed on to searchfor water, and I remained with the troops. I pushed on asbriskly as our poor half-famished horses would permit, butat nightfall could discover nothing of Mr. Pike, and had nota tree in view. This induced me to quicken my pace; and,as darkness had rendered my compass useless, I coursed bythe polar star; but the horizon becoming overcast, I haltedon a naked stony prairie, without water or grass for ourhorses. On the following morning [11th] I directed mycourse more to the southward, and about ten o'clock cameto the [which?] creek and encampment of Lieut. Pike. Latein the evening of the same day [11th], after passing over amountainous tract of country, we reached the Grand Saline,which we found so strongly impregnated as to render unpalatablecorn boiled in it. On the 12th, after a distressingday's march, we reached the Second or Small Saline, andon the following day [13th] encamped on the most western[Smoky Hill] branch of the Kanses river.[V-4]

We were detained, on the morning of the 13th [14th], bya small rain; but as time was pressing, we marched about546noon, crossed the dividing ridge of the Kanses and Arkansawrivers, and halted on a small branch of the latter. For severaldays past we had been so bewildered by buffalo pathsthat we lost the Spanish trace; and this being an object ofmoment, we resolved to make search for it. Accordingly,on the following day [15th] at noon, Mr. Pike and Dr. Robinsonstruck off from the party on a due west course, and Imarched the detachment for a copse of wood which we couldbarely discern in the southwest, and reached it about midnight.At day-break I was awakened by my old and faithfulOsage, who informed me that we were on the banks ofthe Arkansaw river. I immediately arose, and discoveredmy tent to have been pitched on the margin of a water-coursenearly 400 yards wide, with banks not three feet high,and a stream of water running through it about 20 feet inwidth and not more than six or eight inches deep.

I remained here four days in great anxiety and suspense,as neither Mr. Pike nor Dr. Robinson made their appearance,nor could be found, although I had all my hunters outin search of them. But I was agreeably surprised on thefifth[V-5] day, early in the morning, by their arrival. It appearedthat our apprehensions were mutual, as they expected I hadbeen cut off, and I believed they had been murdered.

On the 17th it commenced raining and continued for severaldays, during which time the river rose so much as tofill its bed from bank to bank. Lieutenant Pike having determinedthat I should descend the Arkansaw, we cut downa small green Cottonwood, and with much labor split out a547canoe, which being insufficient, we formed a second of buffaloand elk skins.

After the rain had ceased the weather became extremelycold, and on the 27th, in the evening, a severe snow-stormcommenced and continued nearly all night. In the morning[of the 28th[V-6]] the river was almost choked with drifting ice;but the sun bursting out at noon, the ice disappeared, and Itook leave of Mr. Pike, who marched up the river at the momentI embarked on board my newly constructed canoe.Unfortunately, we had not proceeded more than 100 yardswhen my boats grounded, and the men were obliged to dragthem through sand and ice five miles, to a copse of woodson the southwestern bank. I here hauled up my canoe,formed a kind of cabin of it, and wrapped myself up in mybuffalo-robe, disheartened and dissatisfied with the commencementof my voyage. The night was severely cold,and in the morning [29th] the river was so full of ice as toprevent all possibility of proceeding. The day continuedstormy, with snow from the northwest.

On the 30th the river was frozen up, and toward eveningthe water had run off and left the bed of the river coveredwith ice. This circumstance determined me to leave mycanoes and course the river by land. Accordingly, on the31st of October, after having thrown away all my clothingand provision, except half a dozen tin cups of hard corn foreach man, I slung my rifle on my shoulder, and with mybuffalo-robe at my back and circumferentor in my hand, Irecommenced my march with a light and cheerful heart. Myonly apprehension was that I might meet with detachedbands of the Pawnees, who, I am confident, would havebrought me and my five men [Ballenger, Boley, Bradley,548Huddleston, Wilson] to action; and what the consequenceof this would have been is very obvious.

On the 1st, 2d, and 3d of November I marched over highand barren hills of sand; at the close of each day passedstrongly impregnated salines, and perceived the shores ofthe river to be completely frosted with nitre. The face ofthe country, as I descended, looked more desolate thanabove, the eye being scarcely able to discern a tree; and ifone was discovered, it proved to be a solitary cottonwood,stinted in growth by the sterility of the soil. The eveningof the 3d instant I encamped on the bank of the river, withouta tree or even a shrub in view. On the 4th we experienceda heavy rain; but hunger and cold pressed me forward.After marching 10 miles I reached a small tree, where I remainedin a continued rain for two days [5th, 6th], at theexpiration of which time, having exhausted my fuel, I hadagain [7th] to push off in a severe storm, and formed mycamp at the mouth of a bold running stream [probably Cowcreek[V-7]], whose northern bank was skirted by a chain of loftyridges.

On the 8th, in the morning, it having cleared up, I beganmy march early, and it appeared as if we had just gotteninto the region of game; for the herds of buffalo, elk, goat[antelope], and deer surpassed credibility. I do solemnlyassert that, if I saw one, I saw more than 9,000 buffaloesduring the day's march.

On the 10th, in the evening, after a severe day's march, Iencamped on the bank of a large creek [probably LittleArkansaw[V-8]], and discovered for the first time on the river aspecies of wood differing from the cotton tree. I assure you549the sight was more agreeable than a person would imagine;it was like meeting with an old acquaintance from whom Ihad been separated a length of time. I even began to thinkmyself approximating civilized settlements, although I wasjust entering on the hunting-ground of the Osages.

The buffaloes and goats disappeared on the 12th, orrather we had passed their range and entered that of thedeer only. Our marches were through rich narrow bottomsfrom 150 to 200 yards wide.

On the 15th, discovering timber sufficiently large to formcanoes, I felled a couple of trees, and commenced splittingout. I would have proceeded further by land, but as mymen were almost worn out with fatigue, and as the gamegrew scarce, I conceived it most advisable to rest for a shorttime, and kill my winter's store of meat. This I effectedby the 24th, and on the same day completed the canoes.On the 25th I again attempted the navigation of the river,but was as unfortunate as at first; for my boat grounded,after floating a few hundred yards, and the men were consequentlycompelled to ply with their shoulders instead oftheir paddles.

The following day I passed the Negracka [read Ninnescah[V-9]],at whose mouth commence the craggy cliffs whichline a great part of the shores of the Arkansaw.


On the 28th the provision canoe overset, and I lost nearlyall my stock of meat; this accident was rendered the moredistressing by an almost total loss of my ammunition, whichunfortunately was in the same canoe.

On the 30th, I fell in with a band of Grand Osages, whowere in pursuit of buffalo cows; the chief of the partyinsisted on my remaining with him a day, and sent out hisyoung men to hunt for me. In the afternoon two Indiansof the Osage nation joined us, with a horse and mule, andbrought me a message from Tuttasuggy, or Wind, who itappeared was lying very ill, about 20 miles across theprairie, and wished to see me. As he was a particularfavorite of mine, I left my canoes in charge of the men,and passed with a guide to the chief's temporary village.I found him extremely unwell, with what I conceived to bea dropsy, for his abdomen was very much swollen. Heseemed gratified at the sight of me, and observed that hewas poor and pitiful, for the reason that he was a friend tothe Americans. He said that Chouteau, upon arrival attheir villages last fall, had treated him like a child; hadtaken on to Washington his younger brother Nezuma, orRain that Walks, and intended making him [Nezuma] chiefof the nation; that Chouteau told him he [Tuttasuggy]was a "bad man," and an "American" [i. e., a friend ofthe Americans]; that the Spaniards were going to war withAmerica, and in a short time would claim all this countryagain; and that he [Chouteau] prevented the traders fromallowing credit, whereby his [Tuttasuggy's] family weremuch distressed?as I clearly perceived, for they were evendestitute of a whole blanket.

This Nezuma, whom Chouteau took on to Washington551last fall with his wife, I am better acquainted with than perhapsMr. Chouteau himself. In the first place, I marchedwith him from St. Louis to his town, and he started with usto visit the Pawnees; but the mean and pitiful wretch gotalarmed and sneaked off without even advising us of hisdeparture. He has no more command in the village thana child, is no warrior, and has not even the power to controlthe will of a single man of his nation. Whether this youthis entitled to a grand medal, you may judge from theforegoing statement. Indeed, Sir, our grand medals havebecome so common that they do not carry with them therespect which they should. I recollect that one of thedeputation who was at the seat of government, the yearbefore last, came out with a large medal and an intermediate-sizedone. On our arrival at the villages, I calculated onhis acting a conspicuous part; but, to my utter astonishment,he was not permitted to sit among the chiefs, or eventhe warriors, at the council.

You well know, Sir, how particular the Spaniards, andthe British especially, have been in their distribution ofmedals; and if I mistake not, an Iowa chief, who had beento the seat of government and there received a small medal,returned it in preference to giving up a large British medalwhich he valued more, because it was a certain distinguishingmark of a chief.

You gave to Mr. Pike an intermediate-sized medal for oneof the Pawnee chiefs; this he presented to Iskatappe, who,having remarked the medals pendent from the necks of thetwo Pawnee young men who had been to Washington,demanded of what utility it would be to him. The onlySpanish medals in the Pawnee nation are those worn byCharacterish, or White Wolf, and his son.

The following sarcastic remark was made by the son ofBel Oiseau, a chief of the first standing among the GrandOsages while living, who unfortunately was killed by theSacs on his way to Washington with the first deputation.The son of White Hairs, with Shenga Wassa, or552Beautiful Bird [Bel Oiseau], was to accompany us to thePawnee village; but the former proved recreant, and at thecrossing of Grand [Neosho] river said he would return home."Shame on you!" said the latter; "what a pity it is sogreat and honorable a medal should be disgraced by somean a heart!"

You will pardon this digression, but I would wish to convinceyou, from what I have seen of Indians, how veryrequisite it is to use the utmost caution in the distributionof our presents and marks of distinction.

Before I set out to visit Tuttasuggy, the ice had commenceddrifting in large sheets, and on my return I foundit running from shore to shore. However, I pushed off anddrifted with it.

The night of the 2d of December was intensely cold, buthunger obliged me to proceed, and we fortunately reachedthe mouth of the Neskalonska [Salt fork of the Arkansaw[V-10]]553river without accident or injury, excepting that one of mymen got frosted. This day we passed two salines whichenter on the southwestern side.

The severity of the weather increased, and the river frozeover on the morning of the 3d. This circumstance placedme in a situation truly distressing, as my men were almost554naked; the tatters which covered them were comfortless,and my ammunition was nearly exhausted. The mensolicited me to hut, but I was resolved by perseverance andexertion to overcome, if in my power, the obstacles opposedto my progress.

The Neskalonska is about 120 yards wide, shoal and narrowat its mouth, but deepens and spreads after you turn555the first point. On this stream the Grand and Little Osagesform their temporary fall hunting-camps, and take theirpeltries. When the severity of winter sets in, the GrandOsages retire to Grosse Isle, on the Verdigrise or Wasetihoge;[V-11]and the Little Osages to one of its small branchescalled Possitonga, where they remain during the hardweather, and thence return to their towns on the Neska or[Little] Osage river.

On the 6th the ice began to drift, and I immediatelypushed off with it; but as my evil stars would have it, myboats again grounded. Being in the middle of the river,my only alternative was to get out and drag them along forseveral miles, when we halted to warm our benumbed feetand hands. The next day several large cakes of ice hadblocked up the river, and we had to cut our way throughthem with axes; the boats as usual grounded, and the men,bare-legged and bare-footed, were obliged to leap into thewater. This happened so frequently that two more ofthem got badly frosted.

On the 8th one of my canoes was driven on a bank of iceduring a snow-storm, and did not overtake me until theevening of the 9th, in so shattered a condition that she couldhardly be kept above water, and the poor fellows who werein her were almost frozen.

On the 10th, about noon, I passed the Grand Saline orNewsewketonga [Cimarron river[V-12]], which is of a reddish556color, though its water is very clear. About two days'march up this river, you find the prairie grass on the S. W.side incrusted with salt, and on the N. E. bank, fresh-watersprings, and lakes abounding with fish. This salt theArkansaw Osages obtain by scraping it off the prairie witha turkey's wing into a wooden trencher. The river doesnot derive its name from its saline properties, but from thequantities that may always be found on its banks, and is atall seasons of the year potable.

On the 20th, in the afternoon, we passed another Saline[river[V-13]] with water equally as red as that of the Newsewketonga,and more strongly impregnated with salt.

After encountering every hardship to which a voyage issubject in small canoes at so inclement a season of the year,I arrived on the 23d inst., in a storm of hail and snow, atthe wintering-camp of Cashesegra or Big Track, [or BigFoot] chief of the Osages who reside on Verdigrise river.

On the following day I gave him your talk and receivedhis reply, which it is unnecessary to recount fully, as it wasmerely a description of his poverty and miserable situation.He however said that he had been informed the UnitedStates intended to erect factories on the Osage river, andthat he was anxious to have one near to his own village;and for that purpose he was willing to give the UnitedStates the tract of country lying between the Verdigriseand Grand [Neosho] rivers. A factory, with a garrison of557troops stationed there, would answer the double purpose ofkeeping in order those Indians, who are the most desperateand profligate part of the whole nation, more fully impressingthem with an idea of our consequence, and gainingmore firmly their friendship. It also would tend to preserveharmony among the Chactaws, Creeks, Cherokees, andOsages of the three different villages, who are in a constantstate of warfare; further, it would prevent the Osages makingexcursions into the country of the poor and peaceablydisposed Caddoes, and might have some effect in confiningthe Spaniards to their own territorial limits.

On the 27th I passed the mouths of the Verdigrise andGrand [Neosho[V-14]] rivers, the former being about 100 andthe latter 130 yards wide; those streams enter within aquarter of a mile of each other. Below the mouth of Grandriver commence the rapids, which continue for severalhundred miles down the Arkansaw.

About 58 or 60 miles up the Verdigrise is situate theOsage village.[V-15] This band, some four or five years since,were led by the chief Cashesegra [Big Foot] to the watersof the Arkansaw, at the request of Pierre Chouteau, for thepurpose of securing their trade, the exclusive trade of theOsage river having at that time been purchased from theSpanish governor by Manuel Lisa of St. Louis. But thoughCashesegra be the nominal leader, Clermont, or the Builderof Towns, is the greatest warrior and most influential man,now more firmly attached to the interests of the Americansthan any other chief of the nation. He is the lawful558sovereign of the Grand Osages; but his hereditary rightwas usurped by Pahuska or White Hair [Cheveux Blancs],while Clermont was yet an infant. White Hair, in fact, isa chief of Chouteau's creating, as well as Cashesegra; andneither has the power or disposition to restrain their youngmen from the perpetration of an improper act, fearing lestthey should render themselves unpopular.

On the 29th I passed a fall [Webber's] of near seven feetperpendicular. At evening I was visited by a scout from anOsage war party, and received from them a man by the nameof M'Farlane, who had been trapping up the Pottoe [Poteau].We passed about noon this day the mouths of the river desIllinois,[V-16] which enters on the N. E. side, and of the Canadian[V-17]river, which puts in from the S. W. The latter riveris the main branch of the Arkansaw, and is equally large.


On the 31st I passed the mouth of the Pottoe,[V-18] a deepthough narrow stream which puts in on the S. W., and alsothe river au Millieu [Milieu[V-19]], that enters from the N. E.

On the evening of the 6th of January I reached the plantationof a Mr. Labomme, and was more inhospitably treatedthan by the savages themselves.

On the 8th I passed the two upper Arkansaw or Quapaw[V-20]560villages, and on the 9th, after passing the lower Quapawtown, and a settlement of Chactaws, arrived at the post ofArkansaw.[V-21]

The surface of the country between the Osage towns andthe Pawnee village is generally broken and naked; the soilsterile, and abounding with flint and lime stones. As youapproach the waters of the Kanses, it becomes hilly andsandy. The same may be said of the country between thePawnee village and the Arkansaw; but after passing theridge which separates the waters of the Kanses and Arkansaw,the surface becomes more regular and less stony.

Below the Verdigrise the shores of the Arkansaw are generally561lined with cane [Arundinaria macrosperma], andconsequently rich bottoms. I was informed by the Indiansthat the country to the northwest of the Osage villageabounds with valuable lead mines, but I could make no discoveryof any body of mineral.

The survey from the Arkansaw post to the Mississippi Ifear is not correct, as I was so ill when I descended thatpart of the river as to be confined to my blanket.

The chart which accompanies this report, of the course ofthe Arkansaw, I hope will prove satisfactory, not only toyourself, but the president.

I have the honor to subscribe myself,

Your faithful and obliged,
Humble and obedient servant,
[Signed] James B. Wilkinson,
1st Lieut. 2d U. S. Regt. of Infantry.

His Excellency
General James Wilkinson,
Commander-in-Chief of the U. S. Army.




Art. 1. Letter, Wilkinson's Instructions to Pike.[VI-1]

St. Louis, June 24th, 1806.

SIR: You are to proceed without delay to the cantonmenton the Missouri [at Belle Fontaine], where youare to embark the late Osage captives and the deputationrecently returned from Washington, with their presents andbaggage, and are to transport the whole up the Missouriand Osage rivers to the town of the Grand Osage.

The safe delivery of this charge at the point of destinationconstitutes the primary object of your expedition;therefore you are to move with such caution as may preventsurprise from any hostile band, and are to repel with yourutmost force any outrage which may be attempted.

Having safely deposited your passengers and their property,you are to turn your attention to the accomplishmentof a permanent peace between the Kanses and Osage nations;for which purpose you must effect a meeting betweenthe head chiefs of those nations, and are to employ sucharguments, deduced from their own obvious interests, aswell as the inclinations, desires, and commands of the president563of the United States, as may facilitate your purposeand accomplish the end.

A third object of considerable magnitude will then claimyour consideration. It is to effect an interview and establisha good understanding with the Yanctons, Tetaus, orCamanches.

For this purpose you must interest White Hair, of theGrand Osage, with whom and a suitable deputation you willvisit the Panis republic, where you may find interpreters,and inform yourself of the most feasible plan by which tobring the Camanches to a conference. Should you succeedin this attempt?and no pains must be spared to effect it?youwill endeavor to make peace between that distant powerfulnation and the nations which inhabit the countrybetween us and them, particularly the Osage; finally, youwill endeavor to induce eight or ten of their distinguishedchiefs to make a visit to the seat of government next September,and you may attach to this deputation four or fivePanis and the same number of Kanses chiefs.

As your interview with the Camanches will probably leadyou to the head branches of the Arkansaw and Red rivers,you may find yourself approximated to the settlements ofNew Mexico. There it will be necessary you should movewith great circumspection, to keep clear of any hunting orreconnoitering parties from that province, and to preventalarm or offense; because the affairs of Spain and the UnitedStates appear to be on the point of amicable adjustment,and moreover it is the desire of the president to cultivate thefriendship and harmonious intercourse of all the nations ofthe earth, particularly our near neighbors the Spaniards.[VI-2]


In the course of your tour, you are to remark particularlyupon the geographical structure, the natural history, andpopulation of the country through which you may pass, takingparticular care to collect and preserve specimens of everythingcurious in the mineral or botanical worlds, which canbe preserved and are portable. Let your courses be regulatedby your compass, and your distances by your watch,to be noted in a field-book; and I would advise you, whencircumstances permit, to protract and lay down in a separatebook the march of the day at every evening's halt.

The instruments which I have furnished you will enableyou to ascertain the variation of the magnetic needle andthe latitude with exactitude; and at every remarkable pointI wish you to employ your telescope in observing theeclipses of Jupiter's satellites, having previously regulatedand adjusted your watch by your quadrant, taking care tonote with great nicety the periods of immersions and emersionsof the eclipsed satellites. These observations mayenable us, after your return, by application to the appropriatetables, which I cannot now furnish you, to ascertain thelongitude.

It is an object of much interest with the executive toascertain the direction, extent, and navigation of the Arkansawand Red rivers; as far, therefore, as may be compatible565with these instructions and practicable to the means youmay command, I wish you to carry your views to those subjects;and should circumstances conspire to favor the enterprise,that you may detach a party with a few Osage todescend the Arkansaw under the orders of Lieutenant Wilkinson,or Sergeant Ballinger, properly instructed andequipped to take the courses and distances, to remark on thesoil, timber, etc., and to note the tributary streams. Thisparty will, after reaching our post on the Arkansaw, descendto Fort Adams and there await further orders; and you yourselfmay descend the Red river, accompanied by a party ofthe most respectable Camanches, to the post of Nachitoches,and there receive further orders.

To disburse your necessary expenses and to aid yournegotiations, you are herewith furnished six hundred dollars'worth of goods, for the appropriation of which you areto render a strict account, vouched by documents to be attestedby one of your party.

Wishing you a safe and successful expedition,

I am, Sir,
With much respect and esteem,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] James Wilkinson.

Lieutenant Z. M. Pike.

Art. 2. Letter, Wilkinson's Additional Instructionsto Pike.

Cantonment [Belle Fontaine], Missouri,
July 12th, 1806.


The health of the Osages being now generally restored,and all hopes of the speedy recovery of their prisoners fromthe hands of the Potowatomies being at an end, they havebecome desirous to commence their journey for their villages;you are therefore to proceed to-morrow.

In addition to the instructions given you on the 24th566ultimo, I must request you to have the talks under coverdelivered to White Hair and Grand Peste, the chief of theOsage band which is settled on the waters of the Arkansaw,together with the belts which accompany them. You willalso receive herewith a small belt for the Panis and a largeone for the Tetaus or Camanches.

Should you find it necessary, you are to give orders toMaugraine, the resident interpreter at the Grand Osage, toattend you.

I beg you to take measures for the security and safereturn of your boats from the Grand Osage to this place.

Dr. Robinson will accompany you as a volunteer. He willbe furnished medicines, and for the accommodations whichyou give him he is bound to attend your sick.

Should you discover any unlicensed traders in your route,or any person from this territory, or from the United States,without a proper license or passport, you are to arrest suchperson or persons and dispose of their property as the lawdirects.

My confidence in your caution and discretion has preventedmy urging you to be vigilant in guarding against thestrategy and treachery of the Indians; holding yourselfabove alarm or surprise, the composition of your party,though it be small, will secure to you the respect of a hostof untutored savages.

You are to communicate, from the Grand Osage and fromevery other practicable point, directly to the secretary ofwar, transmitting your letters to this place under cover, tothe commanding officer, or by any more convenient route.

I wish you health and a successful and honorable enterprise,and am,

Yours with friendship,
[Signed] James Wilkinson.

Lieutenant Z. M. Pike.


Art. 3.[VI-3] Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 3, pp. 32, 33.)

St. Charles, July 17th, 1806.

Dear Sir:

We arrived here last evening all well, except some of thesoldiers from fatigue, as in the present state of the water weare obliged to row altogether.

We were disappointed in obtaining any information fromSt. Louis, or baggage for our Panis. I do not know how itwill be digested by them. We likewise were disappointedin receiving a line from you, as we had here expected, andin the hopes of which I shall yet detain until twelve o'clockand then take my departure. Our Osage conduct themselvespretty well, and are very obedient to orders; at firstthey had an idea a little too free relative to other people'sproperty, but at present stand corrected.

I understood from you that they were equipped by Mr.Tillier with everything necessary for their voyage to theirtowns; consequently, although they have been applying tome for a variety of articles, none of which have they beengratified with, but powder and ball, which is necessary fortheir own defense.

The general will pardon this scrawl; and should he sendan express after us, please to let Mrs. Pike know of theopportunity.

I am, dear Sir,
With high respect,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

General Wilkinson.


Art. 4. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 4, p. 33.)

St. Charles, July 19th [i. e., 18th], 1806.
In the morning.

Dear General:

Inclosed you have one of the articles subscribed by Mr.[George] Henry, mentioned in my note of yesterday.[VI-4] Ihope the general may approve of the contents.

Lieutenant Wilkinson and Dr. Robinson marched withone soldier this morning, and the boats have proceededunder the conduct of [Sergeant] Ballenger; I shall overtakethem in an hour or two.

Numerous reports have been made to the Indians [wehave with us], calculated to impress them with an idea thatthere is a small army of their enemies waiting to receive usat the entrance of the Grand Osage. But I have partlysucceeded in scouting the idea from their minds.

No news of Chouteau, nor Panis' trunks.

I am, dear General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

General Wilkinson.

Art. 5. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 5, pp. 33-35.)

Village De Charette, July 22d, 1806.

Dear General:

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your twoobliging favors of the 18th and 19th inst. The particularcontents of each shall be punctually attended to.

I assure you, Sir, that I am extremely pleased with theidea that Messrs. [Blank] and [Blank] will meet with theirmerited reward, and I on my part am determined to showthem that it is not their sinister movements that can derange569the objects of our voyage; the greatest embarrassmentthey have yet occasioned me has been by thedetention of the Panis' baggage, who have been muchmortified on the occasion. But I question much if, undersimilar impressions and circumstances, many white menwould have borne their loss with more philosophy than ouryoung savages.

I conceive that I cannot dispose of one of my gunsbetter than to give it to Frank, whose fusee was left atChouteau's; also, each of them a soldier's coat; this is allthe remuneration I will pretend to make them, and I hopeit may bring them to a good humor.

You will probably be surprised at the slow progress wehave made, but are already informed of the cause of ourdetention at St. Charles. Since then we have been detainedtwo days on account of the rain; and although we wereable to prevent the water from entering immediately on thetop of the boat where covered, yet the quantity which shemade at both ends occasioned so much dampness under theloading as to injure both my own corn and that of theIndians, with other small articles which they had at varioustimes taken from under the loading and not returned totheir proper places; but they appear satisfied that wehave paid all possible attention to prevent injury to theirbaggage?as much as, and indeed more than, to our own.

In consequence of the above, and with a design to writeyou, I halted here to-day, which I hope we shall usefully employin drying our baggage, cleaning our arms, and puttingourselves in a posture of defense. Lieutenant Wilkinsonhas experienced no inconvenience from his march by landwith the Indians; and the event has proved the necessityof some officer accompanying them, as he informs me. Hefound it necessary to purchase some beeves for their consumptionon the route, for which he drew on the superintendentof Indian affairs, and will write to you moreparticularly on the subject. They were absent from theboat four days; and had he not been with them, they570would have supplied themselves by marauding, to the greatoffense of our good citizens.

I am informed that a party of 40 Sacs were at Boon'sLick, above the Osage river, a few days since; but I by nomeans conceive they were on the route to intercept us, asthe people pretend at this place.

Three days since one of my men [Kennerman] complainedof indisposition, and went on shore to march; hehas never joined the party, and from various reasons I conceivehas deserted. I have therefore inclosed an advertisementwhich, if the general will please to cause to beposted at St. Louis, Kaskaskias, and Lusk's Ferry on theOhio, I conceive he will be caught. I have written toCaptain Daniel Bissell[VI-5] on the occasion; but hope thegeneral will enforce my request to that gentleman, as to his[Kennerman's] being brought to trial. I was much mortifiedat the event, not only on account of the loss of theman, but that my peculiar situation prevented me frompursuing him and making him an example.

With respect to the Tetaus, the general may rest assured,I shall use every precaution previous to trusting them; butas to the mode of conduct to be pursued towards the Spaniards,571I feel more at a loss, as my instructions lead me intothe country of the Tetaus, part of which is no doubt claimedby Spain, although the boundaries between Louisiana andNew Mexico, have never yet been defined, in consequenceof which, should I encounter a party from the villages nearSanta Fe, I have thought it would be good policy to givethem to understand, that we were about to join our troopsnear Natchitoches, but had been uncertain about the headwaters of the rivers over which we passed; but, that now, ifthe commandant approved of it, we would pay him a visit ofpoliteness, either by deputation, or the whole party, but ifhe refused, signify our intention of pursuing our direct routeto the post below; but if not I flatter myself secure us anunmolested retreat to Natchitoches. But if the Spanishjealousy, and the instigation of domestic traitors shouldinduce them to make us prisoners of war, (in time of peace)I trust to the magnanimity of our country for our liberationand a due reward to their opposers, for the insult andindignity offered their national honor. However, unless theygive us ample assurances of just and honorable treatment,according to the custom of nations in like cases, I wouldresist, even if the inequality was as great as at the affair ofBender [town in Russia], or the streights of Thermopyl�.[VI-6]


Will you pardon the foregoing as the enthusiasm of ayouthful mind, yet not altogether unimpressed by the dictatesof prudence?

I hope the general will be persuaded that with his son Ishall act as I would to a brother, endeavoring in all casesto promote his honor and prosperity.

In consequence of indisposition, etc., Lieut. Wilkinsonwill steer one boat and I the other.

I am, dear General,
Your sincere friend,
And obedient humble servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

General J. Wilkinson.

Art. 6. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 6, p. 36.)

Village de Charette, Evening of July 22d, 1806.

Dear Sir:

Finding no prospect of meeting with a private conveyanceof our letters in time sufficient to find you previous to oursetting sail, which would be entirely too late to secure mydeserter and give you the other information they contain,I have hired the bearer to ride express to Belle Fontaine,for which I have promised him $8; which, taking into viewhis ferriages, etc., cannot be deemed high, and I hope the573general will please to order the military agent to dischargethe same.

The weather has at length become settled, and we setsail to-morrow with our boats newly and much betterarranged.

I am, General, with sincere esteem,
And high respect,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

General Wilkinson.

Art. 7. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 7, p. 36.)

Five Leagues Below the River Osage, July 26th, 1806.

Dear General:

I halt a moment, in order to say we have arrived thus farall safe, although our savages complain much of fatigue, etc.

The bearer had been sent by Mr. Sangonet [Charles Sanguinet,Sr.] to examine the Osage river, and reports thatthey could not get their canoes up the river more than 60miles. If so, we have a bad prospect before us; but go wewill, if God permits.

We have been detained several days by the Indians.

I am, dear General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

Gen. James Wilkinson.

Art. 8. Letter, Wilkinson to Pike. (Orig. No. 9, pp. 38-40.)

Cantonment Missouri [at Belle Fontaine],
Aug. 6th, 1806.


In consequence of the receipt of the inclosed letters,I have thought proper to send you an express, to enableyou to announce to the Osage the designs of their enemies,that they may take seasonable measures to circumvent574them. You will not fail, in addition to the within talk,to enhance our paternal regard for this nation by everyproper expression; but are to keep clear of any conflict inwhich they may be involved, though you are to avoid theappearance of abandoning them. If it should be the Potowatomies'intention to carry their threat into execution, itis probable they will not attempt to make the blow beforethe falling of the leaves; and in the mean time the Osagesshould establish a chain of light scouts along the coast ofthe Missouri, to ascertain with certainty the approach oftheir enemy.

It is reduced to a certainty that [Manuel de Lisa] anda society of which he is the ostensible leader have determinedon a project to open some commercial intercoursewith Santa Fe; and as this may lead to a connectioninjurious to the United States, and will, I understand, beattempted without the sanction of law or the permission ofthe executive, you must do what you can consistently todefeat the plan. No good can be derived to the UnitedStates from such a project, because the prosecution of itwill depend entirely on the Spaniards, and they will notpermit it, unless to serve their political as well as their personalinterests. I am informed that the ensuing autumnand winter will be employed in reconnoitering and openinga connection with the Tetaus, Panis, etc.; that this fall orthe next winter, a grand magazine is to be established atthe Osage towns, where these operations will commence;that [Lisa] is to be the active agent, having formed a connectionwith the Tetaus. This will carry forward theirmerchandise within three or four days' travel of the Spanishsettlements, where they will deposit it under a guard of 300Tetaus. [Lisa] will then go forward with four or fiveattendants, taking with him some jewelry and fine goods.With those he will visit the governor, to whom he willmake presents, and implore his pity by a fine tale of sufferingswhich have been endured by the change of government;that they are left here, with goods to be sure, but575not a dollar's worth of bullion, and therefore they haveadventured to see him, for the purpose of praying his leavefor the introduction of their property into the province. Ifhe assents, then the whole of the goods will be carried forward;if he refuses, then [Lisa] will invite some of hiscountrymen to accompany him to his deposit, and havingthere exposed to them his merchandise, he will endeavor toopen a forced or clandestine trade; for he observes, theSpaniards will not dare to attack his camp. Here you havethe plan, and you must take all prudent and lawful meansto blow it up.

In regard to your approximation to the Spanish settlements,should your route lead you near them, or should youfall in with any of their parties, your conduct must bemarked by such circumspection and discretion as may preventalarm or conflict, as you will be held responsible forconsequences. On this subject I refer you to my orders.We have nothing new respecting the pending negotiationsin Europe; but from Colonel [T. H.] Cushing I understandthe Spaniards below are behaving now with great courtesy.

By the return of the bearer you may open your correspondencewith the secretary of war [General Dearborn];but I would caution you against anticipating a step beforeyou, for fear of deception and disappointment. To me youmay, and must, write fully and freely, not only givinga minute detail of everything past worthy of note, but alsoof your prospects and the conduct of the Indians. If youdiscover that any tricks have been played from St. Louis,you will give them to me with names, and must not fail togive particulars to the secretary of war, with names, to warnhim against improper confidence and deception. Incloseyour dispatch for me to Colonel [T.] Hunt, and it will followme by a party which I leave for the purpose. It is interestingto you to reach Nachitoches in season to be at the seatof government pending the session of Congress; yet youmust not sacrifice any essential object to this point. Shouldfortune favor you on your present excursion, your importance576to our country will, I think, make your future lifecomfortable.

To show you how to correct your watch by the quadrant,after it has been carefully adjusted, preparatory to yourobserving the eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter, I sendyou a very simple plan, which you will readily understand:a basin of water, in some place protected from the motionof the air, will give you a fairer artificial horizon than mercury.I think a tent, with a suitable aperture in the sideof it, would do very well. I have generally unroofed acabin.

Miranda has botched his business. He has lost his twoschooners captured, and himself in the Leander returned toJamaica. The French have a squadron of four frigates atPorto Rico, and five sail of the line with Jerome Bonaparteat Martinique. I consider them lost.

Your children have been indisposed; but Mrs. Pike writesyou. She appears well. My regards to your associates,and may God protect you.

[Signed] J. Wilkinson.

Lieutenant Pike.

Art. 9. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 8, p. 37.)

Park on the Osage River, Aug. 14th, 1806.

Dear Sir:

I send this letter by Baptiste la Tulip [note36, p. 381],who informs me he bears letters to Chouteau, informinghim that a party of Little Osages have marched to waragainst the Kanses, and a party of Grand Osages left thevillage expressly to make war on the white people on theArkansaw. This latter step White Hair did everything inhis power to prevent, but could not. If true, what are weto think of our bons amis, the Osage?

But to [Manuel de Lisa] must we ascribe the strokeagainst the Kanses. He I am informed sent a message tothe Osage nation to raze the Kanses village entirely. On577this subject I intended to have been more particular, andsubstantiate it by proofs; but present circumstances seemto give credit to it. On my arrival at the village, more particularinquiry shall be made on the subject.

Yesterday morning Lieutenant Wilkinson, the doctor,interpreter, and one soldier, marched with the Indians, asthey were very apprehensive of an attack. The people inthe canoe heard them crying and saw them on their march.

Nothing extraordinary has yet taken place on our route,except our being favored with a vast quantity of rain, whichI hope will enable us to ascend to the village.

What face will the Indians receive us with? And towhom are we to ascribe their hostile disposition, unless tothe traitors of St. Louis?

Lieutenant Wilkinson is in very good health, and willlament his having missed this opportunity of assuring hisparents of his love and affection.

I am, dear General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

Gen. James Wilkinson.

Art. 10. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 10,pp. 40-42.)

Camp Independence, near the Osage Towns,
Aug. 28th, 1806.

Dear General:

You will no doubt be much surprised to perceive by thedate of this letter that we are still here; but we have beenunavoidably detained by a variety of circumstances.

I had the happiness to receive your express the day ofmy arrival, the bearer having arrived the night before, andhave attended particularly to its contents.

On the 19th inst. I delivered your parole to CheveuxBlanche, and on the 21st held a grand council of bothtowns, and made the necessary communications and demands578for horses, on the subjects of making peace with theKans, accompanying me to the Panis, [and Wilkinson] downthe Arkansaw, and [to ascertain] if there were any braveenough to accompany me the whole voyage.

They requested one day to hold council in the villages,previous to giving an answer. It was three before Ireceived any; their determination was as follows: Fromthe Grand Osage village, or [that of] Cheveux Blanche, weare accompanied by his son, and Jean La Fon [Le Fou],the second chief of the village, with some young men notknown, and he furnishes us four horses.

The Little Osage sends the brother of the chief, whomI really find to be the third chief of the village, and someyoung men unknown, and furnishes six horses. This istheir present promise, but four of the ten are yet deficient.With these I am merely capable of transporting our merchandiseand ammunition. I shall purchase two more, forwhich I find we shall be obliged to pay extravagant prices.

I sincerely believe that the two chiefs, White Hair andWind, have exerted all their influence; but it must be little,when they could only procure 10 horses out of 700 or 800.

I have taken an exact survey of the river to this place,noting particular streams, etc., a protracted copy of whichLieutenant Wilkinson forwards by this opportunity. Sinceour arrival here I have ascertained the variation of thecompass to be 6� 30� E.; the latitude, by means of severalobservations, 37� 26� 17�� N.; and by an observation on threedifferent nights I obtained two immersions of Jupiter's satellites,which will enable us to ascertain every geographicalobject in view.

On the same night I arrived near the village, Mr. BaptistDuchouquette, alias Larme, with two men, in a small canoe,arrived and went immediately to the lodge of White Hair,whose conduct, with that of our resident interpreter, appearsin my estimation to have changed since I sent LieutenantWilkinson to demand to see Baptist's passport, if he hadone, and if not, to bring him to camp; which was done. I579detained him two days, until I had made an inquiry of WhiteHair, who said he had merely mentioned to him thatLabardie was coming with a quantity of goods. Finding Icould substantiate nothing more criminal against him thanhis having entered the Indian boundaries without a passport,and not being able to send him back a prisoner, Idetained him a sufficient time to alarm him, then took hisdeposition (a copy of which is inclosed to the attorney-general),and wrote Dr. Brown on the occasion, requestinghim to enter a prosecution against these men [see note44,p. 388, Aug. 20th, 1806].

Barroney informs me that he has not the least doubt that[Lisa] was at the bottom of this embassy, although in thename of [Labardie]; as after the arrival of Baptist, theIndians frequently spoke of [Lisa] and declared that if hehad come he could have obtained horses in plenty.

Our interpreter, Maugraine, also, I do believe to be aperfect creature of [Lisa]; he has almost positively refusedto accompany me, although I read your order on the subject,alleging he was only engaged to interpret at this place,notwithstanding he went last year to the Arkansaw for Mr.Chouteau without difficulty. I have not yet determined onthe line of conduct to be pursued with him; but believe, onhis giving a positive refusal, I shall use military law. Whatthe result will be is uncertain; but to be thus braved by ascoundrel will be lessening the dignity of our government.He is married into a powerful family, and appears, next toWhite Hair, to have the most influence in the Grand[Osage] village. The general will please to observe thatmuch of the foregoing rests on conjecture, and thereforewill give it its due weight. But to him I not only write asmy general, but as a paternal friend, who would not makeuse of my open communications, when not capable of beingsubstantiated by proofs.

We have heard nothing of the Potowatomies; but shouldthey come in a few days, they will meet with a warm reception,as all are ready to receive them.580

Since my arrival here many Spanish medals have beenshown me, and some commissions. All I have done onthe subject is merely to advise their delivery below, whenthey would be acknowledged by our government. Manyhave applied for permission to go to Saint Louis; none ofwhich I have granted except to the son of Sans Orielle,who goes down to make inquiry for his sister.

I have advanced our express some things on account, andforward his receipts; also, some trifles to Barroney, whom Ihave found to be one of the finest young men I ever knewin his situation. He appears to have entirely renounced allhis Saint Louis connections, and is as firm an American asif born one; he of course is entirely discarded by the peopleof Saint Louis; but I hope he will not suffer for his fidelity.

On the chart forwarded by Lieutenant Wilkinson is notedthe census which I caused to be taken of the village of theLittle Osage; that of the big one I shall likewise obtain?theyare from actual enumeration. Lieutenant Wilkinson,if nothing extraordinary prevents, will descend the Arkansaw,accompanied by Ballenger and two men, as the formeris now perfectly acquainted with the mode of taking coursesand protracting his route, and the latter appears as if hehad not the proper capacity for it, although a good dispositionedand brave man.

I am, dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

Gen. Wilkinson.

Art. 11. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 11, p. 43.)

[Osage Towns], Aug. 29th, 1806.

Dear Sir:

I will continue my communications by relating that Windhas come in and informed me that the other two horseswhich he promised have been withdrawn by their owners.He appeared really distressed, and I conceive I do him581justice in believing that he is extremely mortified at thedeceptions which have been passed on him.

It is with extreme pain that I keep myself cool amongstthe difficulties which those people appear to have a dispositionto throw in my way; but I have declared to themthat I should go on, even if I collected our tents and otherbaggage which we will be obliged to leave together, andburnt them on the spot.

I have sold the batteau which I brought up, and whichwas extremely rotten, for $100 in merchandise, the price atthis place; which I conceive was preferable to leaving herto destruction, as I am afraid I do the barge (for which Idemanded $150), although I leave her under the charge ofWind, and shall report her to Colonel [Thomas] Hunt.

I shall dispatch the express to-morrow, as he complainsmuch of the detention, etc., and as I hope nothing worthyof note will occur at this place previous to our departure.I hope the general will believe me to be and, should this bemy last report, to have been, his sincerely attached friendand obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

Gen. Wilkinson.

Art. 12. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 12, pp. 43, 44.)

Osage Towns, Aug. 30th, 1806.

Dear Sir:

I have brought Mr. Noal, alias Maugraine, to reason, andhe either goes himself or hires, at his expense, a young manwho is here who speaks the Panis language, and in manyother respects is preferable to himself; but he will be thebearer of the express to Saint Louis.

Cheveux Blanche requested me to inform you that thereis an Osage murderer in his village, who killed a Frenchmanon the Arkansaw; but owing to the great dissensionsand schism of the Arkansaw faction, he is fearful to deliver582him up without some of his friends having agreed to it,and his authority being strengthened by a formal demandfrom you; when he assures me he shall be brought downa prisoner. Indeed Cheveux Blanche appears to be verydelicately situated, as the village on the Arkansaw servesas a place of refuge for all the young, daring, and discontented;added to which, they are much more regularlysupplied with ammunition, and, should not our governmenttake some steps to prevent it, they will ruin the Grandvillage, as they are at liberty to make war without restraint,especially on the nations who are to the west, and haveplenty of horses. The chief says he was promised, atWashington, that these people should be brought back tojoin him; but, on the contrary, many of his village are emigratingthere.

Owing to the difficulty of obtaining horses, Mr. Henryreturns from this place. In descending the Mississippi Iwill request him to pay his respects to you.

I last evening took the census of the Grand village, andfound it to be: men, 502; boys, 341; women and girls,852; total, 1695; lodges, 214.

The express waits, which I hope the general will acceptas an excuse for this scrawl, having written him fully on the28th and 29th inst.

I am, dear General,
Your ever sincere friend
and obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

Gen. J. Wilkinson.

Art. 13. Letter, Pike to Dearborn. (Orig. No. 13, pp. 45, 46.)

Pawnee Republic, Oct. 1st, 1806.


We arrived here on the 25th ult., after a tedious march of375 miles, the distance, as I conceive, being very much augmented583by the Osages who accompanied us leading us toofar to the south, owing to their great fear of the Kans. Wesuffered considerably with thirst, but our guns furnished usamply with buffalo meat.

We delivered in safety to the chief the two young Pawneeswho had lately visited Washington, and caused to beexplained to the nation the parole which they bore from thepresident of the United States.

On our arrival, we found the Spanish and American flagsboth expanded in the village, and were much surprised tolearn that it was not more than three or four weeks sincea party of Spanish troops, whose numbers were estimatedby the Indians of this town at 300, had returned toSanta Fe. We further learned that a large body of troopshad left N. Mexico, and on their march had met with thevillagers of the Pawnee Mahaws, who were on one of theirsemi-annual excursions; that they encamped together, andentered into a treaty; but after this the Pawnees raised theircamp in the night, and stole a large portion of the Spaniards'horses. This circumstance induced them to halt onthe Arkansaw with the main body of the troops, and to sendforward the party who appeared at this village. They proposedto this chief to join a party of his warriors to theirtroops, march to and entirely destroy the village of the PawneeMahaws; this proposition he had prudence enough toreject, although at war with that nation. The Spanishofficer informed him that his superior, who remained on theArkansaw, had marched from Santa Fe with an intention ofentering into a treaty with the following nations of Indians,viz.: The Kanses, Pawnee Republic, Grand Pawnees, PawneeLoups, Otos, and Mahaws; and had with him a grandmedal, commissions, and four mules for each; but by thestroke of the Pawnee Mahaws the plan was disconcerted,except only as to this nation. The commissions are datedSanta Fe, 15th of June, 1806, signed governor-general, etc.,etc., of New Mexico, and run in the usual style of Spanish584commissions to savages, as far as I was capable of judgingof their contents.

The chief further informed me that the officer who commandedsaid party was too young to hold councils, etc.;that he had only come to open the road; that in thespring his superior would be here, and teach the Indianswhat was good for them; and that they would build atown near them. In short, it appears to me to have beenan expedition expressly for the purpose of striking a dreadinto those different nations of the Spanish power, and tobring about a general combination in its favor. Underthese impressions, I have taken the earliest opportunity ofreporting the infringement of our territory, in order that ourgovernment may not remain in the dark as to the views ofher neighbor.

I effected a meeting at this place between a few Kansand Osages, who smoked the pipe of peace and buried thehatchet, agreeably to the wishes of their great father; inconsequence of which a Kans has marched for the Osagenation, and some of the latter propose to accompany theformer to their village; whether this good understandingwill be permanent, I will not take on me to determine; butat least a temporary good effect has succeeded.

From the Osage towns, I have taken the courses and distancesby the route we came, marking each river or rivuletwe crossed, pointing out the dividing ridges, etc. Thewaters which we crossed were the heads of the [Little]Osage, White [Neosho], and Verdigrise rivers, [the two last]branches of the Arkansaw, and the waters of the [SmokyHill fork of the] Kans river. The latitude of this place, Ipresume, will be in about 39� 30� N., and I hope to obtainevery other astronomical observation which will be requisiteto fix its geographical situation beyond dispute. I expectto march from here in a few days; but the future prospectsof the voyage are entirely uncertain, as the savages strive tothrow every impediment in our way, agreeably to the ordersreceived from the Spaniards. Being seated on the ground,585and writing on the back of a book, I hope will plead myexcuse for this scrawl.

I am, Sir,
With high respect,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

The Hon. Henry Dearborn,
Secretary War Department.

Art. 14. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 14, pp. 47-50.)

Pawnee Republic, Oct. 2d, 1806.

Dear General:

Inclosed you have a copy of my letter from this place tothe secretary of war, in order that, should you think anycommunication on the contents necessary, you may have aperfect command of the information given the war department,and will be the more capable of illustrating thesubject.

You will perceive by said communication, that we were ledconsiderably out of our course by our guides, in my opinionnot less than 100 miles; this was entirely owing to the pusillanimityof the Osage, who were more afraid of the Kansthan I could possibly have imagined.

You will likewise perceive the council which took placebetween those nations under our auspices, and its effects, butwhich I candidly confess I have very little hopes will be productiveof a permanent peace, as none of the principal menof either nation were present; but as both are anxious for acessation of hostilities, perhaps it may have the desiredeffect.

Two of the Kans chiefs have said they will pursue thevoyage with me agreeably to my orders. I do not yet knowwhether they will descend the Arkansaw with Lieut. Wilkinson,or continue on to Red river with me; but they havetheir own selection.586

The general will no doubt be struck with some surprise toperceive that so large a party of Spanish troops have beenso lately in our territory. No doubt at first you would concludethat it must have been militia; but when informedthat their infantry were armed with muskets and bayonetsand had drums, that the men wore long mustaches and whiskerswhich almost covered the whole of their faces; thattheir cavalry were armed with swords and pistols, and thatregular guards and patrols were kept by horse and foot, youmay probably change your opinion.

The route by which they came and returned was by nomeans the direct one from Santa Fe, and why they shouldhave struck so low down as the Grand Saline, unless theyhad an idea of striking at the village of the Grand Pest, or conceivedthe Saline to be in their territory, I cannot imagine.

On our arrival here, we were received with great pompand ceremony by about 300 men on horseback, and withgreat apparent friendship by the chief. The Osage (onechief and four warriors) were presented with eight horses;the Kans who arrived two days after were also presentedwith horses. The day after, we assembled the four principalchiefs to dine, after which I presented the principal with adouble-barreled gun, gorget,[VI-7] and other articles (this manwore the grand Spanish medal); gave to the second thesmall medal you furnished me, with other articles; and toeach of the others a gorget in their turn. Those presentsI conceived would have a good effect, both as toattaching them to our government and in our immediateintercourse.

At the council which was held a day or two afterwardI presented them with merchandise which at this placeshould be valued at $250; and after explaining their relativesituation as to the Spanish and American governments,I asked on my part, if they would assist us with a few587horses, a Tetau prisoner who spoke Pawnee to serve as aninterpreter, an exchange of colors, and finally, for some oftheir chiefs to accompany us, to be sent on to Washington.The exchange of colors was the only request granted atthe time; and for particular reasons, which Lieut. Wilkinsonrelated, I thought proper to return them to the chief. Afterspending two or three anxious days, we were given to understandthat our requests could not be complied with in theother points, and were again strongly urged by the headchief to return the way we came, and not prosecute ourvoyage any further. This brought on an explanation as toour views toward the Spanish government, in which thechief declared that it had been the intention of the Spanishtroops to proceed further toward the Mississippi, butthat he objected to it, and they listened to him and returned;he therefore hoped we would be equally reasonable.Finding me still determined on proceeding, he told me inplain terms (if the interpreter erred not) that it was the willof the Spaniards we should not proceed; which I not answering,he painted innumerable difficulties which he saidlay in the way; but finding all his arguments had no effect,he said "it was a pity," and was silent.

This day I have sent out several of my party to purchasehorses, but know not yet how we shall succeed, as the Kanshave intimated an idea that the chief will prohibit hispeople from trading with us.

The Pawnees and the Tetaus are at war; the latter killedsix of the former in August last; consequently effecting anycommunication with the Tetaus by means of this nation isimpossible.

If God permits, we shall march from here in a few days,and on the Arkansaw I shall remain until I build two smallcanoes for Lieut. W[ilkinson], whose party will consist ofBallenger and two or three men, with three Osage. Thosecanoes will be easily managed, and in case of accident toone, the other will still be sufficient to transport theirbaggage.588

I am informed that in a few days he will meet Frenchhunters, and probably arrive at the village of the GrandPest in a fortnight; as all the Osage nation are apprised ofhis descent, I conceive he will meet with no insurmountabledifficulties.a The Tetaus are at open war with theSpaniards, so that could we once obtain an introduction,I conceive we should meet with a favorable reception. Yethow it is to be brought about I am much at a loss to determine;but knowing that, at this crisis of affairs, an intimateconnection with that nation might be extremely serviceableto my country, I shall proceed to find them, in hopes tofind some means, through the French, Osage, and Pawneelanguages, of making ourselves understood.

Any number of men who may reasonably be calculatedon would find no difficulty in marching by the route wecame, with baggage wagons, field artillery, and all the usualappendages of a small army; and if all the route to SantaFe should be of the same description, in case of war I wouldpledge my life and what is infinitely dearer, my honor, forthe successful march of a reasonable body of troops into theprovince of New Mexico.

I find the savages of this country less brave, but possessingmuch more duplicity and by far a greater propensity tolying and stealing, than those I had to pass through on mylast [Mississippi] voyage.

I am extremely doubtful if any chief of those nations canbe induced to prosecute the voyage with us, as their dreadof the Tetaus and the objections of the Pawnees seem tooutweigh every argument and inducement to the contrary.

a This was erroneous, but it was my impression at the time. (Orig. note.)

Oct. 3d.

The Pawnee chief has induced the Kans to return to theirvillages, by giving them a gun and promising horses, withmany frightful pictures drawn [of what would happen] ifthey proceeded.

The Osages lent me five horses, which their people who589accompanied us were to have led back; but receiving freshones from the Pawnees, they would not be troubled withthem. In fact, it was a fortunate circumstance, as four ofthe horses I obtained of the Osage have such bad backsthey cannot proceed, and we will be obliged to leave them;and not purchasing here with facility, I would have beenobliged to sacrifice some of our baggage. I therefore sentthem a certificate for each horse, on the Indian agent below,which I hope the general will order him to discharge.

I know the general's goodness will excuse this scrawl, ashe is well acquainted with the situation it must be writtenin, and at the same time, believe me to be his sincere friendand

Most obedient humble servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Lt.

General J. Wilkinson.


Statistical Abstract of the Indians who inhabit that part of Louisiana visitedby Captain Z. M. Pike in His Tour of Discovery in the years 1806 and 1807.

Names.Warriors.Women.Children.Villages.Probable Souls.Lodges of Roving Bands.Fire Arms.Primitive Language.Traders or Bands with whom they traffic.Value of Merchandise for Annual Consumption.Annual Peltry, Packs.Species of Peltry.
I. Osage
1. Grand villageb
Grand Osage
502852341 M. 11695214500OsageSt. Louis$100001000Deer, bear, otter, beaver, a few buffalo
[2. Little villageb] WasbashaPetit Osage250241174 F.
159 M.
333 T.
1824102250OsageSt. Louis8000300do.
[3. Arkansaw villagec]Wasbasha 500700300 M.11500200450OsageArkansaw r.   
  Osages Total12521793974340195161209     
II. KansdKansaKan
46550060011565204450OsageSt. Louis8000250 deer
15 beaver
100 otter
Deer, beaver, otter, bear, buffalo
III. PawneePawnanePanis        St. Louis and Kans8000 Deer, buffalo, a few beaver and otter
1. Republican villageb  5085505601161844200Pawnee    
2. Grand VillagedPawnanePanis1000112010001312090300PawneeSt. Louis possibly once in 3 years Spaniards15000 do.
3. Loup villagedPawnanePanis4855005001148540200Pawneedo.8000 do.
  Pawnees total19932170206036223174700     
IV. TetandCamanches[Total]270030002500 82001020270CamancheSpaniards of N. Mexico30000 Buffalo robes and horses
  [Grand total]64107463613472000719142620     
English Names.Best Positions for Trading Posts.With whom at war.With whom at peace, or in alliance.Names of the Chiefs or Principal Men.Remarks.
I. Osage
1. Grand villageb
Middle branch of Osage r. bet. Grand and Little VillagesTetaus, Potowatomies, Arkansaws, Cherokees, Chickasaws, Chactaws, Creeks, Padoucas, CaddoesLittle Osage, Allthe Pawnees,Sacs, Reynards,Delawares,Shawanese,Kickapous,Otos, Missouries,Mahaws, etc.;Kans uncertainCahagatongaCheveux BlancheWhite HairGrand and littlemedals, colors, etc.;first chief
WatchawahaJean La Fon Second Chief, son-in-lawto White Hair
TawangahaFils de CanardHe who drives villagesLiterally from the Indian
Ichesohungar Wise FamilySon of Cheveux Blanche
Hapause Pointed HornFirst Soldier
ChaporangaBonnet du B?uf  
Gihagatche The Chief himself 
Shenga WassaBelle OiseauBeautiful BirdAccompanied me to the Pawnees
Wasaba TungaSans NerveWithout Nerve 
Ogahawasa Son-in-Law 
Tourmansara Heart of the Town 
[2. Little villageb]Middle branchof Osage r bet.Grand and Littlevillages, andabove Gr. Osageon the Arkansaw,and on theside of theMissourido.do.TuttasuggyLe VentThe WindFirst chief of Little Osage
WatchkesingarSoldat de ChienSoldier's DogSecond chief of Little Osage
Nezuma Rain which walksBrother of first chief
TetobasiSans OreilleWithout EarsFirst Soldier
Tarehem Yellow Skin Deer49 Little Osageskilled since underour government
Maugraine Big Rogue 
[3. Arkansaw villagec do.do.    
II. KansdEntrance ofKans r., or atthe villageNone, if at peace with OsageAll their neighbors    
III. Pawnee
1. Republican villagebdo.Tetaus andIndians of N.Mexico; PanisLoupsKans, Osages,and all Indiansof the EastCharacterishLoup BlancheWhite Wolf 
IskatapeHomme RicheRich Man 
Two Sons ofCharacterish
2. Grand VillagedEntrance of La PlatteTetaus andIndians of N.Mexicodo.    
3. Loup villageddo.Tetaus andIndians of N.Mexico, andPawnee Republicdo.    
IV. TetandHigh up Red rand near themts. on theArkansawPawnees, Utahs,Osage, KansWith all Spanish Indians    

b Census taken by myself; men counted, women and children estimated.

c Estimates furnished by Grand Osage chiefs.

d On information. (Z. M. P.)


Art. 15.[VI-8] Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 15, pp. 50-53.)

On the Arkansaw, latitude 37� 44� 9�� N., Oct. 24th, 1806.

Dear General:

Our party arrived here on the 15th inst., myself and Dr.Robinson on the 19th [18th by Itinerary, p. 427]. We,having been out to seek the trace of the Spanish troops,missed the party, and were not able to join them until the4th [3d] day.

The river being very regular, Lieut. Wilkinson had calculatedto proceed on the day following on the most directroute for the Red [sic] river; but shortly after my joining,considerable rain fell and raised the river, and we have beenever since preparing wooden and skin canoes for thatgentleman and party to descend in. The river is between300 and 400 yards in width, with generally flat low banks,not more than two or three feet high, and the bed a sand-bankfrom one side to the other. The want of water willpresent the greatest obstacle to the progress of the partywho descend the Arkansaw, as they have no cause to feara scarcity of provision, having some bushels of corn onhand, and can at their option take as much dried meat asthey think proper, hundreds of pounds of which are lyingon scaffolds at our camp; and they are likewise accompaniedby the choice of our hunters.592

Under these circumstances, and those stated in my letterfrom the Pawnees, I can assert with confidence there are noobstacles I should hesitate to encounter, although thoseinseparable from a voyage of several hundred leaguesthrough a wilderness inhabited only by savages may appearof the greatest magnitude to minds unaccustomed to suchenterprises. Lieut. Wilkinson and party appear in goodspirits, and show a disposition which must vanquish everydifficulty.

We were eight days traveling from the Pawnee village tothe Arkansaw, our general course S. 10� W. Several dayswe lay by nearly half, owing to various circumstances; mycourse made it 150 miles, but I could now march it in 120.Lieut. Wilkinson has copied and carries with him a veryelegant protracted sketch of the route, noting the streams,hills, etc., that we crossed; their courses, bearings, etc.; andshould I live to arrive, I will pledge myself to show theirconnections and general direction with considerable accuracy,as I have myself spared no pains in reconnoiteringor obtaining information from the savages in our route.

From this point we shall ascend the river until we strikethe mountains, or find the Tetaus; thence bear more to theS. until we find the head of the Red river, where we shall bedetained some time; after which nothing shall cause a haltuntil my arrival at Natchitoches.

I speak in all those cases in the positive mood, as, so far593as lies in the compass of human exertions, we command thepower; but I pretend not to surmount impossibilities, andI well know the general will pardon my anticipating alittle to him.

The general will probably be surprised to find that theexpenses[VI-9] of the expedition will more than double the contemplatedsum of our first calculations; but I conceivedthe Spaniards were making such great exertions to debauchthe minds of our savages, economy might be very improperlyapplied, and I likewise have found the purchase ofhorses to be attended with much greater expense than wasexpected at St. Louis. For those reasons, when I advert tothe expenses of my two voyages, which I humbly conceivemight be compared with the one performed by CaptainsLewis and Clark, and the appropriations made for theirs,I feel a consciousness that it is impossible for the mostrigid to censure my accounts.

I cannot yet say if I shall sacrifice my horses at Red river,but every exertion shall be made to save them for thepublic; some, if in good condition, would be fine ones, andaverage between $50 and $60. Should the fortune of warat length have honored me with a company,[VI-10] I hope thegeneral will recollect his promise to me, and have my commandattached to it; and on my arrival I shall take theliberty of soliciting his influence, that they may obtain the594same or similar rewards, as those who accompanied Capt.Lewis; as I will make bold to say that they have in the twovoyages incurred as great dangers, and gone through asmany hardships.

Dr. Robinson presents his respectful compliments, and issanguine of the success of our expedition.

I am, dear General,
Your ever attached friend
and obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

General J. Wilkinson.



Part III.




Friday, Feb. 27th, 1807. In the morning I discoveredthat the Spanish lieutenant [Don Ignatio Saltelo] waswriting letters addressed to the governor and others; onwhich I demanded if he was not going on with me to SantaFe. He appeared confused and said, No; that his orderswere so positive as to the safe conduct and protection of mymen, that he dare not go and leave any behind; that hiscompanion [Don Bartolom� Fernandez] would accompanyme to Santa Fe with 50 men, while he with the otherswould wait for the sergeant [Meek] and his party. I repliedthat he had deceived me, and had not acted with candor;but that it was now too late for me to remedy the evil.

We marched about eleven o'clock, ascending the Rio delNorte [read Rio Conejos] five miles more, S. 60� W., whenwe went round through a chain of hills and bore off to thesouth. We proceeded nine miles further, when we crossedthe main branch of that stream, which was now bearingnearly west toward [or east from] the main chain of thethird chain of mountains [San Juan range]. We encampedon the opposite side. Intensely cold; obliged to stop596frequently and make fires. Snow deep. Distance 15[5 + 9 = 14] miles.[I'-1]

Feb. 28th. We marched late. One of the Frenchmeninformed me that the expedition which had been at thePawnees had descended the Red river 233 leagues, andfrom thence crossed to the Pawnees expressly in search ofmy party. This was afterward confirmed by the gentlemanwho commanded the troops. He then expressed greatregret at my misfortunes, as he termed them, in being taken,and offered his services in secreting papers, etc. I took himat his word, and for my amusement thought I would tryhim; so I gave him a leaf or two of my journal, copied,597which mentioned the time of my sailing from Belle Fontaine,and our force. This I charged him to guard verycarefully and give to me after the investigation of mypapers at Santa Fe. This day we saw a herd of wildhorses. The Spaniards pursued them and caught twocolts, one of which the Indians killed and ate; the otherwas let go. We pursued our journey over some hills, wherethe snow was very deep, and encamped at last on the topof a pretty high hill, among some pines. We left the river,which in general ran about six, eight, and 10 miles to theleft or east of us. Saw great sign of elk. Distance 36miles.[I'-2]

Sunday, Mar. 1st. We marched early. Although werode very hard we only got to the village of L'eau Chaud,or Warm Spring [Ojo Caliente], some time in the afternoon.The distance was about 45 miles. The difference of climatewas astonishing; after we left the hills and deep snows, wefound ourselves on plains where there was no snow, andwhere vegetation was sprouting.

The village of Warm Springs, or Aqua [Agua] Calientein their language, is situated on the eastern branch [bank] ofa creek of that name,[I'-3] and at a distance presents to the eye598a square inclosure of mud walls, the houses forming thewalls. They are flat on top, or with extremely little ascenton one side, where there are spouts to carry off the water ofthe melting snow and rain when it falls; which, we were599informed, had been but once in two years previous to ourentering the country. Inside of the inclosure were the differentstreets of houses of the same fashion, all of one story;600the doors were narrow, the windows small, and in one ortwo houses there were talc lights [window-panes of thatmaterial]. This village had a mill near it, situated on thelittle creek, which made very good flour. The populationconsisted of civilized Indians, but much mixed blood.

Here we had a dance which is called the fandango; butthere was one which was copied from the Mexicans, is nowdanced in the first societies of New Spain, and has evenbeen introduced at the court of Madrid.

This village may contain 500 souls. The greatest naturalcuriosity is the warm springs, which are two in number,about 10 yards apart, each affording sufficient water for amill-seat. They appeared to be impregnated with copper,and were more than 33� above blood heat. From thisvillage the Tetaus drove off 2,000 horses at one time, whenat war with the Spaniards.

Mar. 2d. We marched late, and passed several littlemud-walled villages and settlements, all of which had roundmud towers of the ancient shape and construction, to defendthe inhabitants from the intrusions of the savages. I wasthis day shown the ruins of several old villages which hadbeen taken and destroyed by the Tetaus. We were frequentlystopped by the women, who invited us into theirhouses to eat; and in every place where we halted amoment there was a contest who should be our hosts. Mypoor lads who had been frozen were conducted home byold men, who would cause their daughters to dress theirfeet, provide their victuals and drink, and at night givethem the best bed in the house. In short, all their conductbrought to my recollection the hospitality of the ancientpatriarchs, and caused me to sigh with regret at the corruptionof that noble principle by the polish of modern ages.

We descended the creek of Aqua Caliente about 12 miles,where it joined the river of Conejos [Rio Chama[I'-4]]from the601west. This river was about 30 yards wide, and was settledfor 12 miles above its junction with the Aqua Caliente, asthe latter was in its whole course from the village of thatname. From where they form a junction it was about 15miles to the Rio del Norte, on the eastern branch [readbank] of which was situated the village of St. John's [SanJuan], which was the residence of the president priest ofthe province, who had resided in it 40 years.

The house-tops of the village of St. John's were crowded,as well as the streets, when we entered, and at the door ofthe public quarters we were met by the president priest.When my companion, who commanded the escort, receivedhim in a street and embraced him, all the poor creatureswho stood round strove to kiss the ring or hand of the holyfather; for myself, I saluted him in the usual style. Mymen were conducted into the quarters, and I went to thehouse of the priest, where we were treated with politeness.He offered us coffee, chocolate, or whatever we thoughtproper, and desired me to consider myself at home in hishouse.

As I was going, some time after, to the quarters of mymen, I was addressed at the door by a man in broken English:"My friend, I am very sorry to see you here; we areall prisoners in this country and can never return; I havebeen a prisoner for nearly three years, and cannot get out."I replied: "that as for his being a prisoner, it must be forsome crime; that with respect to myself I felt no apprehension;and requested him to speak French, as I could hardlyunderstand his English." He began to demand of me somany different questions on the mode of my getting into602the country, my intention, etc., that by the time I arrived inthe room of my men, I was perfectly satisfied of his havingbeen ordered by some person to endeavor to obtain someconfession or acknowledgment of sinister designs in my havingappeared on the frontiers, and some confidential communicationswhich might implicate me. As he had beenrather insolent in his inquiries, I ordered my men to shutand fasten the door. I then told him that I believed himto be an emissary sent on purpose by the governor, or someperson, to endeavor to betray me; that all men of thatdescription were scoundrels, and never should escape punishment,whilst I possessed the power to chastise them?immediatelyordering my men to seize him, and cautioninghim, at the same time, that, if he cried out, or made theleast resistance, I would be obliged to make use of the saberwhich I had in my hand. On this he was so much alarmed,that he begged me for God's sake not to injure him; he alsosaid that he had been ordered by the government to meetme, and endeavor to trace out what and who I was, andwhat were my designs, by endeavoring to produce a confidencein him, by his exclaiming against the Spaniards andcomplaining of the tyranny which they had exercised towardhim. After this confession, I ordered my men to releasehim, and told him that I looked upon him as too contemptiblefor further notice; but that he might tell the governor,the next time he employed emissaries, to choose those ofmore abilities and sense; and that I questioned if his Excellencywould find the sifting of us an easy task.

This man's name was Baptiste Lalande;[I'-5] he had come603from the Illinois to the Pawnees, to trade with goods furnishedhim by William Morrison, a gentleman of the Illinois,and thence to New Mexico with the goods which hehad procured, and established himself; he was the same manon whom Robinson had a claim. He returned into thepriest's house with me, and, instead of making any complaint,he in reply to their inquiries of who I was, etc., informedthem that when he left Louisiana I was governor ofthe Illinois. This I presume he took for granted from myhaving commanded for some time the post of Kaskaskias,the first military post the United States had established inthat country since the peace; however, the report servedto add to the respect with which my companion and hosttreated me.

I had at this place the first good meal, wine, etc., which, withthe heat of the house, and perhaps rather an immoderate useof the refreshments allowed me, produced an attack of somethinglike cholera morbus, which alarmed me considerably,and made me determine to be more abstemious in future.

This father was a great naturalist, or rather florist; he hadlarge collections of flowers, plants, etc., and several workson his favorite studies, the margins and bottoms of whichwere filled with his notes in the Castilian language. As Ineither had a natural turn for botany sufficient to induceme to puzzle my head much with the Latin, nor understoodCastilian, I enjoyed but little of the lectures which he continuedto give me for nearly two hours on those subjects;but, by the exercise of a small degree of patience, I entirelyacquired the esteem of this worthy father, he calling mehis son, and lamenting extremely that my faith had notmade me one of the holy Catholic church.

The father, being informed that I had some astronomicalinstruments with me, expressed a desire to see them. Allthat I had here was my sextant and a large glass which604magnified considerably, calculated for the day or night;the remainder of my instruments being with my sergeantand party. On his examining the sextant, and my showinghim the effect of it in the reflection of the sun, he,as well as hundreds who surrounded us, appeared more surprisedat the effect of the instrument than any nation ofsavages I was ever among. Here an idea struck me asextraordinary?how a man who appeared to be a perfectmaster of the ancient languages, a botanist, mineralogist,and chemist, should be so ignorant of the powers of reflectionand the first principles of mathematics. But my friendexplained that enigma, by informing me of the care theSpanish government took to prevent any branch of sciencefrom being made a pursuit, which would have a tendencyto extend the views of the subjects of the provinces to thegeography of their country, or any other subject whichwould bring to view a comparison of their local advantagesand situations with other countries.[I'-6]

St. John's was inclosed with a mud wall, and probablycontained 1,000 souls; its population consisted principallyof civilized Indians, as indeed does that of all the villagesof New Mexico, the whites not forming one-twentieth partof the inhabitants.

Mar. 3d.[I'-7] We marched after breakfast, B. Lalande accompanying605us, and in about six miles came to a village[Santa Cruz], where I suppose there were more than 2,000souls. Here we halted at the house of a priest, who, understandingthat I would not kiss his hand, would not presentit to me. The conduct and behavior of a young priestwho came in was such as in our country would have beenamply sufficient forever to have banished him from theclerical association?strutting about with a dirk in his boot,606a cane in his hand, whispering to one girl, chucking anotherunder the chin, going out with a third, etc.

From this village [Santa Cruz] to another small village[Pojoaque], of 500 inhabitants, is seven miles. At each ofthose villages is a small stream, sufficient for the purpose ofwatering their fields. At the father's house we took coffee.From this village [Pojoaque] it was 17 miles to another[Tesuque], of 400 civilized Indians. Here we changedhorses and prepared for entering the capital [Santa F�[I'-8]],607which we came in sight of in the evening. It is situatedalong the banks of a small [Santa F�] creek, which comesdown from the mountains, and runs west to the Rio delNorte. The length of the capital on the creek may beestimated at one mile; it is but three streets in width.

Its appearance from a distance struck my mind with thesame effect as a fleet of the flat-bottomed boats which areseen in the spring and fall seasons, descending the Ohioriver. There are two churches, the magnificence of whosesteeples form a striking contrast to the miserable appearanceof the houses.[I'-9] On the north side of the town is thesquare of soldiers' houses, equal to 120 or 140 on each flank.The public square is in the center of the town; on thenorth side of it is situated the palace, as they term it, orgovernment house, with the quarters for guards, etc. The608other side of the square is occupied by the clergy and publicofficers. In general the houses have a shed before thefront, some of which have a flooring of brick; the consequenceis that the streets are very narrow, say in general25 feet. The supposed population is 4,500 souls. On ourentering the town the crowd was great, and followed us tothe government house. When we dismounted we wereushered in through various rooms, the floors of which werecovered with skins of buffalo, bear, or some other animal.We waited in a chamber for some time, until his Excellencyappeared, when we rose, and the following conversationtook place in French:

Governor. Do you speak French?

Pike. Yes, sir.

Governor. You come to reconnoiter our country, do you?

Pike. I marched to reconnoiter our own.

Governor. In what character are you?

Pike. In my proper character, an officer of the UnitedStates army.

Governor. And this Robinson?is he attached to yourparty?

Pike. No.

Governor. Do you know him?

Pike. Yes; he is from St. Louis. (I understood the doctorhad been sent 45 leagues from Santa Fe, under a strongguard. The haughty and unfriendly reception of the governorinduced me to believe war must have been declared, andthat if it were known Dr. Robinson had accompanied me, hewould be treated with great severity. I was correct in sayinghe was not attached to my party, for he was only a volunteer,who could not properly be said to be one of my command.)

Governor. How many men have you?

Pike. Fifteen.

Governor. And this Robinson makes sixteen?

Pike. I have already told your Excellency that he doesnot belong to my party, and shall answer no more interrogatorieson that subject.609

Governor. When did you leave St. Louis?

Pike. July 15th.

Governor. I think you marched in June.

Pike. No, sir!

Governor. Well! Return with Mr. Bartholomew to hishouse; come here again at seven o'clock, and bring yourpapers.

On which we returned to the house of my friend Bartholomew,who seemed much hurt at the interview.

At the door of the government house, I met the oldFrenchman to whom I had given the scrap of paper on the27th of February. He had left us in the morning, and, as Isuppose, hurried in to make his report, and I presume hadpresented this paper to his Excellency. I demanded, with alook of contempt, if he had made his report? To whichhe made reply in a humble tone, and began to excuse himself;but I did not wait to hear his excuses. At the hourappointed we returned, when the governor demanded mypapers. I told him that I understood my trunk had beentaken possession of by his guard. He expressed surprise,immediately ordered it in, and also sent for one SolomonColly, formerly a sergeant in our army, and one of the unfortunatecompany of [Captain Philip] Nolan. We wereseated, when he ordered Colly to demand my name, towhich I replied. He then demanded in what province Iwas born. I answered in English, and then addressed hisExcellency in French, and told him that I did not think itnecessary to enter into such a catechising; that if he wouldbe at the pains of reading my commission from the UnitedStates, and my orders from my general, it would be all thatI presumed would be necessary to convince his Excellencythat I came with no hostile intentions toward the Spanishgovernment; that, on the contrary, I had express instructionsto guard against giving them offense or alarm; andthat his Excellency would be convinced that myself andparty were rather to be considered objects on which the somuch celebrated generosity of the Spanish nation might be610exercised, than proper subjects to occasion the oppositesentiments.

He then requested to see my commission and orders,which I read to him in French; on which he got up andgave me his hand, for the first time, and said he was happyto be acquainted with me as a man of honor and a gentleman;that I could retire this evening and take my trunkwith me; and that on the morrow he would make furtherarrangements.

Mar. 4th. I was desired by the governor to bring up mytrunk, in order that he might make some observations on myroute, etc. When he ordered me to take my trunk overnight, I had conceived that the examination of papers wasover. As many of my documents were intrusted to thecare of my men, and I found that the inhabitants were treatingthe men with liquor, I was fearful they would becomeintoxicated, and through inadvertency betray or discoverthe papers. I had therefore obtained several of them andput them in the trunk, when an officer arrived for myselfand it, and I had no opportunity of taking them out againbefore I was taken up to the palace. I discovered instantlythat I had been deceived, but it was too late to remedythe evil.

After examining the contents of my trunk, he informedme that I must, with my troops, go to Chihuahua, provinceof Biscay, to appear before the commandant-general. Headded: "You have the key of your trunk in your own possession;the trunk will be put under charge of the officerwho commands your escort." The following conversationthen took place:

Pike. If we go to Chihuahua we must be considered asprisoners of war?

Governor. By no means.

Pike. You have already disarmed my men without myknowledge; are their arms to be returned or not?

Governor. They can receive them any moment.

Pike. But, sir, I cannot consent to be led three or four611hundred leagues out of my route, without its being by forceof arms.

Governor. I know you do not go voluntarily; but I willgive you a certificate from under my hand of my havingobliged you to march.

Pike. I will address you a letter on the subject.[I'-10]

Governor. You will dine with me to-day, and marchafterward to a village about six miles distant, escorted byCaptain Anthony D'Almansa, with a detachment of dragoons,who will accompany you to where the remainder ofyour escort is now waiting for you, under the command ofthe officer [Don Facundo Malgares] who commanded theexpedition to the Pawnees.

Pike. I would not wish to be impertinent in my observationsto your Excellency; but pray, sir! do you not think itwas a greater infringement of our territory to send 600 milesin the Pawnees', than for me with our small party to comeon the frontiers of yours with an intent to descend Redriver?

Governor. I do not understand you.

Pike. No, sir! any further explanation is unnecessary.

I then returned to the house of my friend Bartholomewand wrote my letter to his Excellency, which I had notfinished before we were hurried to dinner.

In the morning I received from the governor, by thehands of his private secretary, $21, notifying to me that itwas the amount of the king's allowance for my party to Chihuahua,and that it would be charged to me on account ofmy subsistence. From this I clearly understood that it wascalculated that the expenses of the party to Chihuahuawould be defrayed by the United States. I also received bythe same hands, from his Excellency, a shirt and neck-cloth,with his compliments, wishing me to accept of them, "asthey had been made in Spain by his sister and never612worn by any person." For this I returned him my sincereacknowledgments; and it may not be deemed irrelevant ifI explain at this period the miserable appearance we made,and the situation we were in, with the causes of it.

When we left our interpreter and one man [Vasquez andSmith] on the Arkansaw, we were obliged to carry all our baggageon our backs; consequently, that which was the mostuseful was preferred to the few ornamental parts of dress wepossessed. The ammunition claimed our first care; toolswere secondary; leather, leggings, boots, and mockinsonswere the next in consideration. Consequently, I left all myuniform, clothing, trunks, etc., as did the men, except whatthey had on their backs; conceiving that which would securethe feet and legs from the cold to be preferable to any lessindispensable portion of our dress. Thus, when we presentedourselves at Santa Fe, I was dressed in a pair of blue trousers,mockinsons, blanket coat, and a cap made of scarlet clothlined with fox-skin; my poor fellows were in leggings, breechcloths and leather coats, and there was not a hat in thewhole party. This appearance was extremely mortifying tous all, especially as soldiers; although some of the officersused frequently to observe to me, that "worth made theman," etc., with a variety of adages to the same amount.Yet the first impression made on the ignorant is hard toeradicate; and a greater proof cannot be given of the ignoranceof the common people, than their asking if we lived inhouses, or in camps like the Indians, and if we wore hats inour country. Those observations are sufficient to show theimpression our uncouth appearance made amongst them.

The dinner at the governor's was rather splendid, having avariety of dishes and wines of the southern provinces; andwhen his Excellency was a little warmed with the influence ofcheering liquor, he became very sociable. He informed methat there existed a serious difficulty between the commandant-generalof the internal provinces and the Marquis CasoCalvo, who had given permission to Mr. [William] Dunbarto explore the Ouchata [Washita], contrary to the general613principles of their government; in consequence of which theformer had made representations against the latter to thecourt of Madrid. After dinner his Excellency ordered hiscoach; Captain D'Almansa, Bartholomew, and myselfentered with him, and he drove out three miles. He wasdrawn by six mules and attended by a guard of cavalry.When we parted his adieu was, "remember Allencaster, inpeace or war."

I left a note for my sergeant, with instructions to keep upgood discipline and not be alarmed or discouraged. As Iwas about leaving the public square, poor Colly, the Americanprisoner, came up with tears in his eyes, and hoped Iwould not forget him when I arrived in the United States.

After we left the governor we rode on about three milesto a defile, where we halted for the troops. I soon foundthat the old soldier who accompanied us and commandedour escort was fond of a drop of the cheering liquor, as hisboy carried a bottle in his cochmelies [read cojinillos], asmall leather case attached to the saddle for the purposeof carrying small articles.[I'-11] We were accompanied by myfriend Bartholomew. We ascended a hill and galloped onuntil about ten o'clock; it was snowing hard all the time.Then we came to a precipice, which we descended withgreat difficulty, from the obscurity of the night, to thesmall village,[I'-12] where we put up in the quarters of the priest,he being absent.


After supper, Captain D'Almansa related to me that hehad served his Catholic majesty 40 years to arrive at therank he then held, which was that of a first lieutenant in theline and a captain by brevet, whilst he had seen variousyoung Europeans promoted over his head. After the oldman had taken his quantum sufficit and gone to sleep, myfriend and myself sat up for some hours, he explaining tome their situation, the great desire they felt for a change ofaffairs and an open trade with the United States. I pointedout to him with chalk on the floor the geographical connectionand route from North Mexico and Louisiana, andfinally gave him a certificate addressed to the citizens of theUnited States, stating his friendly disposition and his beinga man of influence. This paper he seemed to estimate as avery valuable acquisition, as he was decidedly of opinion wewould invade that country the ensuing spring; and not allmy assurances to the contrary could eradicate that idea.

Mar. 5th. As it snowed very hard in the morning, we didnot march until eleven o'clock. In the meantime, Bartholomewand myself paid a visit to an old invalid Spaniard, whoreceived us in the most hospitable manner, giving us chocolate,etc. He made many inquiries as to our governmentand religion, and of [Bartholomew], who did not fail to givethem the brightest coloring; he being enthusiastic in theirfavor from his many conversations with me, and drawingcomparisons with his own country. What appeared to theold veteran most extraordinary was that we ever changed615our president. I was obliged to draw his powers on anearer affinity with those of a monarch than they really are,in order that they might comprehend his station and thatthere was a perfect freedom of conscience permitted in ourcountry. He, however, expressed his warm approbation ofthe measure. In the priest's house at which we put upwere two orphan girls, who were adopted by him in theirinfancy and at this time constituted his whole family.

I bid adieu to my friend Bartholomew, and could notavoid shedding tears; he embraced me and all my men.

We arrived at the village of St. Domingo[I'-13] at two o'clock.It is, as I supposed, nine miles [to this place, which is situated]on the east side of the Rio del Norte, and is a largevillage, the population being about 1,000 natives, generallygoverned by its own chief. The chiefs of the villages weredistinguished by a cane with a silver head and black tassel.On our arrival at the public house Captain D'Almansa waswaited on by the governor, cap in hand, to receive his orders616as to furnishing our quarters and ourselves with wood,water, provisions, etc. The house itself contained nothingbut bare walls and small grated windows, which brought tomy recollection the representations of the Spanish inhabitantsgiven by Dr. [John] Moore [the Scottish writer,1730-1802], in his travels through Spain, Italy, etc. Thisvillage, as well as those of St. Philip's and St. Bartholomew,[San Felipe and San Bartolom�] is of the nation of Keres[or Queres] many of whom do not yet speak good Spanish.

After we had refreshed ourselves a little, the captain sentfor the keys of the church; and when we entered it, I wasmuch astonished to find, inclosed in mud-brick walls, manyrich paintings, and the saint (Domingo) as large as life,elegantly ornamented with gold and silver. The captainmade a slight inclination of the head, and intimated to methat this was the patron of the village. We then ascendedinto the gallery, where the choir are generally placed. Inan outside hall was placed another image of the saint, lessrichly ornamented, where the populace repaired daily andknelt to return thanks for benefactions received, or to asknew favors. Many young girls, indeed, chose the time ofour visit to be on their knees before the holy patron. Fromthe flat roof of the church we had a delightful view of thevillage; the Rio del Norte [and Jemez mountains] on thewest; the mountains of St. Dies [San Diaz, i. e., Sandia] tothe south; the valley round the town, on which were numerousherds of goats, sheep, and asses?upon the whole,this was one of the handsomest views in New Mexico.

Mar. 6th. Marched down the Rio del Norte on the eastside. Snow one foot deep. Passed large flocks of goats.At [opposite] the village of St. Philip's [San Felipe[I'-14]] we617crossed [the Rio Grande to the town over] a bridge of eightarches, constructed as follows: the pillars made of neatwoodwork, something similar to a crate, and in the form ofa keel-boat, the sharp end or bow to the current; this crateor butment was filled with stone, in which the river lodgedsand, clay, etc., until it had become of a tolerably firm consistency.On the top of the pillars were laid pine logs,lengthways, squared on two sides; being joined prettyclose, these made a tolerable bridge for horses, but wouldnot have been very safe for carriages, as there were nohand-rails.

On our arrival at the house of the father, we were receivedin a very polite and friendly manner; and before my departurewe seemed to have been friends for years past. Duringour dinner, at which we had a variety of wines, we wereentertained with music, composed of bass drums, Frenchhorns, violins, and cymbals. We likewise entered into along and candid conversation as to the Creoles, wherein hespared neither the government nor its administrators. Asto government and religion, Father Rubi displayed a liberalityof opinion and a fund of knowledge which astonishedme. He showed me a statistical table on which he had, ina regular manner, taken the whole province of New Mexico618by villages, beginning at Tous [Taos], on the northwest, andending with Valencia on the south, giving their latitude,longitude, and population, whether natives or Spaniards,civilized or barbarous, Christians or pagans, numbers, namesof the nations, when converted, how governed, military force,clergy, salary, etc.?in short, a complete geographical, statistical,and historical sketch of the province. Of this I wishedto obtain a copy, but perceived that the captain was somewhatsurprised at its having been shown to me. When weparted, we promised to write to each other, which I performedfrom Chihuahua.

Here was an old Indian who was extremely inquisitiveto know if we were Spaniards; to which an old gentlemancalled Don Francisco, who appeared to be an inmate ofFather Rubi's, replied in the affirmative. "But," said theIndian, "they do not speak Castillian." "True," repliedthe other; "but you are an Indian of the nation of Keres, areyou not?" "Yes." "Well, the Utahs are Indians also?""Yes." "But still you do not understand them, they speakinga different language." "True," replied the Indian."Well," said the old gentleman, "those strangers are likewiseSpaniards, but do not speak the same language withus." This reasoning seemed to satisfy the poor savage;and I could not but smile at the ingenuity displayed tomake him believe there was no other nation of whites butthe Spaniards.

Whilst at dinner, Father Rubi was informed that one ofhis parishioners was at the point of death, and wished hisattendance to receive his confession.

We took our departure, but were shortly after overtakenby our friend, who, after giving me another hearty shake ofthe hand, left us. Crossed the river and passed two smallhamlets and houses on the road to the village of St. Dies,[I'-15]619opposite the mountain of the same name, where we werereceived in a house of Father Rubi, this making part of hisdomains.

Mar. 7th. Marched at nine o'clock through a countrybetter cultivated and inhabited than any I had yet seen.Arrived at Albuquerque,[I'-16] a village on the east side of theRio del Norte. We were received by Father AmbrosioGuerra in a very flattering manner, and led into his hall.From thence, after taking some refreshments, we went into620an inner apartment, where he ordered his adopted childrenof the female sex to appear. They came in by turns?Indiansof various nations, Spanish, French, and finally twoyoung girls, whom from their complexion I conceived to beEnglish. On perceiving I noticed them, he ordered the restto retire, many of whom were beautiful, and directed thoseto sit down on the sofa beside me. Thus situated, he toldme that they had been taken to the east by the Tetaus andpassed from one nation to another, until he purchased them,at that time infants; they could recollect neither theirnames nor language, but, concluding they were my countrywomen,he ordered them to embrace me as a mark of theirfriendship, to which they appeared nothing loath. We thensat down to dinner, which consisted of various dishes, excellentwines, and, to crown all, we were waited on by halfa dozen of those beautiful girls who, like Hebe at the feastof the gods, converted our wine to nectar, and with theirambrosial breath shed incense on our cups. After the clothwas removed some time, the priest beckoned me to followhim, and led me into his sanctum sanctorum, where he hadthe rich and majestic images of various saints, and in themidst the crucified Jesus, crowned with thorns, with richrays of golden glory surrounding his head?in short, theroom being hung with black silk curtains, served but to augmentthe gloom and majesty of the scene. When he conceivedmy imagination sufficiently wrought up, he put ona black gown and miter, kneeled before the cross, took holdof my hand, and endeavored gently to pull me down besidehim. On my refusal, he prayed fervently for a few minutesand then rose, laid his hands on my shoulders, and, as I conceived,blessed me. He then said to me, "You will not be aChristian. Oh! what a pity! oh! what a pity!" He thenthrew off his robes, took me by the hand and led me out ofthe company smiling; but the scene I had gone through hadmade too serious an impression on my mind to be eradicateduntil we took our departure, which was in an hour after,having received great marks of friendship from the father.621

Both above and below Albuquerque, the citizens werebeginning to open canals, to let in the water of the river tofertilize the plains and fields which border its banks on bothsides; where we saw men, women, and children, of all agesand sexes, at the joyful labor which was to crown with richabundance their future harvest and insure them plenty forthe ensuing year. Those scenes brought to my recollectionthe bright descriptions given by Savary of the opening ofthe canals of Egypt. The cultivation of the fields wascommencing and everything appeared to give life and gayetyto the surrounding scenery.

We crossed the Rio del Norte [at Atrisco[I'-17]], a little belowthe village of Albuquerque, where it was 400 yards wide,but not more than three feet deep and excellent fording.At Father Ambrosio's was the only chart we saw in the622province that gave the near connection of the sources ofthe Rio del Norte and the Rio Colorado of California, withtheir ramifications.

On our arriving at the next village, a dependency ofFather Ambrosio's, we were invited into the house of thecommandant. When I entered, I saw a man sitting by thefire reading a book; with blooming cheeks, fine complexion,and a genius-speaking eye, he arose from his seat. It wasRobinson! Not that Robinson who left my camp on theheadwaters of the Rio del Norte, pale, emaciated, with uncombedlocks and beard of eight months' growth, but withfire, unsubdued enterprise, and fortitude. The change wasindeed surprising. I started back and exclaimed, "Robinson!""Yes." "But I do not know you," I replied. "ButI know you," he exclaimed; "I would not be unknown toyou here, in this land of tyranny and oppression, to avoidall the pains they dare to inflict. Yet, my friend, I grieveto see you here and thus, for I presume you are a prisoner."I replied "No! I wear my sword, you see; all my menhave their arms, and the moment they dare to ill-treat us wewill surprise their guards in the night, carry off some horses,make our way to Appaches, and then set them at defiance."

At this moment Captain D'Almansa entered, and I introducedRobinson to him as my companion de voyage andfriend, he having before seen him at Santa Fe. He did notappear much surprised, and received him with a significantsmile, as much as to say, "I knew this." We then marchedout to the place where the soldiers were encamped, not oneof whom would recognize him, agreeably to orders, untilI gave them the sign. Then it was a joyful meeting, as thewhole party was enthusiastically fond of him. He gave methe following relation of his adventures after he left me:

"I marched the first day up the branch [Rio Conejos] onwhich we were situated, as you know we had concluded itwould be most proper to follow it to its source and thencross the mountains [San Juan range] west, where we hadconceived we should find the Spanish settlements, and at623night encamped on its banks. The second day I left ita little, bore more south, and was getting up the side of themountain, when I discovered two Indians, for whom I made.They were armed with bows and arrows, and were extremelyshy of my approach; but after some time, confidence beingsomewhat restored, I signified a wish to go to Santa Fe,when they pointed due south, down the river I left you on.As I could not believe them, I reiterated the inquiry andreceived the same reply. I then concluded that we hadbeen deceived, and that you were on the Rio del Norte,instead of the Red river. I was embarrassed whether Ishould not immediately return to apprise you of it; butconcluded it to be too late, as I was discovered by theIndians, whom if I had not met, or some others, I shouldhave continued on, crossed the mountains to the waters ofthe Colorado, and descended these, until from their courseI should have discovered my mistake. I therefore offeredthem some presents to conduct me in; they agreed, conductedme to the camp where their women were, and inabout five minutes we were on our march. That night weencamped in the woods; I slept very little, owing to mydistrust of my companions. The next day, at three o'clock,we arrived at the village of Aqua Caliente, where I wasimmediately taken into the house of the commandant, andexpresses were dispatched to Santa Fe. That night I wasput to sleep on a mattress on the floor. The next day wedeparted early, leaving my arms and baggage at the commandant's,he promising to have them forwarded to me atthe city. On our arrival at Santa Fe, the governor receivedme with great austerity at first, entered into an examinationof my business, and took possession of all my papers.After all this was explained, he ordered me to a room wherethe officers were confined when under an arrest, and a non-commissionedofficer to attend me when I walked out intothe city, which I had free permission to do. I was suppliedwith provisions from the governor's table, who had promisedhe would write to Baptiste Lalande to come down and624answer to the claim I had against him; whose circumstanceI had apprised myself of. The second day the governorsent for me, and informed me that he had made inquiry asto the abilities of Lalande to discharge the debt, and foundthat he possessed no property; but that at some futureperiod he would secure the money for me. To this I madea spirited remonstrance, as an infringement of our treatiesand a protection of a refugee citizen of the United Statesagainst his creditors. But it had no other effect than toobtain me an invitation to dinner, and rather more respectfultreatment than I had hitherto received from his Excellency;who, being slightly afflicted with dropsy, requestedmy advice as to his case. For this I prescribed a regimen andmode of treatment which happened to differ from the oneadopted by a monk and practicing physician of the place,and thus brought on me his enmity and ill offices. Theensuing day I was ordered by the governor to hold myselfin readiness to proceed to the internal parts of the country,to which I agreed; determining not to leave the country ina clandestine manner, unless they attempted to treat mewith indignity or hardship; and conceiving it in my powerto join you on your retreat, or find Red river and descend it,should you not be brought in; but, in that case, to shareyour destiny. Added to this I felt a desire to see more ofthe country, for which purpose I was willing to run the riskof future consequences. We marched the ensuing day,I having been equipped by my friend with some smallarticles of which I stood in need, such as I would receiveout of the numerous offers of his country. The fourth dayI arrived at the village of St. Fernandez, where I wasreceived and taken charge of by Lieutenant Don FaciendoMalgares, who commanded the expedition to the Pawnees,and whom you will find a gentleman, a soldier, and one ofthe most gallant men you ever knew. With him I could nolonger keep up the disguise, and when he informed me, twodays since, that you were on the way in, I confessed to himthat I belonged to your party. We have ever since been625anticipating the pleasure we three will enjoy in our journeyto Chihuahua; for he is to command the escort, his dragoonsbeing now encamped in the field, awaiting yourarrival. Since I have been with him I have practicedphysic in the country in order to have an opportunity ofexamining the manners, customs, etc., of the people, toendeavor to ascertain their political and religious feelings,and to gain every other species of information which wouldbe necessary to our country or ourselves. I am now here,on a visit to this man's wife, attended by a corporal ofdragoons as a guard, who answers very well as a waiter,guide, etc., in my excursions through the country; butI will immediately return with you to Malgares."

Thus ended Robinson's relation, and I in return relatedwhat had occurred to the party and myself. We agreedupon our future line of conduct, and then joined my oldcaptain in the house. He had been persuaded to tarry allnight, provided it was agreeable to me, as our host wishedRobinson to remain until the next day. With this propositionI complied, in order that Robinson and myself mighthave a further discussion before we joined Malgares, who Isuspected would watch us closely. The troops proceeded tothe village of Tousac that evening.

Sunday, Mar. 8th. Marched after taking breakfast andhalted at a little village, three miles distant, called Tousac,[I'-18]situated on the west side of the Rio del Norte. The meninformed me that, on their arrival over night, they had allbeen furnished with an excellent supper; and after supper,wine and a violin, with a collection of the young people toa dance. When we left this village the priest sent a cartdown to carry us over, as the river was nearly four feet deep.When we approached the village of St. Fernandez[I'-19] we were626met by Lieutenant Malgares, accompanied by two or threeother officers; he received with the most manly franknessand the politeness of a man of the world. Yet my feelingswere such as almost overpowered me, and obliged me toride by myself for a short period in order to recover myself.Those sensations arose from my knowledge that he hadbeen absent from Chihuahua ten months, and it had costthe king of Spain more than $10,000 to effect that [captureof myself and party] which a mere accident and the deceptionof the governor had accomplished.

Malgares, finding I did not feel myself at ease, took everymeans in his power to banish my reserve, which made it impossibleon my part not to endeavor to appear cheerful. Weconversed as well as we could, and in two hours were as wellacquainted as some people would be in the same number ofmonths. Malgares possessed none of the haughty Castillianpride, but much of the urbanity of a Frenchman; and I willadd my feeble testimony to his loyalty, by declaring that hewas one of the few officers or citizens whom I found whowere loyal to their king, who felt indignant at the degradedstate of the Spanish monarchy, and who deprecated a revolutionor separation of Spanish America from the mothercountry, unless France should usurp the government of627Spain. These are the men who possess the heads to plan,the hearts to feel, and the hands to carry this great and importantwork into execution. In the afternoon our friendwrote the following notification to the alcaldes of severalsmall villages around us:

"Send this evening six or eight of your handsomest younggirls to the village of St. Fernandez, where I propose givinga fandango, for the entertainment of the Americanofficers arrived this day.

"[Signed] Don Faciendo."

This order was punctually obeyed, and portrays moreclearly than a chapter of observations the degraded state ofthe common people. In the evening, when the companyarrived, the ball began after their usual manner, and therewas really a handsome display of beauty.

It will be proper to mention here, that when my smallpaper trunk was brought in, Lt. Malgares struck his footagainst it, and said: "The governor informs me this is aprisoner of war, or that I have charge of it; but, sir, onlyassure me that you will hold the papers therein containedsacred, and I will have nothing to do with it." I bowedassent; and I will only add that the condition was scrupulouslyadhered to, as I was bound by every tie of militaryand national honor, and, let me add, gratitude, not to abusehis high confidence in the honor of a soldier. He furtheradded that "Robinson being now acknowledged as one ofyour party, I shall withdraw his guard and consider him asunder your parole of honor." Those various marks of politenessand friendship caused me to endeavor to evince to mybrother soldier that we were capable of appreciating hishonorable conduct toward us.

Mar. 9th. The troops marched about ten o'clock. Lt.Malgares and myself accompanied Captain D'Almansa aboutthree miles back on his route to Santa Fe, to the house of acitizen, where we dined; after which we separated. I wrote628by the captain to the governor in French, and to FatherRubi in English. D'Almansa presented me with his capand whip, and gave me a letter of recommendation to anofficer at Chihuahua. We returned to our quarters and,being joined by our waiters, commenced our route.

Passed a village called St. Thomas [San Tomas, orTom�[I'-20]], one mile distant from camp. The camp was formedin an ellipsis, the two long sides presenting a breastworkformed of the saddles and heads of the mules, each end ofthe ellipsis having a small opening to pass and repass at; inthe center was the commandant's tent. Thus, in case of anattack on the camp, there were ready-formed works to fightfrom. Malgares' mode of living was superior to anythingwe have an idea of in our army; having eight mules loadedwith his common camp equipage, wines, confectionery, etc.But this only served to evince the corruption of Spanishdiscipline; for, if a subaltern indulged himself with such aquantity of baggage, what would be the cavalcade attendingan army? Dr. Robinson had been called over the riverto a small village to see a sick woman, and did not returnthat night. Distance 12 miles.

Mar. 10th. Marched at eight o'clock, and arrived at thevillage Sibilleta; passed on the way the village of Sabinezon the west side, and Naxales, on the same [W.] side,Sibilleta[I'-21] is situated on the east side, and is a regular629square, appearing like a large mud wall on the outside, thedoors, windows, etc., facing the square; it is the neatest andmost regular village I have yet seen, and is governed by asergeant, at whose quarters I put up.630

Mar. 11th. Marched at eleven o'clock; came 12 miles[I'-22]and encamped, the troops having preceded us. LieutenantMalgares, not being well, took medicine. The village westayed at last night being the last, we entered the wilderness631and the road became rough, small hills running into theriver, making valleys; but the bottoms appear richer thanthose more to the north.

Mar. 12th. Marched at seven o'clock; passed, on the westside of the river, the mountains of Magdalen, and the Blackmountains on the east.[I'-23] Passed the encampment of a caravan632going out with about 15,000 sheep from the other provinces,from which they bring back merchandise. This expeditionconsisted of about 300 men, chiefly citizens, escortedby an officer and 35 or 40 troops; they are collected atSibilleta and separate there on their return. They go outin February and return in March; a similar expedition goesout in the autumn, but during the other parts of the year nocitizen travels the road, the couriers excepted. At the pass[El Paso] of the Rio del Norte they meet and exchangepackets, when both return to their own provinces. Met a633caravan of 50 men and probably 200 horses, loaded withgoods for New Mexico. Halted at twelve o'clock andmarched at three. Lt. Malgares showed me the place wherehe had been in two affairs with the Appaches; one he commandedhimself, and the other was commanded by CaptainD'Almansa; in the former there were one Spaniard killed,eight wounded, and 10 Appaches made prisoners; in thelatter 52 Appaches were wounded and 17 killed, they beingsurprised in the night. Malgares killed two himself, andhad two horses killed under him.

Mar. 13th. Marched at seven o'clock; saw many deer.Halted at eleven o'clock and marched at four o'clock.[I'-24]


This day one of our horses threw a young woman and ranoff, as is the habit of all Spanish horses, if by chance theythrow their rider; many of the dragoons and Malgarespursued him. Being mounted on an elegant horse ofMalgares', I joined in the chase, and notwithstandingtheir superior horsemanship overtook the horse, caught hisbridle, and stopped him, when both of the horses werenearly at full speed. This act procured me the applauseof the Spanish dragoons, and it is astonishing how much itoperated on their good will.

Mar. 14th. Marched at ten o'clock, and halted at amountain ["of the Friar Christopher," p. 639, i. e., Fra Cristobal];distance 10 miles.[I'-25] This is the point from which635the road leaves the river for two days' journey bearing duesouth, the river here taking a turn southwest; by the riverit is five days to where the roads meet. We marched atfour o'clock, and eight miles below crossed the river tothe west side; two mules fell in the water. Unfortunately,they carried the stores of Lieutenant Malgares, by which636means we lost all our bread, an elegant assortment of biscuits,etc. Distance 18 miles.

Sunday, Mar. 15th. Marched at half past ten o'clock.637Made 28 miles, the route rough and stony; course S.20� W.[I'-26]

Mar. 16th. Marched at seven o'clock, and halted attwelve. Passed on the east side the Horse mountain, andthe Mountain of the Dead.[I'-27] Came on a trail of the appearance638of 200 horses, supposed to be the trail of an expeditionfrom the province of Biscay, against the Indians.

Mar. 17th. Marched at ten o'clock, and at four in theafternoon crossed the river to the east side; saw severalfresh Indian tracks; also, the trail of a large party ofhorses, supposed to be Spanish troops in pursuit of theIndians. Marched down the river 26 miles;[I'-28] fresh sign of639Indians, also of a party of horses. Country mountainouson both sides of the river.

Mar. 18th. Marched down the river 26 miles;[I'-29] freshsign of Indians, also of a party of horses. Country mountainouson both sides of the river.

Mar. 19th. Struck out east about three miles and fellin with the main road [continuing from the Jornada delMuerto], on a large flat prairie, which we left at the mountainof the Friar Christopher.[I'-30]


Mar. 20th. Halted at ten o'clock, at a salt lake. Marcheduntil two o'clock; halted for the day.[I'-31] Vegetation beganto be discoverable on the 17th, and this day the weeds andgrass were quite high.

Mar. 21st. Marched in the morning and arrived at thepasso [El Paso[I'-32]] del Norte at eleven o'clock, the road leading642-645through a hilly and mountainous country. We put upat the house of Don Francisco Garcia, who was a merchantand a planter; he possessed in the vicinity of the town20,000 sheep and 1,000 cows. We were received in a most646-647hospitable manner by Don Pedro Roderique Rey, the lieutenant-governor,and Father Joseph Prado, the vicar of theplace. This was by far the most flourishing place we hadbeen in. For a more particular account of its situation,population, etc., see Appendix to Part III. [now Chap.IV.].648



Sunday, Mar. 22d. Remained at the Passo.

Mar. 23d. Mass performed; left the Passo at threeo'clock, to Fort Elisiaira [Elizario], accompanied by thelieutenant-governor, the vicar, and Allencaster, a brother ofthe governor. Malgares, myself and the doctor took up ourquarters at the house of Capt. [Blank], who was then at Chihuahua;but his lady and sister entertained us in a very elegantand hospitable manner. They began playing cards andcontinued until late the third day. Malgares, who won considerably,would send frequently $15 or $20 from the tableto the lady of the house, her sister, and others, and begtheir acceptance, in order that the goddess of fortune mightstill continue propitious; in this manner he distributed $500.

Around this fort were a great number of Appaches, whowere on a treaty with the Spaniards. These people appearedto be perfectly independent in their manners, andwere the only savages I saw in the Spanish dominions whosespirit was not humbled?whose necks were not bowed to theyoke of their invaders. With those people Malgares wasextremely popular. I believe he sought popularity withthem and all the common people, for there was no man sopoor or so humble, under whose roof he would not enter;when he walked out, I have seen him put a handful of dollarsin his pocket, and give them all to the old men, women,and children before he returned to his quarters; but toequals he was haughty and overbearing. This conduct hepursued through the whole provinces of New Mexico and649Biscay, when at a distance from the seat of government;but I could plainly perceive that he was cautious of hisconduct as he approached the capital [city of Chihuahua].I here left a letter for my sergeant.

Mar. 24th. Very bad weather.

Mar. 25th. The troops marched, but Lt. Malgares andmy men remained.

Mar. 26th. Divine service was performed in the morning,in the garrison, at which all the troops attended underarms. At one part of their mass, they present arms; at another,sink on one knee and rest the muzzle of the gun onthe ground, in signification of their submission to theirdivine master. At one o'clock, we bid adieu to our friendlyhostess, who was one of the finest women I had seen in NewSpain. At dusk arrived at a small pond made by a springwhich arose in the center, called the Ogo mall a Ukap, andseemed formed by providence to enable the human race topass that route, as it was the only water within 60 mileson the route. Here we overtook Sergeant Belardie with theparty of dragoons from Senora and Biscay, who had left usat Fort Elisiaira, where we had received a new escort. Distance20 miles.[II'-1]


Mar. 27th. Arrived at Carracal [Carrizal], at twelveo'clock,[II'-2] Distance 28 miles; the road well watered andthe situation pleasant. The father-in-law of our friend651commanded six or seven years here. When we arrived atfort, the commandant, Don Pedro Rues Saramende, receivedRobinson and myself with a cold bow, and informed Malgaresthat we could repair to the public quarters. To this652Malgares indignantly replied that he should accompany us,and turned to go, when the commandant took him by thearm, made many apologies to him and us, and we at lengthreluctantly entered his quarters. Here for the first time Isaw the gazettes of Mexico, which gave rumors of Colonel[Aaron] Burr's conspiracies, the movements of our troops,etc.; but which were stated in so vague and undefineda manner as only to create our anxiety without throwingany light on the subject.

Mar. 28th. Marched at half past three o'clock, and arrivedat the Warm Springs [Ojos Calientes] at sundown;crossed one little fosse on the route.[II'-3]

Sunday, Mar. 29th. Marched at ten o'clock, and continuedour route, with but a short halt, until sundown, whenwe encamped without water. Distance 30 miles.[II'-4]

Mar. 30th. Marched before seven o'clock; the frontarrived at water at eleven o'clock; the mules, at twelve.The spring[II'-5] on the side of the mountain, to the east of the653road, is a beautiful situation. I here saw the first ash timberI observed in the country. This water is 52 miles from theWarm Springs. Yesterday and to-day saw cabrie [antelope,Antilocapra americana]. Marched 15 miles further andencamped without wood or water; passed two other smallsprings to the east of the road.

Mar. 31st. Marched early and arrived at an excellentspring at ten o'clock. The roads from Senora, Tanos[qu: Yanos?], Buenaventura, etc., join about 400 yardsbefore you arrive at this spring.[II'-6]

Arrived at the village of [hiatus][II'-7] at night, a large and654elegant house, for the country; here were various laborscarried on by criminals in irons. We here met with aCatalonian, who was but a short time from Spain, whosedialect was such that he could scarcely be understood byMalgares, and whose manners were much more like thoseof a citizen of our Western frontiers than of a subject ofa despotic prince.

Apr. 1st.[II'-8] In the morning Malgares dispatched a courier655with a letter to the Commandant-general Salcedo, to informhim of our approach, and also one to his father-in-law.

Apr. 2d. When we arrived at Chihuahua, we pursuedour course through the town to the house of the general.I was much astonished to see with what anxiety Malgaresanticipated the meeting with his military chief. Havingbeen on the most arduous and enterprising expedition everundertaken by any of his Majesty's officers from theseprovinces, and having executed it with equal spirit andjudgment, yet was he fearful of his [Salcedo's] meeting himwith an eye of displeasure. He appeared to be much moreagitated than ourselves, although we may be supposed tohave also had our sensations, as on the will of this mandepended our future destiny, at least until our countrycould interfere in our behalf. On our arrival at the general's,we were halted in the hall of the guard until word was sentto the general of our arrival, when Malgares was first introduced.He remained some time, during which a Frenchmancame up and endeavored to enter into conversationwith us, but was soon frowned into silence, as we conceivedhe was only some authorized spy. Malgares at last came656out and asked me to walk in. I found the general sitting athis desk; he was a middle-sized man, apparently about 55years of age, with a stern countenance; but he received megraciously and beckoned to a seat.

He then observed, "You have given us and yourself agreat deal of trouble."

Captain Pike. On my part entirely unsought, and onthat of the Spanish government voluntary.

General Salcedo. Where are your papers?

Captain Pike. Under charge of Lieutenant Malgares.

Malgares was then ordered to have my small trunkbrought in, which being done, a Lieutenant Walker came in,who is a native of New Orleans, his father an Englishman, hismother a French woman, and who spoke both those languagesequally well, also the Spanish. He was a lieutenant ofdragoons in the Spanish service, and master of the militaryschool at Chihuahua. This same young gentleman was employedby Mr. Andrew Ellicott,[II'-9] as a deputy surveyor on the657Florida line between the United States and Spain, in theyears 1797 and '98. General Salcedo then desired him toassist me in taking out my papers, and requested me to explainthe nature of each; such as he conceived were relevantto the expedition he caused to be laid on one side, and those658which were not of a public nature on the other; the wholeeither passing through the hands of the general or ofWalker, except a few letters from my lady. On my takingthese up, and saying they were letters from a lady, the generalgave a proof that, if the ancient Spanish bravery haddegenerated in the nation generally, their gallantry still existed,by bowing; and I put them in my pocket. He theninformed me that he would examine the papers, but that inthe meanwhile he wished me to make out and present to hima short sketch of my voyage,[II'-10] which might probably be satisfactory.This I would have positively refused, had I hadan idea that it was his determination to keep the papers,which I could not at that time conceive, from the urbanityand satisfaction which he appeared to exhibit on the eventof our interview. He then told me that I would take up myquarters with Walker, in order, as he said, to be betteraccommodated by having a person with me who spoke theEnglish language; but the object, as I suspected, was forhim to be a spy on our actions and on those who visited us.

Robinson all this time had been standing in the guardroom,boiling with indignation at being so long detainedthere, subject to the observations of the soldiery and gapingcuriosity of the vulgar. He was now introduced, bysome mistake of one of the aides-de-camp. He appearedand made a slight bow to the general, who demanded ofMalgares who he [Robinson] was. He replied, "A doctorwho accompanied the expedition." "Let him retire," saidthe governor; and he went out.

The general then invited me to return and dine with him,and we went to the quarters of Walker, where we receivedseveral different invitations to take quarters at houses wherewe might be better accommodated; but, understanding thatthe general had designated our quarters, we were silent.

We returned to dine at the palace, where we met Malgares,who, besides ourselves, was the only guest. He had659at the table the treasurer, Truxillio [qu.: Trujillo?], and apriest called Father Rocus.

Apr. 3d. Employed in giving a sketch of our voyage forthe general and commandant of those provinces. Introducedto Don Bernardo Villamil; Don Alberto Mayner,lieutenant-colonel, and father-in-law to Malgares; and DonManuel Zuloaga, a member of the secretary's office, towhom I am under obligations of gratitude, and shall rememberwith esteem. Visited his house in the evening.

Apr. 4th. Visited the hospital, where were two officers,who were fine-looking men, and I was informed had beenthe gayest young men of the province. They were molderingaway by disease, and there was not a physician in hisMajesty's hospitals who was able to cure them; but afterrepeated attempts, all had given them up to perish. Thisshows the deplorable state of medical science in the provinces.I endeavored to get Robinson to undertake thecure of these poor fellows, but the jealousy and envy ofthe Spanish doctors made it impracticable.

Sunday, Apr. 5th. Visited by Lieutenant Malgares, witha very polite message from his Excellency, delivered in themost impressive terms, with offers of assistance, money, etc.,for which I returned my respectful thanks to the general.Accompanied Malgares to the public walk, where wefound the secretary, Captain Villamil, Zuloaga, and otherofficers of distinction. We here likewise met the wife of myfriend Malgares, to whom he introduced us. She was, likeall the other ladies of New Spain, a little en bon point, butpossessed the national beauty of eye in a superior degree.There was a large collection of ladies, amongst whom weretwo of the most celebrated in the capital?Se�ora MariaCon. Caberairi, and Se�ora Margeurite Vallois, the only twoladies who had spirit sufficient, and their husbands generosityenough, to allow them to think themselves rationalbeings, to be treated on an equality, to receive the visits oftheir friends, and give way to the hospitality of their dispositionswithout restraint. They were consequently the envy660of other ladies, and the subject of scandal to prudes; theirhouses were the rendezvous of all the fashionable male society;and every man who was conspicuous for science, arts,or arms, was sure to meet a welcome. We, as unfortunatestrangers, were consequently not forgotten. I returned withMalgares to the house of his father-in-law, Lieutenant-ColonelMayner, who was originally from Cadiz, a man ofgood information.

Apr. 6th. Dined with the general. Writing, etc. In theevening visited Malgares and the secretary. After dinnerwine was set on the table, and we were entertained withsongs in the French, Italian, Spanish, and English languages.Accustomed as I was to sitting some time afterdinner I forgot their siesta, or repose after dinner, untilWalker suggested the thing to me, when we retired.

Apr. 7th. Dined at Don Antonio Caberairi's, [qu.: Cabrera's?]in company with Villamil, Zuloaga, Walker, etc.Sent in the sketch of my voyage to the general. Spent theevening at Colonel Mayner's with Malgares.

Apr. 8th. Visited the treasurer, who showed me thedouble-barreled gun given by Governor [Wm. C. C.] Claiborne,and another formerly the property of [Captain Philip]Nolan [see note9, p. 657, and legend on Pike's map].

Apr. 9th. In the evening I was informed that DavidFerro[II'-11] was in town and wished to speak to me. This manhad formerly been my father's ensign, and was taken withNolan's party at the time the latter was killed. He possesseda brave soul, and had withstood every oppression,since being made prisoner, with astonishing fortitude.Although his leaving the place of his confinement, the villageof St. Jeronimie [San Jeronimo], without the knowledgeof the general, was in some measure clandestine, yet a countryman,an acquaintance, and formerly a brother soldier, in661a strange land, in distress, had ventured much to see me?couldI deny him the interview from any motives of delicacy?No; forbid it, humanity! forbid it, every sentimentof my soul!

Our meeting was affecting, tears standing in his eyes. Heinformed me of the particulars of their being taken, andmany other circumstances since they had been in thecountry. I promised to do all I could for him consistentlywith my character and honor, and their having entered thecountry without the authority of the United States. As hewas obliged to leave town before day, he called on me at myquarters, when I bid him adieu, and gave him what mypurse afforded, not what my heart dictated.

Apr. 10th. In the evening at Colonel Maynor's. CaptainRodiriques [Rodriguez] arrived from the province ofTexas, where he had been under arrest one year, for goingto Natchitoches with the Marquis Cassa Calvo [Marques deCasa Calva].

Apr. 11th. Rode out in the coach with Malgares; washospitably entertained at the house of one of the Vallois,where we drank London porter. Visited Secretary Villamil.

Sunday, Apr. 12th. Dined with the doctor, at Don AntonioCaberarie's, with our usual guests. In the evening atthe public walks.

Apr. 13th. Nothing extraordinary.

Apr. 14th. Spent the forenoon in writing; the afternoonat Don Antonio Caberarie's.

Apr.15th. Spent the evening at Colonel Maynor's [qu.:Mayron's?] with our friend Malgares. Wrote a letter toGovernor Salcedo on the subject of my papers.[II'-12]

Apr. 16th. Spent the evening at the secretary's, DonVillamil's.

Apr. 17th. Sent my letter to his Excellency. Spent theevening with my friend Malgares.662

Apr. 18th. Spent the evening at Caberarie's, etc. Wroteto Governor Allencaster.

Sunday, Apr. 19th. In the evening at a fandango.

Apr. 20th. We this day learned that an American officerhad gone on to the city of Mexico. This was an enigma tous inexplicable, as we conceived that the jealousy of theSpanish government would have prevented any foreignofficer from penetrating the country; and why the UnitedStates could send an authorized agent to the viceroyalty,when the Spanish government had at the seat of our governmenta charg� d'affaires, served but to darken the conjectures.The person alluded to was Mr. Burling, a citizenof Mississippi Territory, whose mission is now well knownto the government. We likewise received an account of acommercial treaty having been entered into between GreatBritain and the United States, which by the Dons was onlyconsidered as the preliminary step to an alliance offensiveand defensive between the two nations.

Apr. 21st. Presented the commanding general with aletter for General Wilkinson, which he promised to haveforwarded to the governor of Texas.

Apr. 22d. Spent the day in reading and studying Spanish;the evening at Captain Villamil's.

Apr. 23d. Dined at Don Pedro Vallois'; spent the eveningwith Colonel Maynor; bade him adieu, as he was tomarch the next day. In the evening received a letter fromthe commandant-general, informing me my papers were to bedetained, giving a certificate of their numbers, contents, etc.[II'-13]

Apr. 24th. Spent the evening at Zuloaga's with his relations.About sundown an officer of the government calledupon me, and told me that the government had beeninformed that, in conversations in all societies, Robinsonand myself had held forth political maxims and principleswhich, if just, I must be conscious if generally disseminatedwould in a very few years be the occasion of a revolt of663those kingdoms; that those impressions had taken sucheffect that it was no uncommon thing, in the circles inwhich he associated, to hear the comparative principles ofa republican and a monarchical government discussed, andeven the allegiance due, in case of certain events, to thecourt called in question; that various characters of considerationhad indulged themselves in those conversations, allof whom were noted and would be taken care of; but that,as respected myself and companion, it was the desire of hisExcellency that while in the dominions of Spain we wouldnot hold forth any conversations whatsoever, either on thesubject of religion or politics.

I replied that it was true I had held various and freeconversations on the subjects complained of, but only withmen high in office, who might be supposed to be firmlyattached to the king, and partial to the government of theircountry; that I had never gone among the poor and illiterate,preaching up republicanism or a free government;that as to the catholic religion, I had only combated someof what I conceived to be its illiberal dogmas; that I hadspoken of it in all instances as a respectable branch of theChristian religion which, as well as all others, was toleratedin the United States; and that, had I come to that kingdomin a diplomatic character, delicacy toward the governmentwould have sealed my lips; or had I been a prisonerof war, personal safety might have had the same effect;but, being there in the capacity which I was, not voluntarily,but by coercion of the Spanish government, which atthe same time had officially notified me that they did notconsider me under any restraint whatever; therefore, whencalled on, I should always give my opinions freely, either asto politics or religion; but at the same time with urbanity,and a proper respect to the legitimate authorities of thecountry where I was.

He replied, "Well, you may then rest assured your conductwill be represented in no very favorable point of viewto your government."664

I replied, "To my government I am certainly responsible,and to no other."

He then left me. I immediately waited on some of myfriends and notified them of the threat, at which they appearedmuch alarmed. We went immediately to consult[Malgares], who, to great attachment to his friends, joinedthe most incorruptible loyalty and the confidence of thegovernment. Our consultation ended in a determinationonly to be silent and watch events.

We suspected [Walker] to be the informant, but whetherjust in our suspicion or not, I will not pretend to determine;for Robinson and myself frequently used to holdconversations in his presence, purposely to have them communicated;but he at last discovered our intentions, andtold us that if we calculated on making him a carrier ofnews, we were mistaken; that he despised it.

Apr. 25th. At eleven o'clock I called on his Excellency,but was informed that he was engaged. About threeo'clock I received a message from him by LieutenantWalker, informing me that he was surprised I had notreturned, and to call without ceremony in the evening;which I did, and presented him with a letter.[II'-14] He thenalso candidly informed me my party would not join me inthe territory of the king of Spain, but that they should beattended to punctually, and forwarded on immediately afterme; and requested that I should give orders to my sergeantto deliver up all his ammunition, and dispose in somemanner of the horses of which he had charge. I statedin reply that, with respect to the ammunition, I wouldgive orders to my sergeant to deliver, if demanded, all theypossessed, more than was necessary to fill their horns; butthat as to the horses, I considered their loss was a chargewhich must be adjusted between the two governments, andtherefore should not give any directions respecting them,except as to bringing them on as far and as long as they665were able to travel. He then gave me an invitation todine with him on the morrow.

Sunday, Apr. 26th. Dined at the general's. In theevening went to Malgares', Zuloaga's, and others'. Wroteto my sergeant and Fero; to the latter of whom I sent $10,and to the other $161.84, to purchase clothes for the party.We had been for some time suspicious that the doctor wasto be detained; but this evening he likewise obtained permissionto pursue his journey with me, which diffusedgeneral joy through all the party.

Apr. 27th. Spent the day in making arrangements forour departure, writing to the sergeant, etc.

I will here mention some few anecdotes relative to[Walker], with whom we boarded during our stay inChihuahua. When we came to the city we went to hisquarters, by order of the general, and considered ourselvesas guests, having not the least idea that we should becharged with board, knowing with what pleasure anyAmerican officer would receive and entertain a foreignbrother soldier situated as we were, and that we shouldconceive it a great insult to be offered pay under similarcircumstances. But one day, after we had been there abouta week, he presented to me an account for Robinson's andmy board, receipted, and begged, if the general inquired ofme, that I would say I had paid it. This naturally led me todemand how the thing originated. He with considerable embarrassmentobserved that he had taken the liberty to remarkto the general that he thought he should be allowed an extraallowance, in order to be enabled to treat us with some littledistinction. The general flew into a violent passion, anddemanded if I had not paid him for our board? To whichthe other replied, No, he did not expect pay of us. Heordered him immediately to demand pay, to receive it, signa receipt, and lodge it in his hands; and added that hewould consult me if [to ascertain whether] the thing wasdone. This he never did; yet I took care, every Sundayafter that, to deposit in the hands of Walker a sum which666was considered the proportion for Robinson and myself.Malgares and several others of the Spanish officers havingheard of the thing, waited on us much mortified, sayingwith what pleasure they would have entertained us had notthe designation of the general pointed out his will on thesubject.

[Walker] had living with him an old negro, the only oneI saw on that side of St. Antonio, who was the property ofsome person who resided near Natchez, and who had beentaken with Nolan. Having been acquainted with him inthe Mississippi country, he solicited and obtained permissionfor old C�sar to live with him. I found him very communicativeand extremely useful. The day I arrived, whenwe were left alone, he came in, looked around at the wallsof the room, and exclaimed, "What! all gone?" I demandedan explanation, and he informed me that the mapsof the different provinces, as taken by [Walker] and othersurveyors, had been hung up against the walls; but that theday we arrived they had all been taken down and depositedin a closet which he designated.

W[alker] gave various reasons for having left the UnitedStates and joined the Spanish service; one of which was,his father having been ill-treated, as he conceived, by G.at Natchez. At Chihuahua he had charge of the militaryschool, which consisted of about 15 young men of the firstfamilies of the provinces; also of the public water-works ofthe city, on a plan devised by the royal engineer of Mexico;of the building of a new church; of the casting of smallartillery, fabrication of arms, etc. Thus, though he hadtendered his resignation, they knew his value too well topart with him, and would not accept of it, but still kepthim in a subordinate station, in order that he might be themore dependent and the more useful. Although he candidlyconfessed his disgust at their service, manners, morals, andpolitical establishments, yet he never made a communicationto us which he was bound in honor to conceal; but onthe contrary fulfilled the station of informer, which in that667country is considered no disgrace, with great punctualityand fidelity. In this city the proverb was literally true,that "the walls have ears"; for scarcely anything couldpass that his Excellency did not know in a few hours.

In the evening I was notified to be ready to march thenext day at three o'clock.

Apr. 28th. In the morning Malgares waited on us, andinformed us he was to accompany us some distance on theroute. After bidding adieu to all our friends, we marchedat a quarter past three o'clock, and encamped at nineo'clock at a stony spring; passed near Chihuahua a smallridge of mountains, and then encamped in a hollow.[II'-15]

As we were riding along, Malgares rode up to me andinformed me that the general had given orders that Ishould not be permitted to make any astronomical observations.To this I replied that he well knew I never hadattempted making any since I had been conducted intothe Spanish dominions.

Apr. 29th. Arrived at a settlement [Horcasitas or Bachimba?]at eight o'clock; plenty of milk, etc.

When about to make my journal, Malgares changedcolor, and informed me it was his orders I should not take668notes; but added, "you have a good memory, and whenyou get to Cogquilla [Coahuila] you can bring it all up."At first I felt considerably indignant, and was on the pointof refusing to comply; but thinking for a moment of themany politenesses I had received from his hands inducedme merely to bow assent with a smile. We proceeded onour route, but had not gone far before I made a pretext tohalt, established my boy as a vedet [vidette], sat downpeaceably under a bush, and made my notes. This courseI pursued ever after, not without some very considerabledegree of trouble to separate myself from the party.

Arrived at the fort of St. Paul at eleven o'clock, situatedon a small river of the same name, the course of which isN. E. by S. W. At the time we were there the river wasnot wider than a mill stream; but sometimes it is 300 yardswide, and impassable. Distance 30 miles.[II'-16]

Apr. 30th. Marched at six o'clock, and at eleven arrivedat [Saucillo, on] the river Conchos?24 miles; beautifulgreen trees on its banks. I was taken very sick at half pastten o'clock. Arrived at night at a small station [Las Garzas]on the river Conchos, garrisoned by a sergeant and 10 menfrom Fort Conchos, 15 leagues up said river. Distance 43miles.[II'-17]


May 1st. Marched up the Conchos to its confluence withthe river Florada [Rio Florido], 15 leagues from where weleft the former [Conchos] river, and took up the latter [RioFlorido], which bears from the Conchos S. 80� and 50� E.On its banks are some very flourishing settlements, and theyare well timbered. A poor miserable village [Santa Rosalia]is at the confluence. Came 10 miles up the Florada to dinner,and at night stopped at a private house. This propertyor plantation was valued formerly at $300,000, extending onthe Florada, from the small place where we slept on the30th of April, 30 leagues up said river. Distance 45 miles.[II'-18]


Finding that a new species of discipline had taken place,and that the suspicions of my friend Malgares were muchmore acute than ever, I conceived it necessary to take somesteps to secure the notes I had taken, which had been clandestinelyacquired. In the night I arose, and after makingmy men charge all their pieces well, I took my small booksand rolled them up in small rolls, tore a fine shirt to pieces,and wrapped it round the papers, and put them down in thebarrels of the guns, until we just left room for the tompoins[tampons], which were then carefully put in; the remainderwe secured about our bodies under our shirts. This occupiedabout two hours, but was effected without discoveryand without suspicions.

May 2d. Marched early, and in 4� hours arrived atGuaxequillo,[II'-19] situated on the river Florada, where we wereto exchange our friend Malgares for Captain Barelo, whowas a Mexican by birth, born near the capital and entered asa cadet at Guaxequillo near 20 years past, and who, by hisextraordinary merits, being a Creolian, had been promotedto a captaincy, which was even by himself considered hisultimate promotion. He was a gentleman in his manners,generous and frank, and I believe a good soldier.

Sunday, May 3d. At Guaxequillo the captain gave up671his command to Malgares. At night the officers gave a ball,at which appeared at least sixty women, ten or a dozen ofwhom were very handsome.

May 4th. Don Hymen Guloo arrived from Chihuahua,accompanied by a citizen and a friar, who had been arrestedby order of the commandant-general, and was on his way toMexico for trial.

May 5th. The party marched with all the spare horsesand baggage.

May 6th. Marched at five o'clock; ascended the riverfour miles, when we left it to our right and took off S. 60�E., eight miles. Our friend Malgares accompanied us a fewmiles, to whom we bade an eternal adieu, if war does notbring us together in the field of battle opposed as the mostdeadly enemies, when our hearts acknowledge the greatestfriendship. Halted at ten o'clock, and marched again at four.No water on the road; detached a Spanish soldier in searchof some, who did not join us until twelve o'clock at night.Encamped in the open prairie; no wood; no water, exceptwhat the soldier brought us in gourds. The mulescame up at eleven o'clock at night. Distance 30 miles.[II'-20]

May 7th. Marched very early; wind fresh from thesouth. The punctuality of Captain Barelo as to hours was672remarkable. Arrived at half past nine o'clock at a spring[Ojo S. Bernarde of Pike's map?], the first water fromGuaxequillo. The mules did not unload, but continued onnine miles to another spring [Ojo S Blas of Pike's map] atthe foot of a mountain, with good pasturage round it;mountains on each side all day.[II'-21]

May 8th. Marched, at five miles due west, through a gapin the mountains; then turned S. 20� E., and more south toa [Cerro Gordo or Andabazo] river about 20 feet wide, withhigh steep banks; now dry except in holes, but sometimesfull and impassable. Halted at seven o'clock and sent onthe loaded mules. Marched at five o'clock; came ten milesand encamped without water. Distance 18 miles.[II'-22]


May 9th. Marched between four and five o'clock andarrived at Pelia [Pelayo] at eight.[II'-23] This is only a stationfor a few soldiers, but is surrounded by [copper] mines.At this place are two large warm springs, strongly impregnatedwith sulphur, and this is the water obliged to be usedby the party who are stationed there. Here we remainedall day. Captain Barelo had two beeves killed for his andmy men, and charged nothing to either. Here he receivedorders from the general to lead us through the wildernessto Montelovez [Monclova], in order that we should notapproximate to the frontiers of Mexico, which we should674have done by the usual route of Pattos [Patos], Paras[Parras], etc.

Sunday, May 10th. Marched past one copper mine[Oruilla], now diligently worked. At this place the proprietorhad 100,000 sheep, cattle, horses, etc. Arrived atthe Cadena,[II'-24] a house built and occupied by a priest. It issituated on a small stream at the pass of the [Sierra de lasMimbres] mountains, called by the Spaniards [Puerta deCadena, or] Door of the Prison, from its being surroundedwith mountains. The proprietor was at Sumbraretto [Sombrerito],675distance six days' march. This hacienda wasobliged to furnish accommodations to all travelers.

Marched at five o'clock, passed the chain of mountainsdue east [in the direction of Mapimi] 12 miles, and encampedwithout water. Distance 31 miles.

May 11th. Marched and arrived at Maupemie [Mapimi[II'-25]]at eight o'clock, a village situated at the foot of mountainsof minerals, where they worked eight or nine mines. Themass of the people were naked and starved wretches. Theproprietor of the mines gave us an elegant repast. Herethe orders of Salcedo were explained to me by the captain.I replied that they excited my laughter, as there were disaffectedpersons sufficient to serve as guides should an armyever come into the country.

Came on three miles further, where were fig-trees anda fruit called by the French La Grain [sic], situated on676a little stream which flowed through the gardens, andformed a terrestrial paradise. Here we remained all daysleeping in the shade of the fig-trees, and at night continuedour residence in the garden. We obliged the inhabitantswith a ball, who expressed great anxiety for a relief fromtheir present distressed state, and a change of government.

May 12th. Was awakened in the morning by the singingof the birds and the perfume of the trees around. I attemptedto send two of my soldiers to town [Mapimi],but they were overtaken by a dragoon and ordered back;on their return I again ordered them to go, and told themif a soldier attempted to stop them to take him off his horseand flog him. This I did, as I conceived it was the duty ofthe captain to explain his orders relative to me, which hehad not done; and I conceived that this would bring on anexplanation. They were pursued by a dragoon through thetown, who rode after them, making use of ill language.They attempted to catch him, but could not. As I hadmentioned my intention of sending my men to town aftersome stores to Captain Barelo, and he had not made anyobjections, I conceived it was acting with duplicity to sendmen to watch the movements of my messengers. I thereforedetermined they should punish the dragoons unlessthe captain had candor sufficient to explain his reasonsfor not wishing my men to go to town, in which wish Ishould undoubtedly have acquiesced; but as he nevermentioned the circumstance, I was guardedly silent, andthe affair never interrupted our harmony.

We marched at five o'clock; came on 15 miles and encampedwithout water. One mile on this side of the littlevillage[II'-26] the road branches out into three. The right-hand677one by Pattos, Paras, Saltelo [Patos, Parras, Saltillo], etc.,is the main road to [the city of] Mexico and San Antonio[in Texas]. The [middle] road which we took leaves all thevillages a little to the right, passing only some plantations.The left-hand one goes immediately through the mountainsto Montelovez, but is dangerous for small parties on accountof the savages; this road is called the route by the Bolsonof Maupeme, and was first traveled by Monsieur de Croix,afterward viceroy of Peru. In passing from Chihuahua toTexas, by this [left-hand] route, you make in seven dayswhat it takes you 15 or 20 by the ordinary one; but it isvery scarce of water, and your guards must either be sostrong as to defy the Appaches, or calculate to escape themby swiftness; for they fill those mountains, whence theycontinually carry on a predatory war against the Spanishsettlements and caravans.

We this day passed on to the territories of the Marquisde San Miquel [Miguel], who owns from the mountains of678the Rio del Norte to some distance in the kingdom of OldMexico.

May 13th. Came on to the river Brasses [Rio Nasas,[II'-27]on which was the] Ranche de St. Antonio, part of themarquis' estate. My boy and self halted at the riverBrasses to water our horses, having ridden on ahead, andtook the bridles from their mouths in order that they mightdrink freely, which they could not do with the Spanishbridles. The horse I rode had been accustomed to beingheld by his master in a peculiar manner when bridled, andwould not let me put it on again for a long time; in themeantime my boy's horse ran away, and it was out of ourpower to catch him again. But when we arrived at the679Ranche,[II'-28] we soon had out a number of boys, who broughtin the horse and all his different equipments, which werescattered on the route. This certainly was a strong proofof their honesty, and did not go unrewarded. In theevening we gave them a ball on the green, according tocustom. We here learned that one peck of corn, withthree pounds of meat per week, was the allowance given agrown person.

May 14th. Did not march until half past four o'clock[p. m.]. About nine o'clock [a. m.] an officer arrived fromSt. Rosa[II'-29] with 24 men, with two Appaches in irons. Theywere noble-looking fellows, of large stature, and appearedby no means cast down by their misfortunes, although theyknew their fate was transportation beyond the sea, nevermore to see their friends and relations.

Knowing as I did the intention of the Spaniards towardthose people, I would have liberated them if in my power.I went near them, gave them to understand we were friends,and conveyed to them some articles which would be ofservice if chance offered.

This day the thermometer stood at 30� Raumauer[R�aumur], 99�� Fahrenheit. The dust and drought ofthe road obliged us to march in the night, when we came15 miles and encamped without water. Indeed, this roadwhich the general obliged us to take is almost impassableat this season for want of water, whilst the other is plentifullysupplied.

May 15th. Marched early and came on five miles, whenwe arrived at a pit dug in a hollow, which afforded a small680quantity of water for ourselves and beasts.[II'-30] Here we wereobliged to remain all day in order to travel in the night, asour beasts could enjoy the benefit of water. Left at halfpast five o'clock and came on 15 miles by eleven o'clock,when we encamped without water or food for our beasts.Passed a miserable burnt-up soil. Distance 20 miles.

May 16th. Marched two miles and arrived at a wretchedhabitation [El Pozo?], where we drew water from a well forall the beasts. Marched in the evening and made 15 milesfurther [sic]. The right-hand road we left on this side ofMaupeme [Mapimi], and joined it about four miles further.Distance 15 [sic] miles.[II'-31]


Sunday, May 17th. Marched; about seven o'clock camein sight of Paras [Parras], which we left on the right andhalted at the Hacienda of St. Lorenzo, a short league to thenorth of said village.[II'-32] At the Hacienda of St. Lorenzo was682a young priest, who was extremely anxious for a change ofgovernment, and came to our beds and conversed for hourson the subject.

May 18th. Marched early and came through a mountainoustract of country, well watered, with houses situated hereand there amongst the rocks. Joined the main road at aHacienda of [Cienega Grande], belonging to the Marquisde San Miquel [Miguel]; good gardens and fruit; also afine stream.[II'-33] The mules did not arrive until late at night,when it had commenced raining.

May 19th. Did not march until three o'clock, the captain683not being very well. He here determined to take the mainroad, notwithstanding the orders of General Salcedo. Cameon 10 miles [vicinity of Rancho Nuevo and Casta�uela[II'-34]].Met a deserter from Captain [Francis] Johnston's company[then probably of the 2d Infantry]. He returned, came tocamp, and begged me to take him back to his company;but I would not give any encouragement to the scoundrel?onlya little change, as he was without a farthing.

May 20th. Came to the Hacienda of Pattos [Patos] bynine o'clock. This is a handsome place, where the MarquisDe San Miquel [Miguel] frequently spends his summers, thedistance enabling him to come from [the City of] Mexico inhis coach in 10 days. Here we met the Mexican post-ridergoing to Chewawa [Chihuahua]. Don Hymie [Hymen],who had left us at Paras [Parras], joined in a coach and six,in which we came out to a little settlement called theFlorida, one league from Pattos, due north. Distance 18miles.[II'-35]


The Hacienda of Pattos was a square inclosure of about300 feet, the building being one story high, but some of theapartments were elegantly furnished. In the center of thesquare was a jet d'eau, which cast forth water from eightspouts, extended from a colossean female form. From thisfountain all the neighboring inhabitants got their supply ofwater. The marquis had likewise a very handsome church,which, with its ornaments, cost him at least $20,000; to officiatein which, he maintained a little stiff superstitious priest.In the rear of the palace, for so it might be called, was afish-pond, in which were immense numbers of fine fish. Thepopulation of Florida is about 2,000 souls. This was ournearest point to the city of Mexico.

May 21st. Marched down the [San Antonio] water-courseover a rough and stony road about 10 miles, when we left iton the right [crossed it from E. to W.], and came on eightmiles further to a horse-range of the marquis', where he hadfour of his soldiers as a guarda caballo [herders]. Haltedat half past nine o'clock.[II'-36] At this place we had a springof bad water.

May 22d. Marched [north] at three o'clock; came on16 miles to a small shed, and in the afternoon to la Rancho,eight miles to the left of the main road, near the foot of685the mountain, where was a pond of water, but no houses.Some Spanish soldiers were here. We left Pattos mountainon our left and right, but here there was a cross mountain[El Monte de los Tres Rios] over which we were to pass inthe morning.[II'-37]

The marquis maintains 1,500 troops to protect his vassalsand property from the savages. They are all cavalry, aswell dressed and armed as the king's, but are treated bythe king's troops as if vastly inferior.

May 23d. Marched early and came to a spring in themountain.[II'-38]

Sunday, May 24th. Marched at an early hour and passedthrough [El Paso de los Tres Rios in] the mountains, wherethere was scarcely any road, called the Mountain of the ThreeRivers. At the 13th mile joined the main road, which wehad left to our right on the 22d instant, and in one hourafter came to the main Mexican road from the easternprovinces; thence northwest to the Rancho, nine milesfrom Montelovez, whence the captain sent in an express togive notice of our approach.[II'-39]


May 25th. In the afternoon Lieutenant Adams, commandantof the company of Montelovez, arrived in a coachand six to escort us to town, where we arrived aboutfive o'clock. In the evening visited Captain de Ferara[qu.: Don Juan Joaquin de Ferrero?], commandant of thetroops of Cogquilla, and inspector of the five provinces.

Lieutenant Adams, who commanded this place, was theson of an Irish engineer in the service of Spain. He hadmarried a rich girl of the Passo del Norte, and they livedhere in elegance and style, for the country. We put up athis quarters and were very hospitably entertained.

May 26th. Made preparations for marching the nextday. I arose early, before any of our people were up, andwalked nearly round the town; and from the hill took asmall survey, with my pencil and a pocket compass which Ialways carried with me. Returned and found them atbreakfast, they having sent three or four of my men tosearch for me. The Spanish troops at this place wereremarkably polite, always fronting and saluting when Ipassed. This I attributed to their commandant, LieutenantAdams.

May 27th. Marched at seven o'clock, after taking anaffectionate leave of Don Hymen, and at half past twelvearrived at the Hacienda of Don Melcher [Michon on themap], situated on the same stream of Montelovez.[II'-40]

Don Melcher was a man of very large fortune, polite,generous, and friendly. He had in his service a man whohad deserted from Captain Lockwood's[II'-41] company, first regiment687of infantry, by the name of Pratt. From this man hehad acquired a considerable quantity of crude indigestedinformation relative to the United States, and when he metwith us his thirst after knowledge of our laws and institutionsappeared to be insatiable. He caused a fine largesheep to be killed and presented to my men.

May 28th. Marched early and arrived at Encina Hacienda[II'-42]at ten o'clock. This place was owned by Don Barego[Borages on the map].

When we arrived at the Hacienda of Encina, I found ayouth of 18 sitting in the house quite genteelly dressed,whom I immediately recognized from his physiognomy tobe an American, and entered into conversation with him.He expressed great satisfaction at meeting a countryman,and we had a great deal of conversation. He sat at a tablewith us and partook of a cold collation of fruits and confectionery;but I was much surprised to learn, shortly afterwe quit the table, that he was a deserter from our army;on which I questioned him, and he replied that his namewas Griffith; he had enlisted in Philadelphia, arrived atNew Orleans, and deserted as soon as possible; the Spaniardshad treated him much better than his own countrymen,and he should never return. I was extremely astonished athis insolence, and mortified that I should have been betrayedinto any polite conduct toward the scoundrel. I toldhim that it was astonishing he should have had the impertinenceto address himself to me, knowing that I was anAmerican officer. He muttered something about being ina country where he was protected, etc.; on which I toldhim that if he again opened his mouth to me, I would688instantly chastise him, notwithstanding his supposed protection.He was silent; I called up one of my soldiersand told him in his hearing, that if he attempted to mixwith them to turn him out of company; which they executedby leading him to the door of their room a shorttime after, when he entered it. When dinner was nearlyready, I sent a message to the proprietor, that we assumedno right to say whom he should introduce to his table, butthat we should think it a great indignity offered to a Spanishofficer to attempt to set him down at the same boardwith a deserter from their army; and that if the man whowas at the table in the morning were to make his appearanceagain, we should decline to eat at it. He replied thatit was an accident which had produced the event of themorning; that he was sorry our feelings had been injured,and that he would take care he [Griffith] did not appearagain whilst we were there.

Our good friend Don Melcher here overtook us, andpassed the evening with us.

This day we passed the last mountains, and again enteredthe great Mississippi valley, it being six months and 13 dayssince we first came in sight of them. Distance 20 miles.

May 29th. Marched at seven o'clock and came to theMillada river and a Rancho. [Distance 20 miles.[II'-43]]

May 30th. Marched at five o'clock and arrived at theSabine river at eight; forded it. Marched in the eveningat four o'clock, at ten encamped at the second ridge withoutwater. Distance 27 miles.[II'-44]


Sunday, May 31st. Marched early and at nine o'clockarrived at a Rancho on fine running water; course east andwest. Marched eight miles further to a point of woods, andencamped. No water. Distance 23 miles.[II'-45]




Monday, June 1st. Arrived at the Presidio RioGrande[III'-1] at eight o'clock. This place was the positionto which our friend Barelo had been ordered, and which hadbeen very highly spoken of to him; but he found himselfmiserably mistaken, for it was with the greatest difficultywe obtained anything to eat, which mortified him extremely.

When at Chihuahua, General Salcedo had asked me ifI had not lost a man by desertion, to which I replied in thenegative. He then informed me that an American hadarrived at the Presidio Rio Grande in the last year; that hehad at first confined him, but that he was now released andpracticing physic; and that he wished me to examine himon my arrival. I therefore had him sent for; the momenthe entered the room I discovered he never had received691a liberal education, or been accustomed to polished society.I told him the reason I had requested to see him, and thatI had it in my power to serve him if I found him a characterworthy of interference.

He then related the following story: That his namewas Martin Henderson; that he was born in Rock BridgeCounty, State of Virginia; that he had been brought upa farmer; but that, coming early to the State of Kentuckyand to Tennessee, he had acquired a taste for frontier life,and that, in the spring of 1806, himself and four companionshad left the Saline in the District of Saint Genevieve, Upper692Louisiana, in order to penetrate through the woods to theprovince of Texas; that his companions had left him onthe White [Arkansaw] river, and that he had continued on;that in swimming some western branch his horse sunkunder him, and it was with difficulty he made the shorewith his gun. Here he waited two or three days until hishorse rose, and he then got his saddle-bags; but all hisnotes on the country, courses, etc., were destroyed. Hethen proceeded on foot for a few days, when he was metby 30 or 40 Osage warriors, who, on his telling them he wasgoing to the Spaniards, were about to kill him; but on his693saying he would go to the Americans, they held a consultationover him, and finally seized on his clothes and dividedthem between them; then his pistols, compass, dirk, andwatch, which they took to pieces and hung in their nosesand ears; then they stripped him naked, and round hisbody found a belt with gold pieces sewed in it; this theyalso took, and finally seized on his gun and ammunition,and were marching off to leave him in that situation; buthe followed them, thinking it better to be killed than leftin that state to die by hunger and cold. The savages aftersome time halted, and one pulled off an old pair of leggingsand gave him, another mockinsons, a third a buffalo robe,and the one who had carried his heavy rifle had by thistime become tired of his prize, they never using rifles; theycounted him out 25 charges of powder and ball, then senttwo Indians with him, who put him on a war-trace, whichthey said led to American establishments; and as soon asthe Indians left him he directed his course as he supposedfor Saint Antonio. He then killed deer and made himselfsome clothes. He proceeded on and expended all his ammunitionthree days before he struck the Grand Road,nearly at the Rio Grande. He further added that he haddiscovered two mines, one of silver and the other of gold,the situation of which he particularly described; but thatthe general had taken the samples from him. That hewould not attempt to pass himself on us for a physician,and hoped, as he only used simples and was careful to dono harm, we would not betray him. He further added thatsince his being in the country he had made, from information,maps of all the adjacent country; but that they hadbeen taken from him.

I had early concluded that he was an agent of Burr's, andwas revolving in my mind whether I should denounce himas such to the commandant, but feeling reluctant from anapprehension that he might be innocent, when one of mymen came in and informed me that it was Trainer, who hadkilled Major Bashier [?] in the wilderness between Natchez694and Tennessee, when he was his hireling. He shot him,when taking a nap at noon, through the head with his ownpistols. The governor of the State and the major's friendsoffered a very considerable reward for his apprehension,which obliged him to quit the State; and with an Amazonianwoman, who handled arms and hunted like a savage,he retreated to the source of the White river; but, beingrouted from that retreat by Captain Maney [James B.Many], of the United States army and a party of Cherokees,he and his female companion bore west; she, provingto be pregnant, was left by him in the desert, and I wasinformed arrived at the settlements on Red river, but bywhat means is to me unknown. The articles and moneytaken from him by the Osages were the property of thedeceased major. I then reported these circumstances toCaptain Barelo, who had him immediately confined, until thewill of Governor Cordero should be known, who informedme, when at Saint Antonio, that he would have him sentto some place of perpetual confinement in the interior.Thus vengeance has overtaken the ingrate and murdererwhen he least expected it.

In the evening we went to see some performers on theslack-rope, who were no wise extraordinary in their performances,except in language which would bring a blushon the cheek of the most abandoned of the female sex inthe United States.

June 2d. In the day time were endeavoring to regulateour watches by my compass, and in an instant that myback was turned some person stole it. I could by nomeans recover it, and I had strong suspicions that the theftwas approved, as the instrument had occasioned greatdissatisfaction.

This day the captain went out to dine with some monks,who would have thought it profanation to have had us astheir guests, notwithstanding the priest of the place hadescorted us round the town and to all the missions; wefound him a very communicative, liberal, and intelligent695man. We saw no resource for a dinner but in the inventivegenius of a little Frenchman who had accompanied usfrom Chihuahua, where he had been officiating one year ascook to the general, of whom he gave us many interestinganecdotes, and in fact was of infinite service to us; we supportedhim and he served as cook, interpreter, etc. It wasastonishing with what zeal he strove to acquire news andinformation for us; and as he had been four times throughthe provinces, he had acquired considerable knowledge ofthe country, people, etc. He went off and in a very short timereturned with table-cloth, plates, a dinner of three or fourcourses, a bottle of wine, and a pretty girl to attend on thetable. We inquired by what magic he had brought thisabout, and found that he had been to one of the officersand notified him that it was the wish of the commandantthat he should supply the two Americans with a decentdinner, which was done; but we took care to compensatethem for their trouble. This we explained to Barelo in theevening, and he laughed heartily.

We parted from the captain with regrets and assurancesof remembrance. Departed at five o'clock, escorted byEnsign [Blank] and [blank] men; came on to the RioGrande, which we passed, and encamped at a Rancho onthe other side. Distance seven miles.[III'-2]

June 3d. The mosquitoes, which had commenced thefirst night on this side of Montelovez, now became verytroublesome. This day saw the first horse-flies; saw somewild horses; came on in the open plain, and in a dry time,when there was no water. Distance 30 miles.

June 4th. Came 16 miles to a pond and dined; greatsign of wild horses; in the afternoon to the river Noissour[Nueces], swimming where [i. e., too deep to ford when] wearrived, although it was not more than ten steps wide.Distance 36 miles.[III'-3]


June 5th. After losing two horses in passing the river,the water having fallen so that we forded, we crossed andcontinued our route. Passed two herds of wild horses,which left the road for us. Halted at a pond on the leftof the road, 15 miles, where we saw the first oak since weleft New Mexico, and this was scrub oak. Passed manydeer yesterday and to-day. Came on to a small creek atnight, where we met a party of the company of Saint Fernandezreturning from the line. Distance 31 miles.[III'-4]

June 6th. Marched early and met several parties oftroops returning from Texas, where they had been sent to697re-enforce, when our troops were near the line. Immensenumbers of cross-roads made by the wild horses. Killed awild hog [peccary, Dicotyles torquatus], which on examinationI found to be very different from the tame breed,smaller, brown, with long hair and short legs; they are tobe found in all parts between Red river and the Spanishsettlements.

Passed an encampment made by the Lee Panes [Lipans[III'-5]];met one of said nation with his wife. In the afternoonstruck the woodland, which was the first we had been infrom the time we left the Osage nation. Distance 39 miles.

Sunday, June 7th. Came on 15 miles to the [Medina] riverMariano?the line between Texas and Cogquilla?a prettylittle stream, [on which was a] Rancho. Thence in the afternoonto Saint Antonio.[III'-6] We halted at the mission of Saint698Joseph [San Jos�]; received in a friendly manner by thepriest of the mission and others.

We were met out of Saint Antonio about three miles byGovernors Cordero and Herrara, in a coach. We repairedto their quarters, where we were received like their children.Cordero informed me that he had discretionary orders as tothe mode of my going out of the country; that he thereforewished me to choose my time, mode, etc.; that any sum ofmoney I might want was at my service; that in the meantimeRobinson and myself would make his quarters ourhome; and that he had caused to be vacated and prepareda house immediately opposite for the reception of my men.In the evening his levee was attended by a crowd of officersand priests, among whom were Father M'Guire and Dr.Zerbin. After supper we went to the public square, wheremight be seen the two governors joined in a dance withpeople who in the daytime would approach them withreverence and awe.

We were here introduced to the sister of Lieutenant Malgares'wife, who was one of the finest women we saw. Shewas married to a Captain Ugarte, to whom we had lettersof introduction.

June 8th. Remained at San Antonio.

June 9th. A large party dined at Governor Cordero's, whogave as his toast, "The President of the United States?Vivela." I returned the compliment by toasting "HisCatholic Majesty." These toasts were followed by "GeneralWilkinson." One of the company then gave "Thosegentlemen; their safe and happy arrival in their own country;their honorable reception, and the continuation of699the good understanding which exists between the twocountries."

June 10th. A large party at the governor's to dinner. Hegave as a toast, "My companion, Herrara."

June 11th. Preparing to march to-morrow. We thisevening had a conversation with the two governors,wherein they exhibited an astonishing knowledge of thepolitical character of our Executive, and the local interestsof the different parts of the Union.

June 12th. One of the captains from the kingdom of[Nuevo] Leon having died, we were invited to attend theburial, and accompanied the two governors in their coach,where we had an opportunity of viewing the solemnity ofthe interment, agreeably to the ritual of the Spanish church,attended by the military honors which were conferred onthe deceased by his late brethren in arms.

[As I ascertained to-day,] Governor Cordero gave theinformation of my intended expedition to the commandant-generalas early as July [1806], the same month that Itook my departure. His information was received viaNatchez.

June 13th. This morning there were marched 200 dragoonsfor the sea-coast, to look out for the English, andthis evening Colonel Cordero was to have marched to jointhem. We marched at seven o'clock, Governor Corderotaking us in his coach about two leagues, accompanied byFather M'Guire, Dr. Zerbin, etc. We took a friendly adieuof Governor Herrara and our other friends at Saint Antonio.

It may not be improper to mention here something ofFather M'Guire and Dr. Zerbin, who certainly treated uswith all imaginable attention while at Saint Antonio. Theformer was an Irish priest, who formerly resided on thecoast above [New] Orleans [in present Louisiana], and wasnoted for his hospitable and social qualities. On thecession of Louisiana, he followed the standard of "theking, his master, who never suffers an old servant to be neglected."He received at Cuba an establishment as chaplain700to the mint of Mexico, whence the instability of humanaffairs carried him to Saint Antonio. He was a man ofchaste classical taste, observation, and research.

Dr. Zerbin formerly resided at Natchez [in present Mississippi],but in consequence of pecuniary embarrassmentsemigrated to the Spanish territories. Being a young man ofa handsome person and an insinuating address, he hadobtained the good-will of Governor Cordero, who had conferredon him an appointment in the king's hospital, andmany other advantages by which he might have made afortune; but he had recently committed some very greatindiscretions, by which he had nearly lost the favor ofColonel Cordero, though whilst we were there he was treatedwith attention.

I will here attempt to portray a faint resemblance of thecharacters of the two governors whom we found at SaintAntonio; but to whose superexcellent qualities it wouldrequire the pen of a master to do justice.

Don Antonio Cordero is about 5 feet 10 inches in height,50 years of age, with fair complexion and blue eyes; hewore his hair turned back, and in every part of his deportmentwas legibly written "the soldier." He yet possessedan excellent constitution, and a body which appeared to beneither impaired by the fatigues of the various campaigns hehad made, nor disfigured by the numerous wounds receivedfrom the enemies of his king. He was one of the selectofficers who had been chosen by the court of Madrid to besent to America about 35 years since, to discipline andorganize the Spanish provincials, and had been employedin all the various kingdoms and provinces of New Spain.Through the parts which we explored he was universallybeloved and respected; and when I pronounce him by farthe most popular man in the internal provinces, I risknothing by the assertion. He spoke the Latin and Frenchlanguages well, was generous, gallant, brave, and sincerelyattached to his king and country. Those numerous qualificationsadvanced him to the rank of colonel of cavalry, and701governor of the provinces of Cogquilla and Texas. Hisusual residence was Montelovez, which he had embellisheda great deal, but since our taking possession of Louisianahe had removed to San Antonio, in order to be nearer thefrontier, to be able to apply the remedy to any evil whichmight arise from the collision of our lines.

Don Simon de Herrara is about 5 feet 11 inches high, hasa sparkling black eye, dark complexion and hair. He wasborn in the Canary islands, served in the infantry in France,Spain, and Flanders, and speaks the French language well,with a little of the English. He is engaging in his conversationwith his equals; polite and obliging to his inferiors,and in all his actions one of the most gallant and accomplishedmen I ever knew. He possesses a great knowledgeof mankind from his experience in various countries andsocieties, and knows how to employ the genius of eachof his subordinates to advantage. He had been in theUnited States during the presidency of General Washington,and had been introduced to that hero, of whom hespoke in terms of exalted veneration. He is now lieutenant-colonelof infantry, and governor of the kingdom of NewLeon. His seat of government is Mont Elrey;and probably, if ever a chief is adored by his people, it isHerrara. When his time expired last, he immediatelyrepaired to Mexico, attended by 300 of the most respectablepeople of his government, who carried with them the sighs,tears, and prayers of thousands that he might be continuedin that government. The viceroy thought proper toaccord to their wishes pro tempore, and the king has sinceconfirmed his nomination. When I saw him he had beenabout one year absent, during which time the citizens ofrank in Mont Elrey had not suffered a marriage or baptismto take place in any of their families, until their commonfather could be there, to consent and give joy to the occasionby his presence. What greater proof could be givenof their esteem and love?

In drawing a parallel between these two friends, I should702say that Cordero was the man of greatest reading, and thatHerrara possessed the greatest knowledge of the world.Cordero has lived all his life a bachelor. Herrara marriedan English lady in early youth, at Cadiz; one who by hersuavity of manners makes herself as much beloved andesteemed by the ladies as her noble husband is by themen. By her he has several children, one now an officerin the service of his royal master.

The two friends agree perfectly in one point?their hatredto tyranny of every kind; and in a secret determinationnever to see that flourishing part of the New World subjectto any other European lord except him whom they thinktheir honor and loyalty bound to defend with their livesand fortunes. But should Bonaparte seize on EuropeanSpain, I risk nothing in asserting that those two gentlemenwould be the first to throw off the yoke, draw their swords,and assert the independence of their country.

Before I close this subject, it may not be improper tostate that we owe it to Governor Herrara's prudence thatwe are not now engaged in a war with Spain. This will beexplained by the following anecdote, which he related inthe presence of his friend Cordero, and which was confirmedby him. When the difficulties commenced on the Sabine,[III'-7]the commandant-general and the viceroy consulted eachother, and mutually determined to maintain inviolate whatthey deemed the dominions of their master. The viceroytherefore ordered Herrara to join Cordero with 1,300 men,and both the viceroy and General Salcedo ordered Corderoto cause our troops to be attacked, should they pass theRio Oude [sic]. These orders were positively reiterated toHerrara, the actual commanding officer of the Spanish armyon the frontiers, and gave rise to the many messages which703he sent to General Wilkinson when he was advancing withour troops. Finding they were not attended to, he calleda council of war on the question to attack or not, when itwas given as their opinion that they should immediatelycommence a predatory warfare, but avoid a general engagement;yet, notwithstanding the orders of the viceroy, thecommandant-general, Governor Cordero's, and the opinionof his officers, he had the firmness or temerity to enter intothe agreement with General Wilkinson which at presentexists relative to our boundaries on that frontier. On hisreturn he was received with coolness by Cordero, and theyboth made their communications to their superiors. "Untilan answer was received," said Herrara, "I experienced themost unhappy period of my life, conscious I had served mycountry faithfully, at the same time that I had violatedevery principle of military duty." At length the answerarrived, and what was it, but the thanks of the viceroy andthe commandant-general for having pointedly disobeyedtheir orders, with assurances that they would represent hisservices in exalted terms to the king. What could haveproduced this change of sentiment is to me unknown, butthe letter was published to the army, and confidence againrestored between the two chiefs and the troops.

Our company consisted of Lieutenant Jn. Echararria,who commanded the escort; Captain Eugene Marchon ofNew Orleans, and Father Jos� Angel Cabaso, who wasbound to the camp at or near the [river] Trinity; with asuitable proportion of soldiers. We came on 16 miles toa place called the Beson, where we halted until the mulescame up. Marched again at four o'clock, and arrived at theriver of Guadalupe at eight o'clock. Distance 30 miles.[III'-8]


Sunday, June 14th. When we left Saint Antonio, everythingappeared to be in a flourishing and improving state,owing to the examples and encouragement given to industry,politeness, and civilization by the excellent GovernorCordero and his colleague Herrara; also to the large bodyof troops maintained at that place in consequence of thedifference existing between the United States and Spain.

Came on to the Saint Mark [river, Rio San Marco] in themorning; in the afternoon came on 15 miles further, butwas late, owing to our having taken the wrong road. Distance30 miles.[III'-9]

June 15th. Marched 20 miles in the morning to a smallpond, which is dry in a dry season, where we halted. Herecommenced the oak timber, it having been musqueet [mesquit,Prosopis juliflora] in general from Saint Antonio.Prairie like the Indiana territory. In the afternoon cameon six miles further to a creek, where we encamped early.Distance 26 miles.[III'-10]

June 16th. Marched early, and at eight o'clock arrivedat Red river [Rio Colorado of Texas[III'-11]]. Here was a small705Spanish station and several lodges of Tancards?tall, handsomemen, but the most naked savages I ever saw, withoutexception. They complained much of their situation. Inthe afternoon passed over hilly, stony land; occasionallywe saw pine timber. Killed one deer. Encamped on asmall run. Distance 26 miles.

June 17th. Came on by nine o'clock to a large encampmentof Tancards,[III'-12] more than 40 lodges. Their poverty706was as remarkable as their independence. Immense herdsof horses, etc. I gave a Camanche and Tancard each asilk handkerchief, and a recommendation to the commandantat Natchitoches. In the afternoon came on threehours and encamped on a hill, at a creek on the right-handside of the road. Met a large herd of mules escorted byfour soldiers; the lieutenant took from them some moneywhich they had in charge. Distance 30 miles.

June 18th. Rode on until half past ten o'clock, when wearrived at the river Brassos.[III'-13] Here is a stockade guard of707one corporal, six men, and a ferry-boat. Swam our horsesover; one was drowned and several others were near it,owing to their striking each other with their feet. We thencame on about two miles on this side of a bayou called theLittle Brassos, which is only a branch of the other, andwhich makes an impassable swamp at certain seasonsbetween them. Distance 31 miles.

June 19th. Came on through prairies and woods alternately20 miles to a small creek, Corpus Christi, with well-wooded,rich land. In the afternoon came on ten miles,and passed a creek which at high water is nearly impassablefour miles. Overflows swamps, ponds, etc. Encampedabout one mile on this side, on high land to the right ofthe road. Met the mail, Indians, and others. Distance 30miles.[III'-14]

June 20th. Came on 16 miles in the morning; passedseveral herds of mustangs or wild horses; good land, pondsand small dry creeks, prairie and woods, alternately. It708rained considerably. We halted to dry our baggage longbefore night. Distance 20 miles.

Sunday, June 21st. Came on to the river Trinity [RioTrinidad[III'-15]] by eight o'clock. Here were stationed two captains,two lieutenants, and three ensigns, with nearly 100men, all sick, one scarcely able to assist another. Met anumber of runaway negroes, some French, and Irishmen.Received information of Lieutenant Wilkinson's safe arrival.Crossed with all our horses and baggage, with much difficulty.Distance 20 miles.

June 22d. Marched the mules and horses in the forenoon,but did not depart ourselves until three o'clock.Father Jos� Angel Cabaso separated from us at this placefor the post of [300 Spanish troops cantoned further downTrinity river], where he was destined. Passed thick woods,and a few small prairies with high rich grass. Sent adispatch to Nacogdoches. Distance 22 miles.[III'-16]

June 23d. Came on 20 miles in the forenoon to a smallcreek of standing water; good land and well timbered.Met a sergeant from Nacogdoches. In the afternoon made20 miles and crossed the river Natches [or Neches,[III'-17]] running709N. W. and S. E., 20 yards wide, belly-deep to horsesat this time, but sometimes impassable. Two miles on thisside encamped on a hill in a little prairie. The mules andloads arrived at twelve o'clock. The sandy soil and pinetimber began again this afternoon, but there was good landnear the river. Distance 40 miles.

June 24th. The horses came up this morning; lost sixover night. We marched early and in 15 miles came to theriver Angeline [Rio Angelina], about the width of theNatchez, running N. and S.; good land on its borders.Two miles further was a settlement of Barr and Davenport's,where were three of our lost horses; one mile furtherfound two more of our horses, where we halted for dinner.Marched at four o'clock, and at half past eight arrived atNacogdoches, where we were politely received by theadjutant and inspector [Don Francisco Viana], CaptainHerrara, Mr. Davenport, etc. This part of the country iswell watered, but sandy; hilly soil; pine, scrub oak, etc.Distance 37 miles.

June 25th. Spent in reading a gazette from the UnitedStates, etc. A large party at the adjutant and inspector's710to dinner: 1st toast, "The President of the United States";2d, "The King of Spain"; 3d, "Governors Herrara andCordero."

June 26th. Made preparations to march the next day.Saw an old acquaintance; also, Lorrimier's son-in-law, fromthe district of Cape Jerardeau [Girardeau]. Dined withthe commandant, and spent the evening at Davenport's.

June 27th. Marched after dinner and came only 12miles. Was escorted by Lieutenant Guodiana and a militaryparty. Mr. Davenport's brother-in-law, who was takingin some money, also accompanied us.

Don Francis Viana, adjutant and inspector of the Internalprovinces, who commanded at Nacogdoches, is an old andveteran officer, and was one of those who came to Americaat the same time with Colonel Cordero. Possessing a mindof frankness, he unfortunately spoke his opinions too freelyin some instances, which, finding their way to court, preventedhis promotion. But he is highly respected by hissuperiors, and looked up to as a model of military conductby his inferiors. He unfortunately does not possess flexibilitysufficient to be useful [to us] in the present state ofthe Spanish kingdoms. He is the officer who caused MajorSparks and Mr. Freeman to return from their expedition onthe Red river [see p. 412].

Sunday, June 28th. Marched early and at nine o'clockcrossed the little river called [Toyac[III'-18]], whence we pushed711on in order to arrive at the house of a Frenchman, [aboutnine] miles distant from the Sabine. We stopped at ahouse on the road, where the lieutenant informed me anAmerican by the name of Johnson lived; but was surprisedto find he had crossed the line with his family, and a Frenchfamily in his place. When we began conversing with themthey were much alarmed, thinking we had come to examinethem, and expressed great attachment to the Spanish government.They were somewhat astonished to find I was anAmerican officer; and on my companions stepping out, expressedthemselves in strong terms of hatred to the Spanishnation. I excused them for their weakness, and gave thema caution. Fine land, well watered and timbered; hickory,oak, sugar-tree, etc. Distance 40 miles.

June 29th. Our baggage and horses came up about teno'clock, when we dispatched them on. Marched ourselvesat two o'clock, and arrived at the river Sabine by five. Herewe saw the cantonment of the Spanish troops, when theywere commanded by Colonel Herrara, in the late affair betweenthe two governments. Crossed the Sabine river andcame about one league on this side to a little prairie, wherewe encamped. Distance 15 miles.[III'-19]


Parted with Lieutenant Guodiana and our Spanish escort.Here I think proper to bear testimony to the politeness,civility, and attention of all the officers who at differentperiods and in different provinces commanded my escort,but in a particular manner to Malgares and Barelo, who appearedstudious to please and accommodate, all that lay intheir power; also, the obliging, mild dispositions evinced inall instances by their rank and file.

On this side of the Sabine I went up to a house, where Ifound 10 or 15 Americans hovering near the line, in order toembrace an opportunity of carrying on some illicit commercewith the Spaniards, who on their side were equallyeager. Here we found Tharp and Sea, who had been oldsergeants in General Wayne's army.

June 30th. Marched early and came 15 miles to a houseat a small creek, where lived a Dutch family named Faulk,and where we left a small roan horse which had given out.Marched 12 miles further to a large bayou, where had beenan encampment of our troops, which I recognized by itsform, and took pleasure in imagining the position of thegeneral's marquee and the tents of my different friends andacquaintances. Distance 28 [27] miles.[III'-20]

July 1st. Finding that a horse of Dr. Robinson's, which713had come all the way from Chihuahua, could not proceed,was obliged to leave him here. Yesterday and to-day passedmany Choctaws, whose clothing, furniture, etc., evidentlymarked the superiority of situation of those who borderedon our frontiers, to that of the naked, half-starved wretcheswhom we found hanging round the Spanish settlements.Passed a string of huts, supposed to have been built by ourtroops, and at a small run a fortified camp but half a milefrom the hill where anciently stood the village Adyes[Adayes on the map[III'-21]]. We proceeded to a spring where714we halted for our loads. Finding the horses much fatigued,and not able to proceed, we left them and baggage andproceeded. We arrived at Natchitoches[III'-22] about 4 p. m.

Language cannot express the gayety of my heart whenI once more beheld the standard of my country wavedaloft. "All hail!" cried I, "the ever sacred name ofcountry, in which is embraced that of kindred, friends, and715every other tie which is dear to the soul of man!" Wasaffectionately received by Colonel Freeman, Captains Strongand Woolstoncraft, Lieutenant Smith, and all the [other]officers of the post.[III'-23]


Meteorological Observations made by Captain Pike during aTour through the Internal Provinces of New Spain, in theyear 1807.[III'-24]

Date.[R�aumur's] Thermometer.Sky.Wind.
sun-rise.3 p. m.sun-set.Course.Force.
Mar. 34........cloudy and snowWfresh
54........clearN Wgentle
6........2cloudy and snowNdo.
100....6hail and snowS W....
143....6cloudyS W....
167....2clearS Wgentle
219........clear and cold........
22............snow and hailS E....
Apr. 4131615............
13141718light snow........
May 111....................
3152316some rain........
7142915....S W....
14103020....S W....
151132�....clearS E....
17....2320some rain........
201324....some rain........
22....24....rainy morning........
26152322cloudy and rainW....
June 1172................
2....25....cloudyS E....




The kingdom of New Spain[IV'-2] lies between 16� and 44�N. lat., and 96� and 118� W. long. It is divided intotwo separate and independent governments, and theseagain into various subdivisions.


I. The viceroyalty includes:

1. The administration of Guadalaxara,[IV'-3] which lies between18� 30� and 24� 30� N. lat., and 104� and 109� W. long., andis bounded south and west by the South Sea, north by the720provinces of Biscay [Nueva Viscaya] and Sinaloa; N. E.by the administration of Zacatecas; E. by the administrationof Guanaxuato, and S. E. by that of Valladolid. It is350 miles in length from northwest to southeast, and 250in width east and west. Its population may be estimatedat 100,000. It is one of the most luxuriant and rich administrationsin the viceroyalty; and is watered from east towest by the great river de Santego [Rio Grande de Santiago],which receives most of its waters from Lac [Lago]de Chapala. Guadalaxara, the capital, was built by one ofthe Gusman family in 1551, and in 1570 the bishopric wasremoved from Compostela to that place. It is the seat ofthe audience of Guadalaxara, which includes Guadalaxaraand the administration of Zacatecas. The population ofthis city may be estimated at 75,000; it stands in N. lat.20� 50�, W. long. 105�.

2. The administration of Valladolid[IV'-4] lies between 22� 10�and 18� 12� N. lat., and 102� and 105� W. long., and isbounded south by the South sea [Pacific ocean] and part ofMexico, east and northeast by the latter, and north by thatof Guanaxuato. Its greatest length from northeast to southwestis 230 miles, and its greatest width, east and west, 190miles. Its population may be estimated at 360,000. Itscapital of the same name is situated in about 20� N. lat.,103� 25�� W. long. Population unknown.

3. The administration of Mexico[IV'-5] lies between 21� 30�721and 16� 30� N. lat., and 99� and 105� W. long., and isbounded south by the South Sea, east by the governmentsof La Puebla and La Vera Cruz, north by that of St. Louis,and west by Valladolid and Guanaxuato. Its greatestlength, north and south, may be 360 miles, and its greatestwidth, which is on the Western Ocean, is 200 miles. Itspopulation may be estimated at 1,500,000 souls. The capitalof this administration, and of the whole kingdom, isMexico; a particular description of which is deemed unnecessary.From every information I could obtain from personswho had resided in it for years, it does not containmore than 200,000 inhabitants. Its being the residence ofthe viceroy, whose court is more splendid than that atMadrid; its central position as to the ports of Acapulcoand Vera Cruz; together with the rich and luxuriant valewhich surrounds it, will, whenever the Spanish Americansburst the present bonds of slavery in which they are bound,give to Mexico all those advantages which great wealth, alarge population, and a commanding situation concentrate,and assuredly make it one of the greatest cities in theworld. In point of population, it is now in the secondrank, and in beauty, riches, magnificence, and splendor, inthe first.

4. The administration of Oxaca [Oaxaca or Oajaca[IV'-6]] liesbetween 18� and 16� N. lat., and 98� and 112� W. long.,and is bounded south by the South Sea, west by the governmentof La Puebla, north by Mexico and Vera Cruz,722and east by the province of Gualamalia [Guatemala]. Itsgreatest length, east and west, is 230 miles, and its width,north and south, 175 miles. Its population may be estimatedat 520,000 souls. Its capital is Oxaca, in 17� 30� N.lat., 99� 25� W. long.

5. The administration of Vera Cruz[IV'-7] lies between 17�and 22� N. lat., and 98� and 101� W. long., and is boundednorth and east by the gulf of Mexico, south by Oxaca, westby Puebla and Mexico. Its greatest length, N. W. and S.E., is 430 miles, and its width, E. and W., not more than60 miles. Its population may be estimated at 220,000. Itscapital is Vera Cruz, which is the sole port of entry for allthe kingdom on the Atlantic ocean, as that of Acapulco ison the Western. Its population may be estimated at 30,000souls, and is in 19� 10� N. lat. and 98� 30� W. long. Thiscity was taken and sacked by the English on the 17th ofMay, 1683, since which the works for its defense [presentCastle of San Juan de Ul�a] have been made so verystrong as almost to bid defiance to an attack from the sea.

6. The administration de la Puebla[IV'-8] lies between 20� and72316� N. lat., and 100� and 102� W. long., and is boundedsouth by the South sea, east by Oxaca and Vera Cruz,north and west by Mexico; it is near 300 miles in itsgreatest length from north to south, and 120 in its greatestwidth from east to west. Its population may be estimatedat 800,000 souls. Its capital is the city of La Puebla, estimatedat 80,000 souls, which is in 19� 12� N. lat., and 100�50� W. long.

7. The administration of Guanaxuato [or Guanajuato[IV'-9]]lies between 21� 30� and 23� 30� N. lat., and 103� and 105�W. long., and is bounded south by Valladolid, east byMexico, south by St. Louis [and] Zacataca, and west byGuadalaxara. Its greatest extent, from north to south, is75 miles, and from east to west, 85. Its population maybe estimated at 500,000 souls. Its capital city is Guanaxuato,in lat. 21� N., long. 103� W.

8. The administration of Zacataca [Zacatecas[IV'-10]] lies between21� 20� and 24� 52� N. lat., and 103� and 105� 30�W. long., and is bounded north by the internal province ofBiscay, east by St. Louis, west by Guadalaxara, and south byGuanaxuato. Its greatest length is 210 miles, north andsouth, and its greatest width is 145 miles, from east to west.Its population may be estimated at 250,250 souls. Thecapital, Zacataca, stands in 23� N. lat. and 104� W. long.

9. The administration of St. Louis [San Luis Potos�[IV'-11]]724lies between 21� 20� and 28� 50� N. lat., and 99� and 102�W. long., includes Texas and St. Ander [Nuevo Santander]in this dimension, and is bounded north by New Leon,east by the province of St. Ander, south by Guanaxuatoand Mexico, and west by Zacataca. Its greatest lengthfrom north to south is 200, and its width from east to westis 170 miles. Its population may be estimated at 311,500souls. Its capital is St. Louis de Potosi, the population ofwhich is 60,000; it stands in 22� N. lat., 103� W. long.,and was founded in 1568 [1576].

II. The province of Nuevo San Ander [Santander[IV'-12]] isbounded north by the province of Texas, west by NuevoLeon and Cogquillo [Coahuila], south by St. Louis, andeast by the Atlantic Ocean; from north to south it is about500 miles in length, but from east to west not more than150. Its population may be estimated at 38,000 souls.The capital, New San Ander [Nuevo Santander], is on theriver of that name [also known as the Rio Jimenez, andRio de las Palmas], about 40 miles from the sea, in 23� 45�N. lat. and 101� W. long.

III. The kingdom of New Leon [Nuevo Leon[IV'-13]] is725bounded east by New San Ander, north by Cogquilla,west by Biscay, and south by St. Louis and Zacataca; itsgreatest length north and south is 250 miles; width, eastand west, 100 miles. Its population may be estimated at30,000 souls. Its capital, Mont El Rey [Monterey], is situatedon the headwaters of Tiger river, which dischargesinto the gulf of Mexico. The city of Mont El Rey containsabout 11,000 souls, and is the seat of the bishop,Don Dio Premiro, who visited the port of Natchitocheswhen it was commanded by Captain Turner, of the 2d U.S. regiment of infantry. His episcopal jurisdiction extendsover Nuevo San Ander, New Leon, Cogquilla, and Texas,and his salary is equal to $100,000 per annum. Mont ElRey is situated in 26� N. lat. and 102� W. long. There aremany rich mines near the city of Mont El Rey, whence, Iam informed, there are taken to be coined 100 mule-loadsof bullion in silver and gold monthly, which may be presumedto be not more than the three-fifths of what is takenfrom the mines, as there are many persons who prefer never726getting their metal coined, as then it is not so easily ascertainedwhat they are worth, which is an all-important secretin a despotic government.

The foregoing nine administrations or intendencias, theprovince of Nuevo San Ander, and the kingdom of [Nuevo]Leon, are included in the two audiences of Guadalaxaraand Mexico, and form, as I believe, the whole political governmentof the viceroy of Mexico; but I am not positivewhether his jurisdiction does not include the audience ofGuatimalia [Guatemala], which lies to the south, and includesthe province of that name, that of Chiapa [Chiapas],Yucatan, Veraqua [Veragua], Costa Rica, and Honduras.An audience is the high court of appeals in which theviceroy presides and has two votes; it is intended as acheck on his power and authority.

The administrations are governed by intendants, who areofficers of high rank, and always Europeans.

The longitude given is from the meridian of Paris.

In the general view of New Spain,[IV'-14] I shall take somenotice of the manners, customs, political force, etc., of theviceroyalty; but, as I do not pretend to be correctlyinformed as to that quarter of the kingdom, and there havebeen so many persons who have given statements on thoseheads, I shall confine my observations principally to theinternal provinces through which I passed, and on which Imade my observations.



1. New Mexico. [Geography. The province of NewMexico] lies between lat. 30� 30� and 44� N., and long. 104�and 108� W., and is the most northern province of the kingdomof New Spain. It extends northwest into an undefinedboundary, is bounded north and east by Louisiana, south byBiscay and Cogquilla, and west by Senora and California.[IV'-15]728Its length is unknown; its breadth may be 600 miles; butthe inhabited part is not more than 400 miles in length and50 in breadth, lying along the river del Norte, from lat. 37�to 31� 30� N.; but in this space there is a desert of morethan 250 miles.

Air and Climate. No persons accustomed to reside inthe temperate climate of lat. 36� and 37� N. in the UnitedStates can form any idea of the piercing cold which is experiencedon that parallel in New Mexico; but the air isserene and unaccompanied by damps or fogs, as it rains butonce a year, and some years not at all. It is a mountainouscountry. The grand dividing ridges which separate thewaters of the rio del Norte from those of California borderit on the line of its western limits, and are covered, in someplaces, with eternal snows, which give a keenness to the airthat could not be calculated upon or expected in a temperatezone.

Timber and Plains. The cotton tree [Populus] is theonly tree of this province, except some scrubby pines andcedars at the foot of the mountains [and many other speciesthere and elsewhere]. The former borders the banks of therio del Norte and its tributary streams. All the rest ofthe country presents to the eye a barren wild of poor land,scarcely to be improved by culture, and appears to be onlycapable of producing sufficient subsistence for those animalswhich live on succulent plants and herbage.

Mines, Minerals, and Fossils. There are no mines knownin the province, except one of copper situated in a mountainon the west side of the rio del Norte, in lat. 34� N. [seenote26, p. 637]. It is worked, and produces 20,000 mule-loadsof copper annually. It also furnishes that article for729the manufactories of nearly all the internal provinces. Itcontains gold, but not quite sufficient to pay for its extraction;consequently it has not been pursued.

There is, near Santa Fe, in some of the mountains, astratum of talc, which is so large and flexible as to render itcapable of being subdivided into thin flakes, of which thegreater proportion of the houses in Santa Fe, and in all thevillages to the north, have their window-lights made.

Rivers. The river del Norte takes its source in themountains which give birth to the headwaters of California,the Plata [South Platte], Pierre Jaune ["Yellowstone," i. e.,North Platte] of the Missouri, and Arkansaw of the Mississippi,in lat. 40� N. and long. 110� W.[IV'-16] Its distance fromits source to the gulf of Mexico may be, by its meanders,estimated at 2,000 miles, passing through the provinces ofNew Mexico, part of Biscay, Cogquilla, and New San Ander,where it falls into the gulf at lat. 26� N. It cannot, in anypart of its course, be termed a navigable stream, owing tothe sand-bars. In the flat country and mountains in theupper part, with which its course is interrupted, small boatsmight ascend as high as the Presidio de Rio Grande in Cogquilla,and it might be navigable for canoes in various partsof its course. In the mountains above Santa Fe it affordedamply sufficient water for canoe navigation, and even more730than appeared to be flowing in its bed in the plains. Thismust be attributed to numerous canals and the dry sandysoil through which the river courses, where much of thewater which flows from the mountains must be absorbedand lost. In the province of New Mexico it is called theRio del Norte; below it is termed the Rio Grande; but inno instance did I hear it called the Rio Bravo, as many ofour ancient maps designate it.

There are also, in the limits of this province, to the west,the rivers San Rafael, San Xavier, de los Dolores, also delos Anamas or Nabajoa, all of which join and form the greatRio Colorado of California.[IV'-17] The two first take their731sources in the same mountains as the Rio del Norte, but onthe west side.

The river Colorado, by its meanders, may be about 1,000miles in length, from its sources to its discharge into thehead of the gulf of California, in the 33d degree of N. lat.[about 32�]. It has been represented to me, by men of732information and research, to be navigable for square-riggedvessels at least 300 miles from the gulf. By this river andthe Arkansaw there could be the best communication establishedbetween the Pacific and the Atlantic oceans. Thereare represented to be various numerous and warlike nationsof Indians on its banks. Through the whole of its courseits banks are entirely destitute of timber, and indeed I was733informed that for 300 miles there was not a tree ten inchesin diameter.

The river S. Buenaventura empties into the Pacific oceanto the north of California in 39� 30� N. latitude, and takes itssource in the Sierre Madre to the north of the Colorado anddel Norte.[IV'-18]


The Rio Gila[IV'-19] heads opposite the copper-mines, anddischarges into the gulf of California, just below the Colorado,in the 33d degree of N. latitude.736

The Rio Puerto [Pecos[IV'-20]] is a branch of the Rio delNorte; it comes from the north and joins that river about100 miles below the Presidio del Norte.


None of the foregoing streams present any evidence ofcivilization on their shores excepting the Rio del Norte.

Lakes. I heard of no lakes in the province, except that738of Tampanagos, the existence of which I consider verydoubtful. It is said to commence, according to FatherEscalante, in the 40th deg. N. lat., and to have been exploredto the 42d deg. in a N. W. direction, where itenlarged its dimensions, and the discoverer thought properto return.[IV'-21]

Animals. North Mexico produces deer, elk, buffalo,cabrie, the gresley [grizzly and] black bear, and wild horses.

Population. Its population is not far short of 30,000souls, one-twentieth of which may be Spaniards fromEurope, or Chapetones [Gachupines[IV'-22]], four-twentiethsCreoles, five-twentieths Metifs, and the other half civilizedIndians.

The capital is Santa Fe, situated on a small stream whichempties into the east side of the Rio del Norte, at the footof the mountains which divide the waters of that riverfrom the Arkansaw and the Red river of the Mississippi,in 36� N. lat. and 100� W. long. It is an oblong square,extending about one mile from east to west on the banksof the creek. In the centre is the public square, one side739of which forms the flank of the soldiers' square, which isclosed and in some degree defended by the round towersin the angles which flank the four curtains; another sideof the square is formed by the palace of the governor, hisguard-houses, etc.; the third side is occupied by the priestsand their suite, and the fourth by the Chapetones whoreside in the city. The houses are generally only onestory high, with flat roofs, and have a very mean appearanceon the outside; but some of them are richly furnished,especially with plate.

The second cities in the province are Albuquerque andPasso [El Paso] del Norte. The latter is the most southerncity of the province, as Tons [Taos] is the most northern.Between the village of Sibilleta and the Passo there is awilderness of near 200 miles [including the Jornada delMuerto].

Trade and Commerce. New Mexico carries on a tradedirect with Mexico through Biscay [Nueva Viscaya], alsowith Senora [Sonora] and Sinaloa; it sends out about30,000 sheep annually, tobacco, dressed deer and cabrieskins, some furs, buffalo robes, salt, and wrought coppervessels of a superior quality. It receives in return, fromBiscay and Mexico, dry goods, confectionery, arms, iron,steel, ammunition, and some choice European wines and740liquors; from Senora and Sinaloa, gold, silver, and cheese.The following articles sell in this province, as stated, whichwill show the cheapness of provisions and the extremedearness of imported goods: Flour sells, per hundred, at$2; salt, per mule-load, $5; sheep, each, $1; beeves, each,$5; wine del Passo, per barrel, $15; horses, each, $11;mules, each, $30; superfine cloths, per yard, $25; finecloths, per yard, $20; linen, per yard, $4, and all other drygoods in proportion.

The journey with loaded mules from Santa Fe to Mexico,and returning to Santa Fe, takes five months. Theymanufacture rough leather, cigars, a vast variety and quantityof potters' ware, cotton, some coarse woolen cloths,and blankets of a superior quality. All those manufacturesare carried on by the civilized Indians, as the Spaniardsthink it more honorable to be agriculturists than mechanics.The Indians likewise far exceed their conquerors in theirgenius for, and execution of, all mechanical operations.

About two miles above the town of Passo del Norte is abridge over the river, where the road passes to the westside, at which place is a large canal [acequia]. This takesout an ample supply of water for the purpose of cultivation,which is here carried on in as great perfection as at anyplace that I visited in the provinces. There is a wallbordering the canal the whole way on both sides, to protectit from the animals; and when it arrives at the village,it is distributed in such a manner that each person has hisfields watered in rotation. At this place were as finelycultivated fields of wheat and other small grain as I eversaw; and numerous vineyards, from which were producedthe finest wine ever drank in the country, which was celebratedthrough all the provinces, and was the only wineused on the table of the commanding general.

Agriculture. They cultivate corn, wheat, rye, barley,rice, tobacco, vines, and all the common culinary plantscultivated in the same latitude in the United States. NewMexico has the exclusive right of cultivating tobacco. They741are, however, a century behind us in the art of cultivation;for, notwithstanding their numerous herds of cattle andhorses, I have seen them frequently breaking up wholefields with a hoe. Their oxen draw by the horns, afterthe French mode. Their carts are extremely awkward andclumsily made. During the whole of the time we werein New Spain I never saw a horse in a vehicle of anydescription, mules being made use of in carriages, as wellas for the purposes of labor.

Antiquities. On the river St. Francis,[IV'-23] a large branch of742the river Gila, which heads near the copper mines in NewMexico and discharges into the Red river of California,are the remains of old walls and houses which are ascertainedto have been the work of the Mexicans on theirroute emigrating from the northwest to the plains of Mexico,where they finally established themselves. Those wallsare of a black cement, the durability of which increases743with its age, so that it has hitherto bid defiance to the warof time. Its composition is now entirely lost. There isalso found at this place many broken pieces of earthenware,which still possess the glazing as perfectly as when firstput on.

Aborigines.[IV'-24] The Kyaways [Kiowas] wander on the744sources of La Platte and are supposed to be 1,000 menstrong. They possess immense herds of horses, and are atwar with both Pawnees and Tetaus [Ietans, Comanches],as well as the Sioux. They are armed with bows, arrows,and lances, and hunt the buffalo. This nation, with theTetaus and Utahs, all speak the same language. The Utahswander at the sources of the Rio del Norte, are supposedto be 2,000 warriors strong, are armed in the same manner,745and pursue the same game, as the Kyaways. They are,however, a little more civilized, from having more connectionwith the Spaniards, with whom they are frequently atwar, but were then at peace, and waging war with theTetaus.[IV'-25]

A battle was fought between them and the Tetaus inSeptember, 1806, near the village of Tons [Taos]: there746were about 400 combatants on each side, but they wereseparated by a Spanish alcalde riding out to the field ofbattle. There were 8 or 10 killed on each side. The Utahsgave all the horses taken to the Spaniards. This shows in astrong degree the influence the Spaniards have over thoseIndians.

The Nanahaws [Navajos[IV'-26]] are situated to the N. W. ofSanta Fe. They frequently war with the Spaniards, and aresupposed to be 2,000 warriors strong. They are armed inthe same manner as the two preceding nations. Thisnation, as well as all the others to the west of them borderingon California, speak the language of the Appaches andLe Panis [Lipans[IV'-27]], who are in a line with them to theAtlantic.


The Appaches[IV'-28] are a nation of Indians who extend fromthe Black mountains in New Mexico to the frontiers ofCogquilla, keeping the frontiers of three provinces in a continualstate of alarm, and making it necessary to employnearly 2,000 dragoons to escort the caravans, protect thevillages, and revenge the various attacks they are continuallymaking on the subjects of his Catholic Majesty. Thisnation formerly extended from the entrance of the RioGrande to the Gulf of California, and have waged a continualwarfare, excepting short truces, with the Spaniards,748from the time these pushed their enterprises back fromMexico into the internal provinces. It is extremely difficultto say what are their numbers at the present day, but theymust be very much reduced, from their long and constantwarfare, the wandering and savage life they lead in themountains, which is so injurious to an increase of population,and in which they are frequently extremely pinchedby famine.

At the commencement of their warfare the Spaniardsused to take them prisoners and make slaves of them; butfinding that their unconquerable attachment to liberty749made them surmount every difficulty and danger in returningto their mountains, they adopted the mode of sendingthem to Cuba. This the Appaches no sooner learned thanthey refused to give or receive quarter, and in no instancehave any been taken since that period, except those surprisedwhen asleep, or knocked down and overpowered.

Their arms are the bow and arrow, and the lance. Theirbow forms two demi-circles, with a shoulder in the middle;the back of it is entirely covered with sinews, which arelaid on in so nice a manner, by the use of some glutinoussubstance, as to be almost imperceptible; this gives greatelasticity to the weapon. Their arrow is more than the"cloth yard" of the English, being three feet and a halflong, the upper part consisting of some light rush or cane,into which is inserted a shaft of about one foot, made ofsome hard, seasoned light wood; the point is of iron, bone,or stone, and, when the arrow enters the body, in attemptingto extract it the shaft comes out of its socket and thepoint remains in the wound. With this weapon they shootwith such force as to go through the body of a man at adistance of 100 yards, and an officer told me that in anengagement with them, one of their arrows struck his shieldand dismounted him in an instant. Their other weapon ofoffense is a lance of 15 feet in length, with which theycharge with both hands over their heads, managing theirhorses principally with their knees. With this weapon theyare considered an overmatch for any Spanish dragoonsingle-handed; but, for want of a knowledge of tactics,they can never stand the charge of a body which acts inconcert. They all carry shields. Some few are armedwith guns and ammunition taken from the Spaniards.Those, as well as the archers, generally march to war onfoot; but the lancemen are always mounted. Numerousare the anecdotes I have heard related of their personalbravery and the spirit of their partisan corps. Not longbefore I went into that country a cornet, with 63 dragoons,between New Mexico and Biscay, was surrounded by about750200 Apaches' infantry. Instead of charging through them,as [he should have done, since] it was on the plain, heordered his dragoons to dismount and fight with their carabines;in consequence of which he and his whole party fella sacrifice.

Malgares related an instance when he was marching with140 men and they were attacked by a party of Appaches,both horse and foot, who continued the fight for four hours.Whenever the Spanish dragoons would make a generalcharge, the Appaches' cavalry would retreat behind theirinfantry, who met the Spaniards with a shower of arrows,who immediately retreated; and even the gallant Malgaresspoke of the Spanish cavalry's breaking the Appaches infantryas a thing not to be thought of.

Malgares assured me that, if the Appaches had secondedthe efforts and bravery of their chieftain, the Spaniardsmust have been defeated and cut to pieces; that in variousinstances he rallied his men and brought them up to thecharge, and that when they fled, he retired indignantly tothe rear. Seeing Malgares very actively engaged in formingand bringing up the Spaniards, the Appache chieftain rodeout ahead of his party and challenged him to single combatwith his lance. This my friend refused, as he said that thechief was one of the stoutest men he knew, carried a remarkablyheavy lance, and rode a very fine charger; but oneof his corporals, enraged to see the Spaniards thus bravedby this savage, begged permission to meet the "infidel."His officer refused his request and ordered him to keep hisranks; but he reiterating the request, his superior in apassion told him to go. The Indian chief had turned hishorse to join his party, but seeing an enemy advancing, heturned, gave a shout, and met him at full speed. Thedragoon thought to parry the lance of his antagonist, whichhe in part effected; but not throwing it quite high enough,it entered his neck before and came out at the nape, whenhe fell dead to the ground, and his victorious enemy gave ashout of victory, in which he was joined by all his followers.751This enraged the Spaniards to such a degree that they madea general charge, in which the Indian cavalry again retreated,notwithstanding the entreaties of their gallant leader.

In another instance a small smoke was discovered on theprairie; three poor savages were surrounded by 100 dragoonsand ordered to lay down their arms; they smiled atthe officer's demand, and asked him if he could suppose thatmen who had arms in their hands would ever consent tobecome slaves. The officer, being loath to kill them, helda conference for an hour; when, finding that his threatshad as little effect as his entreaties, he ordered his men toattack them at a distance, keeping out of the reach of theirarrows, and firing at them with their carabines, which theydid, the Indians never ceasing to resist as long as liferemained.

In a truce which was held a Spanish captain was orderedto treat with some of the bands. He received their deputieswith hauteur, and they could not come upon terms. Thetruce was broken, and the Indians retreated to their fastnessesin the mountains. In a day or two this same officerpursued them. They were in a place called the Door in theMountain, where but two or three dragoons could enter ata time, and there were rocks and caves on the flanks behindwhich the Indians secreted themselves until a number of theSpaniards had come in. Then the Indians sounded atrumpet; the attack began, and continued on the side ofthe Appaches until the Spanish captain fell, when the Indianchief caused the firing to cease, saying that the man whohad so haughtily spurned the proffered peace was nowdead. On this occasion they deviated from their accustomedrule of warfare, and made a prisoner of a youngofficer, who, during the truce, had treated them with greatkindness, and sent him home safe and unhurt.

Some of the bands have made temporary truces with theSpaniards, and received from them 25 cents per diem each.Those people hang round the fortifications of the country,drink, shoot, and dissipate their time; they are haughty and752independent. Great jealousy exists between them and theSpaniards. An officer was under trial, when I was in thecountry, for anticipating an attack on his fortress by attackingthe chiefs of the supposed conspiracy, and putting themto death before they had time to mature and carry theirplan into execution. The decision of his case I neverlearned; but those savages who have been for some timeabout the forts and villages become by far the most dangerousenemies the Spaniards have, when hostile, as theyhave acquired the Spanish language, manners, and habits,pass through the populated parts under the disguise ofcivilized and friendly Indians, commit murders and robberies,and are not suspected. There is in the province ofCogquilla a partisan by the name of Ralph, who, they calculate,has killed more than 300 persons. He comes intothe towns under the disguise of a peasant, buys provisions,goes to the gambling-tables and to mass, and before heleaves the village is sure to kill some person or carry off awoman, which he has frequently done. Sometimes he joinspeople traveling on the road, insinuates himself into theirconfidence, and takes his opportunity to assassinate them.He has only six followers, and from their knowledge of thecountry, activity, and cunning, he keeps about 300 Spanishdragoons continually employed. The government hasoffered $1,000 for his head.

The civilized Indians of the province of New Mexico areof what were formerly 24 different bands, the differentnames of which I did not become acquainted with, but theKeres were one of the most powerful; they form at presentthe population of St. Domingo, St. Philips, Deis, and oneor two other towns.[IV'-29] They are men of large stature, roundfull visage, fine teeth, appear to be of a gentle, tractabledisposition, and resemble the Osage more than any nation753of whom I possess any knowledge. They are not the vassalsof individuals, yet may properly be termed the slavesof the State, for they are compelled to do military duty,drive mules, carry loads, or, in fact, perform any other actof duty or bondage that the will of the commandant of thedistrict, or of any passing military tyrant, chooses to ordain.

I was myself eye-witness of a scene which made my heartbleed for those poor wretches, at the same time that itexcited my indignation and contempt, that they would sufferthemselves, with arms in their hands, to be beaten andknocked about by beings no ways their superiors, unless asmall tint of complexion could be supposed to give thatsuperiority. Before we arrived at Santa Fe, one night, wewere near one of the villages where resided the families oftwo of our Indian horsemen. They took the liberty to paythem a visit in the night. Next morning the whole of theIndian horsemen were called up, and because they refusedto testify against their imprudent companions, several wereknocked down from their horses by the Spanish dragoonswith the butt of their lances; yet, with the blood streamingdown their visages, and arms in their hands, they stood cooland tranquil?not a frown, not a word of discontent or palliationescaped their lips. Yet what must have been theboiling indignation of their souls at the indignities offeredby the wretch clothed with a little brief authority! Theday of retribution will come in thunder and in vengeance.

Those savages are armed with bow and arrows, and withlances, or escopates. Although they are said to be convertedto Christianity, they still retain many of their ancientrituals, feasts, and ceremonies, one of which is so remarkableit must not be passed unnoticed. Once a year there is agreat feast prepared for three successive days, which theyspend in eating, drinking, and dancing. Near this scene ofamusement is a dark cave, into which not a glimpse of lightcan penetrate, and in which are prepared places to repose on.To this place persons of all description, of both sexes andof all ages, after puberty, repair in the night, when there is754an indiscriminate commerce of the votaries, as chance, fortune,and events direct. Those revels certainly have greataffinity to some of the ancient mystic rites of Greece andRome.

Government and Laws. The government of New Mexicomay be termed military, in the pure sense of the word; foralthough they have their alcaldes, or inferior officers, theirjudgments are subject to a reversion by the military commandantsof districts. The whole male population are subjectto military duty, without pay or emolument, and areobliged to find their own horses, arms, and provision. Theonly thing furnished by the government is ammunition. Itis extraordinary with what subordination they act whenthey are turned out to do military duty. A strong proof ofthis was exhibited in the expedition of Malgares to thePawnees. His command consisted of 100 dragoons of theregular service and 500 drafts from the province. He hadcontinued down the Red river until their provision began tobe short; they then demanded of the lieutenant where hewas bound and the intention of the expedition. To this hehaughtily replied, "Wherever my horse leads me." A fewmornings after he was presented with a petition, signed by200 of the militia, to return home. He halted immediately,caused his dragoons to erect a gallows, and then beat toarms. The troops fell in; he separated the petitioners fromthe others, then took the man who had presented the petition,tied him up and gave him 50 lashes, and threatenedto put to death, on the gallows erected, any man whoshould dare to grumble. This effectually silenced them,and quelled the rising spirit of sedition; but it was remarkedthat it was the first instance of a Spaniard receiving corporalpunishment ever known in the province.

Morals, Manners, etc. There is nothing peculiarly characteristicin this province that will not be embraced in mygeneral observations on New Spain, except that, being onthe frontier and cut off, as it were, from the more inhabitedparts of the kingdom, together with their continual wars755with some of the savage nations who surround them, rendersthe people the bravest and most hardy subjects in NewSpain; being generally armed, they know the use of arms.Their want of gold and silver renders them laborious, inorder that the productions of their labor may be the meansof establishing the equilibrium between them and the otherprovinces where those metals abound. Their isolated andremote situation also causes them to exhibit, in a superiordegree, the heaven-like qualities of hospitality and kindness,in which they appear to endeavor to fulfill the injunction ofthe scripture which enjoins us to feed the hungry, clothethe naked, and give comfort to the oppressed in spirit; andI shall always take pleasure in expressing my gratitude fortheir noble reception of myself and the men under mycommand.

Military Force. There is but one troop of dragoons inall New Mexico of the regular force, which is stationed atSanta Fe, and is 100 strong. Of this troop the governor isalways the captain, entitling himself captain of the royaltroop of Santa Fe dragoons; but they are commanded bya first lieutenant, who is captain by brevet. The mencapable of bearing arms in this province may be estimatedat 5,000, of which probably 1,000 are completely armed, 1,000badly, and the rest not at all.

Religion. The catholic religion is practiced in this provinceafter the same manner as in the other provinces, andwill hereafter be taken notice of generally.

History. In the year 1594 two friars came out from OldMexico to New Mexico, and were well received by the savages.They returned, and the ensuing year Juan de Ouate,[IV'-30]a monk, went out, explored the country, and returned.After this 100 troops and 500 men, women, and children756came out and settled on the Rio del Norte, at some no verygreat distance from where Santa Fe now stands. Theyentered into an arrangement with the Indians on the subjectof their establishment; but a few years after [in 1680]the Indians rose en masse, fell on the Spaniards by surprise,killed most of the soldiers, and obliged them to retreat tothe Passo del Norte; whence it acquired its name. Herethey awaited a re-enforcement from Biscay, which theyreceived, of 70 men and two field-pieces, with which theyrecommenced their march and finally arrived at Santa Fe,then the capital Indian village, to which they immediatelylaid siege. The Indians maintained themselves 22 days,when they surrendered and entered into a second negotiation;since which time the Spaniards have been engaged incontinual warfare with the various savage tribes which surroundthem on all sides. These have been near ruining theSpaniards several times, and obliged them to apply forre-enforcements from Biscay and Senora. A few years sincethe Tetaus carried on a warm and vigorous war againstthem, but are now at peace and considered as their firmestallies.

In the history of New Mexico it may not be improper torecord the name of James Pursley, the first American whoever penetrated the immense wilds of Louisiana, and showedthe Spaniards of New Mexico that neither the savages whosurround the deserts which divide them from the habitableworld, nor the jealous tyranny of their rulers, was sufficientto prevent the enterprising spirit of the Americans frompenetrating the arcanum of their rich establishment in thenew world. Pursley was from near Baird's town, Kentucky,which he left in 1799. In 1802, with two companions, heleft St. Louis and traveled west, on the head of the Osage757river, where they made a hunt; thence they struck for theWhite river of the Arkansaw, and intended to descend it toOrleans; but, while making preparations, the Kans stoletheir horses. They secured their peltries, and pursued theKans into the village. The horses were there, but the Indiansrefused to give them up. Pursley saw his horse, with anIndian on him, going to the water at the edge of the town,pursued him, and with his knife ripped open the horse'sbowels. The Indian returned to the village, got his gun,and came and snapped it at Pursley, who pursued him intothe village with his knife. The Indian took refuge in alodge surrounded by women and children. This struck thechiefs with astonishment and admiration of the "madAmericans," as they termed them, and they returned theother horses to the hunters. This anecdote was related bytraders who had been in the village at the time.

Pursley and his companions then returned to where theyhad buried their peltry, and determined to pursue the routeby land to St. Louis; but some persons stole their horses asecond time, when they were at no great distance from theOsage river, on which they formed a rough canoe anddescended that stream. Near the entrance of the Missourithey overset their canoe and lost their whole year's hunt,but saved their arms and ammunition, which is always theprimary object in a desert. On the Missouri they metMonsieur [Blank] in his barge, bound to the Mandanes.Pursley embarked with him for the voyage; his two companionspreferred returning to their homes. On theirarrival at the point of destination, his employer dispatchedPursley on a hunting and trading tour with some bands ofthe Paducahs and Kyaways, with a small quantity of merchandise.In the ensuing spring they were driven from theplains by the Sioux into the mountains which give birth toLa Platte, the Arkansaw, etc., and it was their sign whichwe saw in such amazing abundance on the headwaters ofLa Platte [in South Park, Col., Dec. 16, 1806]. Their partyconsisted of near 2,000 souls, with 10,000 beasts. The758Indians, knowing they were approximating to New Mexico,determined to send Pursley, with his companions and twoof their body, into Santa Fe, to know of the Spaniards ifthey would receive them friendly and enter into a tradewith them. This being acceded to by Governor Allencaster,the Indian deputies returned for their bands; but Pursleythought proper to remain with a civilized people, amongwhom a fortuitous event had thrown him?a circumstance ofwhich, he assured me, he had at one time entirely despaired.

He arrived at Santa Fe in June, 1805, and has been followinghis trade as a carpenter ever since; at this he madea great deal of money, except when working for the officers,who paid him little or nothing. He was a man of strongnatural sense and dauntless intrepidity. He entertainedme with numerous interesting anecdotes of his adventureswith the Indians, and of the jealousy of the Spanish government.He was once near being hanged for making a fewpounds of gunpowder, which he innocently did as he hadbeen accustomed to do in Kentucky, but which is a capitalcrime in these provinces. He still retained the gun whichhe had with him his whole tour, and said confidently thatif he had two hours' start not all the province could takehim. He was forbidden to write, but was assured he shouldhave a passport whenever he demanded it, and was obligedto give security that he would not leave the country withoutpermission of the government. He assured me that hehad found gold on the head of La Platte, and had carriedsome of the virgin mineral in his shot-pouch for months;but that, being in doubt whether he should ever againbehold the civilized world, and losing in his mind all theideal value which mankind have stamped on that metal, hethrew the sample away. He had imprudently mentioned itto the Spaniards, who had frequently solicited him to goand show a detachment of cavalry the place; but, conceivingit to be in our territory, he had refused, and was fearfulthat the circumstance might create a great obstacle to hisleaving the country.759

2. Biscay. Geography. [The province of Nueva Vizcaya[IV'-31]]lies between lat. 33� and 24� N., and long. 105� and 111� W.It is bounded on the north by New Mexico, on the west bySenora and Sinaloa, and on the east by New Leon andCogquilla. It is 600 miles in length from northwest tosoutheast, and 400 miles in width from east to west, takingit at its greatest extent.

Air and Climate. The air is dry and the heat very greatat that season of the year which precedes the rainy season,which latter commences in June and continues until Septemberby light showers. During the other part of theyear there is not the least rain or snow to moisten the earth.The atmosphere had therefore become so electrified thatwhen we halted at night, in taking off our blankets theelectric fluid would almost cover them with sparks, and inChihuahua we prepared a bottle with gold-leaf as a receiver,and collected sufficient electric fluid from a bear-skinto give a considerable shock to a number of persons. Thisphenomenon was more conspicuous in the vicinity of Chihuahuathan in any other part that we passed over.[IV'-32]

Mines and Minerals. This province abounds in silverand gold mines, which yield an immense quantity of thosemetals, but not so great a revenue to the king as thosewhich are nearer the mint, and consequently present agreater facility to coinage. I am not acquainted with the760proportion of the metals which the mineral yields in anyinstance, except in one of the silver mines at Chihuahua,which belonged to a friend of mine, who informed me thathis mine yielded him $13.50 per cwt. I one day, with Robinson,went through many of these furnaces and noticed themanner which they pursued in analyzing the mineral andextracting the metals; but, as I had previously asked severalSpanish officers to accompany me, who had alwaysdeclined or deferred it to a future period, I conceived itprobable it was too delicate a subject to make a minuteinquiry into. I, however, so far observed the process as tolearn that the mineral was brought from the mines in bags,on mules, to the furnace; it was then ground or poundedinto small lumps, not more than the size of a nut, and precipitatedinto water, in a sieve which permitted the smallerparticles to escape into a tub, through several progressiveoperations. From the small particles which remained at thebottom of the tubs, after it had been purified of the earthyqualities, there was a proportion of metal extracted by anicer process; but the larger parts were put into a furnacesimilar to our iron furnaces, and when the mass was in astate of fusion, it was let out into a bed of sand preparedfor it, which formed it into bars about the size of our commonpig iron, averaged in value at about $2,500. The goldwas cast into a mold similar to a bowl and stamped with itsvalue, as was each bar of silver, by the king's assayer ofmetals. They were worth from $8,000 to $10,000. Thesemasses of silver and gold are received into the king's treasury761in payment, and in fact have a currency through thekingdom; but there are vast speculations made on the coinage,as people who have not large capital prefer selling theirbullion in the internal provinces, at a considerable discount,to being obliged to transport it to Mexico, in order to haveit converted into specie. The present C[ommandant?], Iwas informed, was engaged in this traffic, on which, fromthe province of Senora, he sometimes made 25 per cent.Numbers of the proprietors who have no immediate use fortheir bullion put it into their cellars, where it remains piledup for their posterity, of no service to themselves or thecommunity.

There are at Chihuahua and in its vicinity 15 mines, 13silver, one gold, and one copper, the furnaces of all of whichare situated round the town and suburbs, and present, excepton Sundays, volumes of smoke arising to the eye in everydirection, which can be seen from a distance long beforethe spires of the city strike the view. It is incredible thequantity of cinders which surround the city in piles 10 or 15feet high; next the creek they have formed a bank of it tocheck the encroachments of the stream, and it presents aneffectual barrier. I am told that an European employedsome hands and wrought at the cinders, which yielded $1.25for each per day; but that this not answering his expectations,he ceased his proceedings.

At Mausseme [Mapimi] there are one gold and seven silvermines. At Durango there are many rich mines, but thenumber to me is unknown. There are also gold mines inthe Sierra Madre, near Alomas [Alamos], and many othersof which I have no knowledge. There is in the province,about 100 miles south of Chihuahua, a mountain or hill ofloadstone. Walker, who had been on the ground and surveyedit, informed me it appeared to be in solid strata, asregular as those of limestone, or any other of the species.He had brought home a square piece of near a foot and ahalf, was preparing some to be sent to Spain, and likewiseforming magnets to accompany it, in order that their comparative762strength might be ascertained with magnets formedin Europe.

Rivers.[IV'-33] Rio Conchos is the largest in the province. Ittakes its source in the Sierra Madre, near Batopilis, in lat.28� N., and discharges itself into the Rio del Norte [at thePresidio del Norte] in lat. 31�, after a course of about 300miles. It is the largest western branch of the Rio del Norte,and receives in its course the Rio Florido from the east andSan Paubla [now San Pedro] from the west. Where westruck the Conchos, it appeared to be nearly as large as theRio del Norte at the Passo.

The Rio San Paubla is the largest western branch of theConchos; it heads in lat. 28� 50� N., and empties into thelatter at Bakinoa[?]. Its whole course is about 150 miles;in summer it is nearly dry, and in the rainy seasons impassable.

The Rio Florido takes its rise in lat. 26� 30� N., and aftera course of about 150 miles discharges into the Conchos.Guaxequillo is situated on its east bank, about its center.

The Rio Nassas [Nasas] is in part the line between Biscayand Cogquilla; it runs north and sinks in the lake du Cayman[Laguna del Muerto]; it is nearly dry in the dry seasons,but at some seasons it is impassable.

Lakes. Lac du Cayman and lac du Parras are two smalllakes situated at the foot of the mountains [in the Bolsonde Mapimi], and are full of fish.

Animals, Insects, etc. There are some few bears, deer,and wild horses, but they are not in abundance. The scorpions763of Durango are one of the most remarkable instancesof the physical effects of climate or air that I ever sawrecorded. They come out of the walls and crevices in May,and continue about a fortnight in such numbers that theinhabitants never walk in their houses after dark without alight, and always shift or examine the bed-clothes and beatthe curtains previous to going to bed; after which the curtainsare secured under the bed, similar to the precautionswe take with our mosquito curtains. The bite of thosescorpions has been known to prove mortal in two hours.The most extraordinary circumstance is that by taking them10 leagues from Durango they become perfectly harmlessand lose all their venomous qualities. Query: Does itarise from a change of air, sustenance, or what other cause?[IV'-34]


Population and Chief Towns. The population of Biscaymay be estimated at 200,000: of these three-twentieths maybe Spaniards from Europe, five-twentieths Creoles, five-twentiethsMetifs and Quatroons, and seven-twentiethsIndians. Durango [or Guadiana] was founded in 1550. Itis the principal city, the seat of government for the provinceof Biscay and of the bishopric of Durango. Its populationmay be estimated at 40,000 souls. It is situated in lat. 25�N. and long. 107� W.

Pallalein, situated somewhere at the foot of the SierraMadria [Madre], is supposed to contain 25,000 souls.

Chihuahua,[IV'-35] the place of residence of the commandant-generalof the internal provinces, was founded in 1691; it765is situated in lat. 29� N., long. 107� 30� W. Its populationmay be estimated at 7,000. It is an oblong square, on theeast side of a small stream which discharges into the riverConchos. On its south extremity is a small but elegantchurch. In the public square stands the principal church,royal treasury, town-house, and the richest shops. At the766western extremity is another church for the military, asuperb hospital belonging formerly to the Jesuits' possessions,the church of the monks of St. Francis, St. Domingo,the military academy, and quartel del tropa. On the northwestwere two or three missions, very handsomely situatedon a small stream which comes in from the west. Aboutone mile to the south of the town is a large aqueduct whichconveys the water round it, to the east, into the main streambelow the town, in the center of which is raised a reservoirfor the water, whence it is to be conducted by pipes to thedifferent parts of the city, and in the public square is to bea fountain and jet d'eau, which will be both ornamental anduseful. The principal church at Chihuahua was the mostsuperb building we saw in New Spain. Its whole front wascovered with statues of the apostles and the different saints,set in niches of the wall, and the windows, doors, etc., wereornamented with sculpture. I never was within the doors,but was informed by Robinson that the decorations wereimmensely rich. Some men, whom we supposed entitled tocredit, informed us that the church was built by a tax of12� cents laid on each ingot of gold or silver taken out ofthe mines in the vicinity in [blank] years. Its cost, withdecorations, was $1,500,000, and when it was finished thereremained $300,000 of the fund unappropriated. At thesouth side of Chihuahua is the public walk, formed by threerows of trees whose branches nearly entwine over the headsof the passengers below. At different distances there areseats for persons to repose on. At each end of the walksthere were circular seats, on which, in the evening, thecompany collected and amused themselves with the guitar,and songs in Spanish, Italian, and French, adapted to thevoluptuous manners of the country. In this city, as well asall others of any consideration, there are patrols of soldiersduring the night, who stop every person at nine o'clockand examine them. My countersign was "Americans."

Trade, Commerce, and Manufactures. Biscay trades withNorth Mexico, Senora, and the viceroyalty, from the latter767of which places they bring on mules all their dry goods,European furniture, books, ammunition, etc. They furnisha great quantity of horses, mules, sheep, beeves, and goats,to the parts of the kingdom which are more populous andhave less spare ground for pasturage, etc. Some personsmake large fortunes by being carriers from Mexico to Chihuahua,the freight being $8 per cwt., and they generally putting300 pounds on each mule. The merchants make theirremittances twice a year in bullion. Goods sell at Chihuahuaat about 200 per cent, on the prices of our Atlantic seaporttowns. Their horses average at $6, but some have soldas high as $100; their trained mules at $20, but extraordinarymatches for carriages have sold at $400 per pair. Ricesells at $4 per cwt. They manufacture some few arms,blankets, stamped leather, embroidery, coarse cotton andwoolen cloths, and a species of rough carpeting. Theirblankets average $2, but some sell as high as $25.

Agriculture. They cultivate wheat, corn, rice, oats, cotton,flax, indigo, and vines. What I have said relative tothe cultivation of those articles in New Mexico will equallyapply to this province; but it may be proper to observehere that one of Nolan's men constructed the first cotton-ginthey ever had in the province, and that Walker hadcaused a few churns to be made for some private families,and taught them the use of them.

Timber, Plains, and Soil. To the north of Chihuahua,about 30 miles to the right of the main road, there is somepine timber; at a spring on this side of Carracal [Carrizal] wesaw one walnut tree, and on all the small streams there areshrubby cotton trees. With these few exceptions the wholeprovince is a naked, barren plain, which presents to the eyean arid, unproductive soil, more especially in the neighborhoodof mines; even the herbage appears to be poisoned bythe mineral qualities of the soil.

Antiquities. There are none in the province which camewithin my notice but the Jesuits' college and church at Chihuahua,which were about a century old, and used as hospitals.768In these there was nothing peculiar, except a certainsolidity and strength, in which they appeared to surpass theother public buildings of the city.

Aborigines. There are no uncivilized savages in thisprovince except the Appaches, of whom I have spokenlargely. The Christian Indians are so incorporated amongstthe lower grades of Metifs that it is scarcely possible todraw the line of distinction, except at the ranchos of noblemenor large landholders, where they are in a state of vassalage[peonage]. This class of people laid a conspiracy, whichwas so well concerted as to baffle the inquiries of theSpaniards for a length of time, and to occasion them the lossof several hundred inhabitants. The Indians used to go outfrom their villages in small parties; in a short time a partwould return with the report that they had been attacked bythe Indians; the Spaniards would immediately send out adetachment in pursuit, when they were led into an ambuscadeand every soul cut off. They pursued this course solong that the whole province became alarmed at the rapidmanner in which their enemies multiplied; but some circumstancesleading to suspicion, they made use of the superstitionof those people for their ruin. Some officers disguisedthemselves like friars and went round amongst theIndians, pretending to be possessed of the spirit of prophecy.They preached up to the Indians that the day wasapproaching when a general delivery from Spanish tyrannywas about to take place, and invited the Indians to join inconcerting with them the work of God. The poor creaturescame forward, and in their confessions stated the great handthat had already been put to the work. After these pretendedfriars had ascertained the nature and extent of theconspiracy, and had a body of troops prepared, they commencedthe execution and put to death about 400 of theunsuspecting Indians. This struck terror and dismaythrough the Indian villages, and they dared not rise todeclare their freedom and independence.

Government and Laws. In this province there is some769shadow of civil law; but it is merely a shadow, as the followinganecdote may illustrate: An officer, on arriving ata village, demanded quarters for himself and troops. Thesupreme civil officer sent him word that he must show hispassport. The military officer immediately sent a file ofmen, who brought the judge a prisoner before him, whenhe severely reprimanded the judge for his insolence andobliged him to obey his orders instantly. This was doneby a subaltern, in a city of 20,000 inhabitants. The onlylaws which can be said to be in force are the militaryand ecclesiastic, between which there is a perfect understanding.

The governor is a brigadier-general, resides at Durango,and receives $5,000 in addition to his pay in the line. It isproper to observe that there are ordinances to bear on eachsubject of civil discussion; but the administration of themis so corrupt that the influence of family and fortune generallyprocures the determination that they have right ontheir side.

In each town is a public magazine for provisions, to whichevery farmer brings whatever grain and produce he mayhave for sale, and where he is sure to find a market; andshould there be a scarcity the ensuing year, it is retailed outto the inhabitants at a reasonable rate. To this place allthe citizens of the town repair to purchase.

Morals, Manners, etc. There is nothing peculiar in themanners or morals of the people of this province, but amuch greater degree of luxury among the rich, miseryamong the poor, and a corruption of morals more generalthan in New Mexico. As to military spirit, they have none.At a muster of a regiment of militia at Chihuahua one of mymen attended, and informed me that there were about 25who had fire-arms and lances, 50 with bows and arrows andlances, and the balance with lances or bows and arrows only.

Military Force. The regular military force of Biscay consistsof 1,100 dragoons, distributed as follows: On thefrontiers of the deserts of New Mexico and Senora, at the770forts of Elisiaira [Elizario], Carracal [Carrizal], San Buenaventura,Presidio del Norte, Janos, Tulenos, and San JuanBaptist [Bautista]. Farther south are Chihuahua, Jeronime[Jeronimo or Hieronimo], Cayone, San Paubla [Pablo],Guaxequillo [Guajuquilla], and Conchos, with several otherplaces which are appendages of those positions. The complementof each of those posts is 150 men, but may be averagedat 1,100 in all, say 100 at each post. The militia arenot worthy of particular notice.

Religion. Biscay is in the diocese of Durango, the bishop'ssalary being estimated at $100,000 per annum. The catholicreligion is here in its full force, but the inferior clergyare very much dissatisfied. The people's superstition is sogreat that they run after the holy father in the streets, endeavoringto kiss the hem of his garment; and should thebishop be passing the street, the rich and poor all kneel.

History. I shall not presume to say anything on thissubject, except that I believe this province has been populatedabout 270 years.

3. Senora. Geography. The province of Senora lies betweenlat. 33� and 27� N., and long. 110� and 117� W. Itsgreatest length from north to south is about 420 miles, andits width from east to west 380 miles. It is bounded northby New Mexico, west by California, south by Sinaloa andthe gulf, east by Biscay and New Mexico.[IV'-36]

Air and Climate. Dry, pure, and healthy generally, butnear the gulf the ground is marshy, and it is, in some of thedistricts, unhealthy.

Mines, Minerals, and Fossils. On this subject I can only771speak in general. Senora abounds in rich gold and silvermines, but more especially the former, inasmuch as golddoes not preserve its usual exchange with silver in thisprovince. General Salcedo told me that in this provincethe largest piece of pure gold had been found ever yet discoveredin New Spain, and that it had been sent to theking to be put in his cabinet of curiosities.

Rivers.[IV'-37] Rio de l'Ascencion is a short river which entersthe Gulf of California about 31� N. lat. Rio Yaqui headson the borders of Biscay and Senora, and discharges intothe Gulf of California in Guyamas [Guaymas], lat. 23� N.

Timber, Plains, and Soil. This province is, like Biscay,destitute of timber, but has some rich soil near the gulf.

Animals. There are deer, cabrie, and bear; there arealso remarkably large lizards [Ctenosaura teres of Harlan],which are said to weigh ten pounds; these are perfectlyharmless, tamed by the inhabitants, and trained to catchmice.

Population and Chief Towns. The population of Senoramay be estimated at 200,000 souls, of which three-twentiethsprobably are Spaniards, four-twentieths Creoles, six-twentiethsMetifs, and seven-twentieths Indians.

Arispea [Arizpe[IV'-38]], the capital of Senora, and until 20772years past the seat of government of the internal provinces,is situated in lat. 31� N. and long. 111� W., near the headof the river Yaqui. It is celebrated throughout the kingdomfor the urbanity and hospitality of its inhabitants,and the vast quantity of gold table utensils made use ofin their houses. Its population is 3,400 souls. Sonoraand Terenate are the next cities in magnitude in the province,the latter to the north and the former to the south ofthe capital.

Trade and Commerce. Senora trades with New Mexicoand Biscay for the productions of those different provinces,and with Old Mexico both by land and sea, through thegulf of California. It is celebrated for its cheese, horses,and sheep.

Agriculture. They cultivate the same as in Biscay.

Aborigines. There are a number of savage nations borderingon Senora, which obliges the king to keep up anumber of military posts on the north and west frontiers;but the names of the tribes, or any of their distinguishingcharacters, I am unacquainted with. However, it may notbe improper to observe that they are armed with bows,arrows, shields, and lances, like their savage neighbors.The civilized Indians are in the same situations as in theother provinces.

Government and Laws. Similar to Biscay, the governorbeing a brigadier-general and receives $7,000 in additionto his pay in the line.

Morals and Manners. In every respect similar to Biscay,except that they are more celebrated for hospitality.

Military Force. The regular military force of this province773is 900 dragoons and 200 infantry, stationed as follows:Tubson, San Cruz, Tubac, and Altac on the north, with 100dragoons each for a garrison; Fiuntenas, Bacuachi, Bavista,and Horcasites in the center, with 300 dragoons and 200infantry; Buenavista on the south, with 100 dragoons as agarrison.[IV'-39] The infantry mentioned above are of a nationof Indians called the Opejas, and are said to be the bestsoldiers in New Spain. I saw a detachment of them atChihuahua who appeared to be fine, stout, athletic men,and were the most subordinate and faithful troops I everknew, acting like a band of brothers and having the greatestattachment for their officers.

Religion. Catholic, in the diocese of the bishop ofDurango.

History. I am unacquainted with it, except that the seatof government of the internal provinces was formerly atArispea, at which time the government of California wasalso under the commandant-generalcy of the internalprovinces; but the removal of the seat of government toChihuahua and the disjunct situation of California inducedhis Majesty to annex it to the government of the viceroyalty.The increasing magnitude of the relations ofNew Spain with the United States also gave an importanceto the eastern interests which induced the continuance ofthe seat of government at Chihuahua.

4. Sinaloa. Geography. The province of Sinaloa lies774between lat. 23� and 28� N., and long. 108� and 111� W.It is bounded north by Senora and Biscay, east by thelatter, south by the administration of Guadalaxara, andwest by the gulf of California; in its greatest length it is300 miles north and south, and in width from east to west150 miles.[IV'-40]

Air and Climate. On the sea-coast humid, but back [ofthe coast] dry and pure.

Mines, Minerals, and Fossils. There are both gold andsilver mines; but with their relative value or productions Iam unacquainted.

Rivers.[IV'-41] Rio [del] Fuerte takes its source in lat. 27� N.and long. 110� W., and disembogues into the gulf of California.It crosses the whole province, and is nearly 150miles long. Rio Culican [Culiacan] is not more than 50miles in length, and enters the gulf of California in lat.25� N.

Timber, Plains, and Soil. No timber; soil similar tothat of Senora.

Animals. Domestic only.

Population and Chief Towns. Its population may be estimatedat 60,000, not more than three-twentieths of whomare Spaniards; the remainder Creoles, Metifs, and Indians.

Sinaloa is the capital, but its population, extent, etc., tome is unknown.

Trade and Commerce. Unacquainted with.775

Agriculture. The same as Senora.

Aborigines. None who are not civilized.

Government and Laws. Unacquainted with.

Military Force. One hundred dragoons for expresses, anda guard for the governor.

Religion. Catholic, in the diocese of the bishop ofDurango.

History. To me unknown.

5. Cogquilla. Geography. The province of Cogquillalies between lat. 31� and 33� 30� N., and long. 101� and 105�W. Its greatest length north and south may be 500 miles,and its greatest width east and west 200 miles. It isbounded north by New Mexico and Texas, east by the latter,San Ander, and New Leon, south by the administrationof Zacataca, and west by Biscay.[IV'-42]

Air and Climate. Pure and healthy, except about themiddle of May, when the heat is intense, and sometimes ascorching wind is felt, like the flame issuing from an oven orfurnace, which frequently skins the face and affects the eyes.This phenomenon is felt more sensibly about the setting ofthe sun than at any other period of the 24 hours.

Mines, Minerals, and Fossils. I know of no mines in thisprovince, except at Montelovez and San Rosa, with thevalue of which I am unacquainted; but those of San Rosaare reputed to be as rich as any silver mines in the kingdom.Montelovez has none very considerable.

Rivers. This province has no river of magnitude or consequencebut the Rio Grande, which crosses its northernpart in a S. E. direction.[IV'-43]


Lakes. There is a small lake called the Aqua [Agua]Verde, situated on its western extremities, which givesrise to a small stream that discharges into the Rio delNorte.

Timber, Plains, and Soil. From the river Nassus [Nasas]to the east there is the palmetto, which grows to the heightof 20 and 25 feet, with a trunk of 2 feet in diameter. Itsleaves are in the shape of a spear, and cover all the trunkwhen young, but fall off as the tree grows old. Its wood isof a spongy nature, and from every information I could procure,is of the same species as that of the same name in theSouthern States.[IV'-44] One hundred miles to the east of theRio Grande oak timber commences, being the first we sawin the provinces; but it is very small and scrubby, and presentsfrom this to the line of Texas (the river Mariana[Medina, near San Antonio, Tex.]), a very perceptiblegradation of the increase of timber, both in quantity, luxuriance,777and variety. The country here becomes very similarto the Indiana territory.

Animals. Deer, wild horses, a few buffalo and wild hogs[peccaries].

Population and Chief Towns. Montelovez [Monclova[IV'-45]]is the capital of Cogquilla. It is situated on a small streamof water in lat. 26� 30� N. and long. 103� 30� W. It is aboutone mile in length, on a course N. 70� E. by the main street.It has two public squares, seven churches, a powder magazine,mills, king's hospital, and quartel del tropa [soldiers'barracks]. This is the principal military depot for the provincesof Cogquilla and Texas. Its population may be estimatedat 3,500 souls. This city being the stated residenceof his Excellency Governor Cordero, he has ornamented itwith public walks, columns, and fountains, and made it oneof the handsomest cities in the internal provinces.

Santa Rosa, about 38 miles N. W. of Montelovez, is representedto be the most healthy situation in the province,and to have the best water and fruit. It is on the headwatersof the river Millada [read here Sabinas]. Its populationis represented at 4,000 souls. Paras [Parras] is situatedon a small stream; with its suburbs it is supposed to contain7,000 souls, and San Lorenzo, three miles to the north, 500souls. This place may be termed the vineyard of Cogquilla,the whole population pursuing no other occupation than thecultivation of the grape. Its name denotes the Branchesof the Vine. At the Hacienda of San Lorenzo, where wehalted, there were 15 larger stills, larger cellars, and a greaternumber of casks than I ever saw in any brewery of theUnited States. Its gardens were delightfully interspersedwith figs, vines, apricots, and a variety of fruits which areproduced in the torrid zone; fine summer-houses, wherewere wine, refreshments, and couches to repose on, andwhere the singing of the birds was delightful. There were,likewise, mills and a fine water-fall.778

The Presidio [Salto] of Rio Grande is situated on thatriver, and is remarkable for nothing but three or four handsomemissions with which it is surrounded, a powder magazine,quarters for the troops, and a few iron field-pieces onmiserable truck carriages. Population 2,500 souls.

The population of this province may be estimated at70,000 souls, not more than 10,000 of whom are Spaniards.

Trade, Commerce, and Manufactures. This provincereceives all its merchandise from Mexico by land, and inreturn gives horses, mules, wines, gold, and silver. Thereis an annual fair held at Saltelo [Saltillo], in New Leon[Coahuila], where an immense quantity of merchandise isdisposed of, and where merchants of very large capitalsreside.

Agriculture. They cultivate the vine principally, withgrain and corn sufficient for their own consumption, and tosupply the greatest part of Texas.

Aborigines. The Appaches cover the northwest frontier.The Lee Pawnees [Lipans: see note27, p. 746] area nation who rove from the Rio Grande to some distanceinto the province of Texas. Their former residence was onthe Rio Grande, near the sea-shore. They are at presentdivided into three bands, of 300, 350, and 100 men each.They are at war with the Tetaus and Appaches, and atpeace with the Spaniards. They have fair hair, and aregenerally handsome, armed with bows, arrows, and lances.They pursue the wild horses, of which they take numbers,and sell them to the Spaniards.

Government and Laws. Military and ecclesiastical poweris all that is known or acknowledged in this province; butits administration was mild under their excellent GovernorCordero. The governor's civil salary is $4,000 per annum.

Morals and Manners. It was evident to the least discerningeye that, as we diverged from these parts which producedsuch vast quantities of the precious metals, theinhabitants became more industrious, and there werefewer beggars. Thus the morals of the people of Cogquilla779were less corrupt than those of Biscay or New Leon, theirneighbors.

Military Force. There are 400 dragoons maintained inthis province, and stationed at Montelovez, San Rosa, Pres.Rio del Norte, and San Fernandez.

Religion. Catholic, but mild. It is in the diocese ofDurango.

History. Cogquilla had not pushed its population as faras the Rio Grande in the year 1687, as at that time La Salle[IV'-46]established himself at the entrance of that river, it being awilderness; but Montelovez was established some timebefore this era. Of its particular history I have noknowledge.

6. Texas. Geography. The province of Texas lies betweenlat. 27� 30� and 35� N., and long. 98� and 104� W.,bordered north by Louisiana, east by the territory ofOrleans, west by Cogquilla and New Mexico, and south byNew San Ander. Its greatest length from north to southmay be 500 miles, and breadth from east to west 350.

Air and Climate. One of the most delightful temperaturesin the world; but, being a country covered with780timber, the new emigrants are generally sickly, which mayjustly be attributed to putrescent vegetation, which bringson intermittent and bilious attacks, and, in some instances,malignant fevers. The justice of these remarks is provedby the observations of all the first settlers of our westernfrontiers, that places which in the course of 10 or 15 yearsbecome perfectly healthy, were the first two or three yearsquite the reverse, and generally cost them the loss of twoor three members of their families.

Mines, Minerals, and Fossils. The only one known andworked is a mine of lead.

Rivers.[IV'-47] The river St. Antonio takes its source aboutone league to the northeast of the capital of the province,St. Antonio, and is navigable for canoes to its source,affording excellent fish, fine mill seats, and water to everypart of the town. It is joined from the west by the riverMariana, which forms part of the line between Cogquillaand Texas, and then discharges into the Rio Guadelupeabout 50 miles from the sea. At the town of St. Antonioit is about 20 yards wide, and in some places 12 feet indepth. The river Guadelupe takes its source about 150781miles to the northwest of St. Antonio; where we crossed it,it was a beautiful stream, at least 60 yards in width. Itswaters are transparent and navigable for canoes. Afterreceiving the waters of the St. Antonio and St. Marco itdischarges into the southwest end of the bay of St. Bernardo[Matagorda]. At the crossing of this river there is arange for the horses of St. Antonio and a guarde de caballo,with an elegant site for a town.

The river St. Marco takes its source about 100 milesnorth, 20 west of St. Antonio, and at the crossing of theroad is 30 yards in width, a clear and navigable stream forcanoes. By the road this river is only 14 miles from theGuadelupe, into which it discharges.

The Red [or Colorado] river [of Texas] takes its sourcein the province of Cogquilla in lat. 33� N. and long. 104� 30�W., but, bending to the east, enters the province of Texas,and after a winding course of about 600 miles disemboguesinto the bay of St. Bernard [Matagorda], in lat. 29� N.Where the road traverses it, it is at least 150 yards wide,and has a guard of dragoons stationed on its banks. Itswaters are of a reddish cast, whence it probably derivedits name. This stream is navigable for boats of three orfour tons burden.

The river Brassos [Brazos] takes its source in the provinceof Cogquilla in lat. 34� N. and long. 105� W., entersthe province of Texas, and discharges into the gulf ofMexico in lat. 28� 40�, after a course of 750 miles. It is thelargest river in the province, and, where the road crosses,is 300 yards wide and navigable for large keels. From theappearances on its banks it must rise and fall 100 feet. Itswaters were red and turbid; its banks well timbered, with arich, prolific soil. Here was kept the only boat I recollectto have seen in the provinces.

The river Trinity takes its source in lat. 34� N. and long.99� W., and discharges into Galueston's [Galveston] bayin lat. 29� 30� N. By its meanders it is about 300 milesin length. Where the road crosses it is about 60 yards in782width, with high, steep banks covered with timber, and arich, luxuriant soil.

The Nachez [Neches] and Angelina are small rivers, ofabout 20 yards in width, which, after forming a junction,discharge into the Trinity. The river Toyac is a smallstream, which discharges into the gulf of Mexico, at thesame bay with the Sabine, in about lat. 29� 50� N. and long.97� W.[IV'-48]

The Sabine river, the present limits between the Spanishdominions and the territories of the United States in thatquarter, takes its source in about lat. 33� N., and entersthe gulf of Mexico in 29� 50�. It may be 300 miles in lengthby its meanders, and at the road about 50 yards in width.Here the Spaniards keep a guard and a ferry-boat.

Lakes. Some small ones near the head of the Guadelupeand some branches of Red river.

Timber, Plains, and Soil. This province is well timberedfor 100 miles from the coast, but has some small prairiesinterspersed through its timbered land; take it generally,it is one of the richest, most prolific, and best wateredcountries in North America.

Animals. Buffalo, deer, elk, wild hogs [peccaries], andwild horses, the latter of which are in such numbers asto afford supplies for all the savages who border on theprovince, the Spaniards, and vast droves for the otherprovinces. They are also sent into the United States,notwithstanding the trade is contraband. They go in suchlarge gangs that it is requisite to keep an advanced guardof horsemen in order to frighten them away; for shouldthey be suffered to come near the horses and mules whichyou drive with you, by their snorting, neighing, etc., they783would alarm them, and frequently the domestic animalswould join them and go off, notwithstanding all the exertionsof the dragoons to prevent them. A gentlemantold me he saw 700 beasts carried off [stampeded] at onetime, not one of which was ever recovered. They also inthe night frequently carry off the droves of travelers' horses,and even come within a few miles of St. Antonio, and takeoff the horses in that vicinity.

The method pursued by the Spanish in taking them is asfollows: They take a few fleet horses and proceed intothe country where the wild horses are numerous. Theythen build a large strong inclosure, with a door whichenters a smaller inclosure; from the entrance of the largepen they project wings out into the prairie a great distance,and then set up bushes, etc., to induce the horses,when pursued, to enter into these wings. After thesepreparations are made they keep a lookout for a smalldrove, for, if they unfortunately should start too large aone, they either burst open the pen or fill it up with deadbodies, and the others run over them and escape; in whichcase the party are obliged to leave the place, as the stencharising from the putrid carcasses would be insupportable;and, in addition to this, the pen would not receive others.Should they, however, succeed in driving in a few, say twoor three hundred, they select the handsomest and youngest,noose them, take them into the small inclosure, and thenturn out the remainder; after which, by starving, preventingthem taking any repose, and continually keeping themin motion, they make them gentle by degrees, and finallybreak them to submit to the saddle and bridle. For thisbusiness I presume there is no nation in the world superiorto the Spaniards of Texas.

Population and Chief Towns. St. Antonio, the capital ofthe province, lies in lat. 29� 50� N. and long. 101� W., andis situated on the headwaters of the river of that name; itcontains perhaps 2,000 souls, most of whom reside inmiserable mud-wall houses, covered with thatched grass784roofs. The town is laid out on a very grand plan. To theeast of it, on the other side of the river, is the station ofthe troops.

About two, three, and four miles from St. Antonio arethree missions, formerly flourishing and prosperous. Thosebuildings, for solidity, accommodation, and even majesty,were surpassed by few that I saw in New Spain. The residentpriest treated us with the greatest hospitality, and wasrespected and beloved by all who knew him. He made asingular observation relative to the aborigines who hadformerly formed the population of those establishmentsunder charge of the monks. I asked him what had becomeof the natives. He replied that it appeared to him thatthey could not exist under the shadow of the whites, as thenations who formed those missions had been nurtured,taken all the care of that it was possible, and put on the samefooting as the Spaniards; yet, notwithstanding, they haddwindled away until the other two missions had becomeentirely depopulated, and the one where he resided had notthen more than sufficient to perform his household labor;from this he had formed an idea that God never intendedthem to form one people, but that they should alwaysremain distinct and separate.

Nacogdoches is merely a station for troops, and containsnearly 500 souls. It is situated on a small stream of theriver Toyac.

The population of Texas may be estimated at 7,000.These are principally Spanish, Creoles, some French, someAmericans, and a few civilized Indians and half-breeds.

Trade and Commerce. This province trades with Mexicoby Mont El Rey and Montelovez for merchandise, and withNew Orleans by Nachitoches; but the latter trade, beingcontraband, is liable to great danger and risks. They givein return specie, horses, and mules.

Agriculture. The American emigrants are introducingsome little spirit of agriculture near Nacogdoches and theTrinity; but the oppressions and suspicions they labor785under prevent their proceeding with that spirit which isnecessary to give success to the establishment of a newcountry.

Aborigines. The Tancards [note12, p. 705] are a nationof Indians who rove on the banks of Red river, and are 600men strong. They follow the buffalo and wild horses, andcarry on a trade with the Spaniards. They are armed withthe bow, arrow, and lance. They are erratic and confined tono particular district; are a tall, handsome people; in conversationthey have a peculiar cluckling, express more bysigns than any savages I ever visited, and in fact languageappears to have made less progress. They complainedmuch of their situation and the treatment of the Spaniards;are extremely poor, and, except the Appaches, were themost independent Indians we encountered in the Spanishterritories. They possess large droves of horses.

There are a number of other nations now nearly extinct,some of which are mentioned by Dr. Sibley in a report hemade to the government of the United States on thesesubjects. A few, and very few indeed, of those nationshave been converted by the missions, and these are not inthat state of vassalage in which the Indians further to thesouth are held. [Notes17, 21, 22, pp. 709, 713, 714.]

Government and Laws. Perfectly military, except as tothe ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

Morals and Manners. They being on the frontier, wherebuffalo and wild horses abound, and not engaged in anywar with savages who are powerful, have adopted a modeof living by following those animals, which has been productiveof a more wandering disposition round the capital(St. Antonio) than in any other of the provinces. Cordero,restricting by edicts the buffalo hunts to certain seasons,and obliging every man of family to cultivate so manyacres of land, has in some degree checked the spirit ofhunting or wandering life which had been hitherto so veryprevalent, and has endeavored to introduce, by his exampleand precepts, a general urbanity and suavity of manners786which rendered St. Antonio one of the most agreeableplaces that we met with in the provinces.

Military Force. There were in Texas at the time I camethrough 988 [888?] men, from the actual returns of thetroops which I have seen, 500 of whom were from St.Ander and New Leon, under command of governor Herrara.The disposition of those troops is as follows: 388at St. Antonio, 400 [300?] at the cantonment of [Blank, 300marked on map low down] on the Trinity, 100 at the [crossingof the] Trinity, and 100 at Nacogdoches. The militia,a rabble made somewhat respectable by a few Americanriflemen who are incorporated amongst them, are about 300men, including bow and arrow men.

Religion. Catholic, but much relaxed.

History. To me unknown, except what can be extractedfrom various authors on that subject.


To become acquainted with all the civil and politicalinstitutes of a country requires a perfect knowledge of thelanguage, a free ingress to the archives, and a residence ofsome years; even then we can scarcely distinguish betweenthe statute laws and common law, derived from custom,morals, and habits. Under those circumstances, it cannotbe expected that I shall be able to say much on the subject,as I possessed none of the above advantages. I will, however,offer a few observations. To a stranger it is impossibleto define the limits of the military and ecclesiasticaljurisdictions; in every affair which relates to the citizens,and in fact with the soldiery, the force of superstition issuch that I am doubtful whether they would generallyobey one of their officers in a direct violation of the injunctionof their religious professions. The audiences of Mexicoand Guadalaxara were formed, no doubt, as a check on theimmense power of the viceroy. The number of memberscomposing each is to me unknown, but they are formed of787the viceroy as president, with two votes, generals, andbishops. To their jurisdictions the appeals from the judgmentof the intendants and all subordinate officers may bemade in civil cases; but the military and ecclesiasticaldecisions are distinct. Notwithstanding all this semblanceof justice, should an individual dare to make the appealand not succeed in establishing the justice of his claim toredress, he is certainly ruined. Where justice is so littleattended to, when opposed to power and wealth, as in theSpanish provinces, the appeal is a desperate remedy. Thistribunal or legislative body enacts all the laws for thegeneral regulations of their divisions of the kingdom.

The captain-generalcy of the internal provinces appearedto me to be much more despotic, for the laws or regulationswere issued in the form of an order merely, without anykind of a preamble whatsoever, except sometimes he wouldsay, "By order of the king"; and such was the style ofgovernors of provinces.

Morals, Manners, etc. For hospitality, generosity, andsobriety the people of New Spain exceed any nation perhapson the globe; but in national energy, patriotism, enterpriseof character, or independence of soul, they areperhaps the most deficient. Yet there are men who havedisplayed bravery to a surprising degree, and the Europeanswho are there cherish with delight the idea of their gallantancestry.

Their women have black eyes and hair, fine teeth, and aregenerally brunettes. I met but one exception to this rule,at Chihuahua?a fair lady, who, by way of distinction, wascalled "the girl with light hair." They are all inclining alittle to enbonpoint; but none or few are elegant figures.Their dress generally is short jackets and petticoats andhigh-heeled shoes, without any head-dress. Over the wholedress they have a silk wrapper,[IV'-49] which they always wear788and, when in the presence of men, affect to bring over theirfaces, but from under which you frequently see peeping alarge sparkling black eye. As we approached the Atlanticand our frontiers, we saw several ladies who wore the gownsof our countrywomen, which they conceived to be muchmore elegant than their ancient costume. The lower classof the men are generally dressed in broad-brimmed hats,short coats, large waistcoats, and small clothes always openat the knees (owing, as I suppose, to the greater freedom itgives to the limbs on horseback), a kind of leather boot orwrapper bound round the leg somewhat in the manner ofour frontier-men's leggings, and gartered on. The boot isof a soft, pliable leather, but not colored. In the easternprovinces the dragoons wear, over this wrapper or boot, asort of jack-boot made of sole-leather, to which are fastened,by a rivet, the spurs, the gaffs of which are sometimes nearan inch in length; but the spurs of the gentlemen and officers,although clumsy to our ideas, are frequently ornamentedwith raised silver-work on the shoulders, and thestraps embroidered with silver and gold thread. They arealways ready to mount their horses, on which the inhabitantsof the internal provinces spend nearly half the day.This description will apply generally to the dress of all themen of the provinces for the lower class; but in their cities,among the more fashionable, they dress after the Europeanor United States modes, with not more variation than wesee in our cities from one six months to another.789

Both men and women have remarkably fine hair, andpride themselves in the display of it. Their amusementsare music, singing, dancing, and gambling. The latter isstrictly prohibited, but the prohibition is not much attendedto. The dance of ?? is danced by one man and twowomen, who beat time to the music, which is soft andvoluptuous, but sometimes changing to a lively, gay air.The dancers exhibit the motions of the soul by gestures ofthe body, snapping the fingers, and sometimes meeting ina stretched embrace. The fandango is danced to variousfigures and numbers. The minuet is still danced by thesuperior class only. The music made use of is the guitar,violin, and singers, who, in the first-described dance, accompanythe music with their hands and voices, havingalways some words adapted to the music.

Their games are cards, billiards, horse-racing, and cock-fighting,the first and last of which are carried to the mostextravagant lengths, losing and winning immense sums.The present commandant-general is very severe with hisofficers in these respects, frequently sending them to somefrontier post in confinement for months, for no other faultthan having lost large sums at play. At every town of consequenceis a public walk, where the ladies and gentlemenmeet and sing songs, which are always on the subject oflove or the social board. The females have fine voices, andsing in French, Italian, and Spanish, the whole companyjoining in the chorus.

In their houses the ladies play the guitar, and generallyaccompany it with their voices. They either sit down onthe carpet cross-legged, or loll on a sofa. To sit upright ina chair appeared to put them to great inconvenience; althoughthe better class would sometimes do it on our firstintroduction, they soon took the liberty of following theirold habits. In their eating and drinking they are remarkablytemperate. Early in the morning you receive a dishof chocolate and a cake; at twelve you dine on severaldishes of meat, fowls, and fish, after which you have a790variety of confections, and indeed an elegant dessert; thendrink a few glasses of wine, sing a few songs, and retire totake the siesta, or afternoon's nap, which is taken by richand poor. About two o'clock the windows and doors areall closed, the streets deserted, and the stillness of midnightreigns throughout. About four o'clock they rise, wash anddress, and prepare for the dissipation of the night. Abouteleven o'clock some refreshments are offered, but few takeany, except a little wine and water and candied sugar.

The government has multiplied the difficulties of Europeansintermarrying with the Creoles or Metifs to such adegree that it is difficult for such a marriage to take place.An officer wishing to marry a lady not from Europe isobliged to acquire certificates of the purity of her descent200 years back, and transmit it to the court, when thelicense will be returned; but should she be the daughter ofa man of the rank of captain or upward this nicety vanishes,as rank purifies the blood of the descendants.

The general subjects of conversations among the men arewomen, money, and horses, which appear to be the onlyobjects, in their estimation, worthy of consideration. Unitingthe female sex with their money and their beasts, andhaving treated them too much after the manner of thelatter, they have eradicated from their breasts every sentimentof virtue or ambition, either to pursue the acquirementswhich would make them amiable companions, instructivemothers, or respectable members of society; theirwhole souls, with a few exceptions, being, like those ofTurkish ladies, taken up in music, dress, and the littleblandishments of voluptuous dissipation. Finding that themen only regard them as objects of gratification to the sensualpassions, they have lost every idea of that feast ofreason and flow of soul which arise from the intercourse oftwo refined and virtuous minds.

The beggars of the City of Mexico are estimated at60,000 souls; what must be the number through the wholekingdom, and to what reason can it be owing that, in a791country superior to any in the world for riches in gold andsilver, producing all the necessaries of life and most of itsluxuries, there should be such a vast proportion of the inhabitantsin want of bread or clothing? It can only beaccounted for by the tyranny of the government and theluxuries of the rich. The government strives, by all therestrictions possible to be invented without absolutelydriving the people to desperation, to keep Spanish Americadependent on Europe.

Trade, Commerce, Manufactures, and Revenue. The tradeand commerce of New Spain are carried on with Europe andthe United States by the port of Vera Cruz solely, and withthe East Indies and South America generally by Acapulco;and, even at these ports, under such restriction as to productions,manufactures, and time, as to render it of littleconsequence to the general prosperity of the country. Wereall the numerous bays and harbors of the gulfs of Mexicoand California opened to the trade of the world, and a generallicense given to the cultivation of all the productionsof which the country is capable, with freedom of exportationand importation, with proper duties on foreign goods, thecountry would immediately become rich and powerful, anda proper stimulus would be held out to the poor to labor,when certain of finding a quick and ready sale for the productionsof their plantations or manufactories. The countryabounds in iron ore, yet all the iron and steel, andarticles of manufactures, are obliged to be brought fromEurope, the manufacturing or working of iron being strictlyprohibited. This occasions the necessary articles of husbandry,arms, and tools to be enormously high, and is agreat check to agriculture, improvements in manufactures,and military skill. The works of the Mexicans, in gold,silver, and painting, show them naturally to have a geniuswhich, with cultivation and improvement, might rival thegreatest masters of either ancient or modern times. Theirdispositions and habits are peculiarly calculated for sedentaryemployments, and I have no doubt, if proper establishments792were made, they would soon rival, if not surpass, themost extensive woolen, cotton, or silk manufactures ofEurope; their climate being proper to raise the finest cottonin the world, and their sheep possessing all the fineness ofwool for which they are so celebrated in Spain. Underthese circumstances, together with the immense quantitiesof the raw materials which they have on hand, wool sellsfor a mere trifle; and, in fact, they scarcely take half fromthe fleece of the sheep, for the coarse manufactures of thecountry and to make beds.

I cannot presume to state the revenues of the countryfrom official documents, but the following statements I havehad from so respectable a source, and they are so confirmedby my own observations, that I think much reliance may beplaced on their correctness. The mint coins, per annum, atleast, $50,000,000 in silver and $14,000,000 in gold, the one-fifthof which (the duty) is equal to $12,800,000.[IV'-50] Theduties on foreign goods and the amount paid by the purchasersof monopolies may be estimated at $4,000,000;which, with the duty on gold and silver, makes the annualrevenue $16,800,000. The civil list of the kingdom is$580,000, the military $7,189,200; these together amountto $7,760,200, which, deducted from the gross revenueof $16,700,000, leaves a clear revenue for the king fromhis Mexican dominions of $9,030,800. The money paidfor the support of the clergy is not included in thisestimate, as they receive their revenue through its ownproper channel. The best paid officers under the government793cost the king nothing in a direct line, yet the oppressivemanner in which they pay themselves and impoverishthe people would render it better policy to abolish theirimpositions and pay them out of the public treasury bya direct salary.

Return of Military Force in New Spain.

Provinces and Places.Disciplined and Regular European Troops.Regular Troops of the Country.Militia with Regular Field Officers and under Pay.Probable Armed Citizens.
Cavalry.Artillery.Infantry.Cavalry.Artillery.Infantry.Cavalry.Artillery.Infantry.Fire-arms.Bows, arrows, and lances.
Xalapa Ina. Vera Cruz 20020002000  3000 1000  
Vera Cruz and sea-ports 8002000   600 2000  
Mexico1000    100034001000   
Provinces and viceroyalty         1500080000
New Mexico   100     10004000
Biscay   1100     50008000
Senora   900 200   50003000
Sinaloa   100     30006000
Cogquilla   400     10002000
Texas   488     5001000
Total1000100040005088 120070001000300030500109000
Regular troops, European100010004000
Regular troops, Mexican5088....1200
Trained militia700010003000
Total23288disciplined and effective force.
 30500undisciplined militia.
 109000bow, arrow, and lance men.
 162788total force.

The European troops are some of the choicest regimentsfrom Spain; consequently, we may put them on the suppositionthat they are well disciplined, and officered by menof honor and science.

The regular troops of the kingdom who are in the viceroyalty,acting from the stimulant of ambition and envy, aresupposed to be equal to their brethren from Europe. Themilitia, with the regular officers, are likewise good troops,but are not held in so high estimation as the other corps.794Those three corps, forming a body of 23,288 men, may becalled the regular force of the kingdom, as the militia of139,500 would, in my estimation, be of no more consequenceagainst the regular troops of any civilized power than theancient aborigines of the country were against the armyof Cortes.

The particular observations which follow must be consideredas applying to the troops of the internal provinces,unless it is stated to the contrary.

The appearance of the Spanish troops is certainly, at a distance,� la militaire; their lances are fixed to the side of thesaddle under the left thigh and slant about five feet abovethe horse. On the right the carabine is slung in a case tothe front of the saddle, or pommel, crosswise, the breech tothe right hand; and on each side of the saddle, behind therider, is a pistol; below the breech of the carabine is slungthe shield, which is made of sole leather three doubled,sewed together with thongs, with a band on the inside toslip the left arm through; those of the privates are round,and are about two feet in diameter. The officers and non-commissionedofficers have their shields oval, bending onboth sides, in order to permit the arrow to glance, and theyhave in general the arms of Spain with Don Carlos IV. gilt onthe outside, with various other devices, which add much tothe elegance of their appearance on horseback, but are onlycalculated to be of service against savages who have no fire-arms.The dragoons of the viceroyalty do not make use ofthe lance or shield, but are armed, equipped, and clothedafter the modern manner, as are also the dragoons of theeastern provinces. When they recently expected to beopposed to the American troops they were deprived ofthe lance and shield, and received the straight cutlass intheir stead.

Their dress is a short blue coat, with red cape and cuffs,without facings, leather or blue cotton velvet small-clothesand waistcoat, the small-clothes always open at the knees,the wrapping-boot with the jack-boot and permanent spur795over it, a broad-brimmed, high-crowned wool hat, with a ribbonround it of various colors, generally received as a presentfrom some female, which they wear as a badge of the favorof the fair sex and a mark of their gallantry.

Their horses are small and slender-limbed, but very activeand capable of enduring great fatigue. The equipments ofthe horses are, to our idea, awkward; but I believe themsuperior to the English, and they have the advantage overus in the skill of the rider, as well as in the quality of thebeast. Their bridles have a strong curb, which gives sogreat a mechanical force to the bridle that I believe it almostpracticable with it to break the jaw of the beast. The saddleis made after the Persian mode, with a high projectingpommel or, as anciently termed, bow, and is likewise raisedbehind. This is merely the tree; it is then covered by twoor three covers of carved leather and embroidered workmanship,some with gold and silver in a very superb manner.The stirrups are of wood closed in front, carved generallyinto the figure of a lion's head, or that of some other beast;they are very heavy, and to us present a very clumsy appearance.The horseman, seated on his horse, has a smallbag tied behind him, his blankets either under him, or lyingwith his cloak between his body and the bow, which makeshim at his ease. Thus mounted, it is impossible for themost vicious horse ever to dismount them. They will catchanother horse with a noose and hair rope, when both arerunning nearly at full speed, with which they soon chokedown the beast of which they are in pursuit; in short, theyare probably the most expert horsemen in the world.

At each post is a store, called the king's, where it was theoriginal intention of the government that the soldiers shouldbe supplied with provisions, clothing, arms, etc., at a cheaprate; but it being a post generally given to some youngofficer to make his fortune, they are subject to great impositions.When a dragoon joins the service he receives fromthe king five horses and two mules, and this number he isalways obliged to keep good from his own pocket; but796when he is discharged, the horses and mules receive the dischargemark and become his private property. They engagefor five or ten years, at the option of the soldier, but in thebounty there is a very material difference. It is extremelyeasy to keep up their corps, as a private dragoon considershimself upon an equality with most of the citizens and infinitelysuperior to the lower class, and not unfrequently yousee men of considerable fortune marrying the daughters ofsergeants and corporals.

The pay of the troops of New Spain varies with thelocality, but may be averaged, in the internal provinces, asfollows:

Colonel, $4,500; lieutenant-colonel, $4,000; major, $3,000;captain, $2,400; first lieutenant, $1,500; second lieutenant,$1,000; ensign, $800; sergeant, $350; corporal, $300; private,$288. With this pay they find their own clothes, provisions,arms, accouterments, etc., after the first equipments.

Corporal punishment is contrary to the Spanish ordinances.They punish by imprisonment, putting in thestocks, and death. As a remarkable instance of the disciplineand regularity of conduct of those provincial troops,although marching with them and doing duty as it were fornearly four months, I never saw a man receive a blow or putunder confinement for one hour. How impossible would itbe to regulate the turbulent dispositions of the Americanswith such treatment! In making the foregoing remark I donot include officers, for I saw more rigorous treatment exercisedtoward some of them than was ever practiced inour army.

The discipline of their troops is very different from ours.As to tactics or military maneuvers, they are not held inmuch estimation; for, during the whole of the time I was inthe country, I never saw a corps of troops exercising as dragoons,but frequently marching by platoons, sections, etc.,in garrison, where they serve as infantry with their carabines.In these maneuvers they are very deficient. On a march adetachment of cavalry generally encamp in a circle. They797relieve their guards at night; as soon as they halt the newguard is formed on foot with their carabines, and thenmarched before the commandant's tent, where the commandingofficer of the guard invokes the holy virgin three times;the commanding officer replies, "It is well." They thenretire and mount their horses, and are told off, some to actas guard of the horses, as cavalry, others as guard of thecamp, as infantry. The old guards are then paraded andrelieved, and the new sentinels take post. Their sentinelsare singing half the time, and it is no uncommon thing forthem to quit their post to come to the fire, go for water,etc.?in fact, after the officer is in bed, frequently the wholeguard comes in; yet I never knew any man punished forthose breaches of military duty. Their mode of attack isby squadrons, on the different flanks of their enemies, butwithout regularity or concert, shouting, hallooing, and firingtheir carabines; after which, if they think themselves equalto the enemy, they charge with a pistol and then a lance.From my observation on their discipline I have no hesitationin declaring that I would not be afraid to march over aplain with 500 infantry and a proportionate allowance ofhorse artillery of the United States army, in the presence of5,000 of these dragoons. Yet I do not presume to say thatan army with that inferiority of numbers would do to opposethem, for they would cut off your supplies, and harassyour march and camp, night and day, to such a degree asto oblige you in the end to surrender to them without everhaving come to action. If, however, the event depended onone single engagement, it would eventuate with glory to theAmerican arms. The conclusion must not be drawn that Iconsider they are more deficient in physical firmness thanother nations, for we see the savages, 500 of whom on aplain fly before 50 bayonets, on other occasions brave dangerand death in its most horrid shapes, with an undauntedfortitude never surpassed by the most disciplined and hardyveterans. It arises solely from the want of discipline andconfidence in each other, as is always the case with undisciplined798corps, unless stimulated by the godlike sentiment oflove of country, of which these poor fellows know little. Thetraveling food of the dragoons in New Mexico consists of avery excellent species of wheat biscuit, and shaved meat welldried [charqui], with a vast quantity of red pepper [chilecolorado], of which they make bouilli and then pour it ontheir broken biscuit, when the latter becomes soft and excellenteating.

Farther south they use large quantities of parched corn-mealand sugar [pinole], as practiced by our hunters, eachdragoon having a small bag. In short, they live, when oncommand, on an allowance which our troops would conceivelittle better than starving, never, except at night, attemptingto eat anything like a meal, but biting a piece of biscuit,or drinking some parched meal with sugar and water, duringthe day.

From the physical as well as moral properties of theinhabitants of New Spain, I do believe they are capable ofbeing made the best troops in the world, possessing sobriety,enterprise, great physical force, docility, and a conceptionequally quick and penetrating.

The mode of promotion in the internal provinces issingular, but probably productive of good effects. Shoulda vacancy of first lieutenant offer in a company, the captaincommanding nominates, with the senior second lieutenant,who by seniority would fill the vacancy, two other lieutenantsto the general, giving his comments on all three.The general selects two for a nomination to the court, fromwhom is selected the fortunate candidate, whose commissionis made out and forwarded. As the letters of nominationare always kept a secret, it is impossible for the youngofficers to say who is to blame if they are disappointed,and the fortunate one is in a direct way to thank the kingonly for the ultimate decision. And thus with superiorgrades to the colonel.

The king of Spain's ordinances for the government of hisarmy are generally founded on justice and a high sense of799honor. I could not get a set from any of the officers totake to my quarters, consequently my observations onthem were extremely cursory. They provide that no oldsoldier shall ever be discharged the service, unless forinfamous crimes. When a man has served with reputationfor 15 years and continues, his pay is augmented; 20 years,he receives another augmentation; 27 years, he receives thebrevet rank and pay of an ensign; and 32, a lieutenant, etc.Those circumstances are a great stimulant, although notone in a thousand arrives at the third period, when theyare permitted to retire from the service with full pay andemoluments. All sons of captains, or of grades superior,are entitled to enter the king's schools as cadets, at the ageof 12 years.

The property of any officer or soldier who is killed onthe field of battle, or dies of his wounds, is not liable tobe taken for debt, and is secured, as well as the king'spension, to the relatives of the deceased.

Courts-martial for the trial of commissioned officers mustbe formed of general officers; but this clause subjects theofficers of the provinces to a great species of tyranny, forthe commanding general has taken it upon himself topunish for all offenses not capital, and consequently accordingto his own judgment and prejudices, from which thereis only an appeal to the king, and difficult it is indeed forthe complaints of a subaltern to reach his majesty throughthe numerous crowd of sycophants who surround him, one-halfof whom are probably in league with his oppressor. Itlikewise deprives an officer of the most sacred of allrights, that of being tried by his peers; for, should he besent to Mexico or Europe for trial, it is possible he cannottake half the testimony which is necessary to complete hisjustification.

There is another principle defined by the ordinances,which has often been the cause of disputes in the serviceof the United States. The commandant of a post in theSpanish service, if barely a captain, receives no orders from800a general, should one arrive at his post, unless that generalshould be superior in authority to the person who postedhim; for, says the ordinance, he is responsible to the kingalone for his post. That principle, according to my ideas,is very injurious to the country which adopts it. Forexample, we will say that a post of great importance, containingimmense military stores, is likely to fall into thehands of the enemy; an officer superior to the commandantreceives the information, repairs to the post, and orders himimmediately to evacuate it. The commandant, feelinghimself only responsible to the authority who placed himin that position, refuses to obey, and the magazines andplace are lost. The principle is also subversive of the veryroot of military subordination and discipline, where an inferiorshould in all cases obey a superior, who alone shouldbe responsible for the effect arising from the execution ofhis orders. It will readily be believed that, in my thusadvocating implicit obedience to the orders of a superior,that I do not suppose the highest improbabilities or impossibilities,such as an order to turn your arms against theconstituted authority of your country, or to be the ensignof his tyranny or the pander of his vices. Those are caseswhere a man's reason must alone direct him, and are not?indeed,cannot be?subject to any human rule whatever.

Religion. It forms a subject with which I am very imperfectlyacquainted; but, having made some inquiries andobservations on the religion of the country, I will freelycommunicate them, fearful at the same time that I laymyself open to the severe criticism of persons who have inany degree applied themselves to the study of theology orthe ritual of the catholic church.

The kingdom of New Spain is divided into four archbishoprics,viz.: Mexico, Guadalaxara, Durango, and St. LouisPotosi. Under these again are the sub-bishoprics?deacons,curates, etc., all of whom are subject and accountable totheir immediate chief for the districts committed to theircharge, and the whole are again subject to the ordinances of801the high court of inquisition held at the capital of Mexico,whence are fulminated the edicts of their censure against theheresies and impious doctrines of modern philosophy, bothas to politics and religion. I am credibly informed that theinfluence of that tribunal is greater in his Catholic majesty'sMexican dominions than in any Catholic country in Europeor perhaps in the world. A few years since they condemneda man to the flames, for asserting and maintaining somedoctrine which they deemed heretical; and a Jew who wasimprudent enough to take the image of Christ on a cross,and put it under the sill of his door, saying privately hewould make the dogs walk over their God. They likewiseexamine and condemn to the flames all books of amodern sentiment, either as to religion or politics, andexcommunicate anyone in whose hands they may be found.I recollect to have seen a decree of theirs published in theMexican gazettes, condemning a number of books, "asheretical and contrary to the sacred principles of the holyCatholic church, and the peace and durability of the governmentof his Catholic majesty." Amongst these were mentionedHelvetius on Man, J. J. Rousseau's works, Voltaire's,Mirabeau's, and a number of others of that description;even at so great a distance as Chihuahua a officer dared nottake Pope's Essay on Man to his quarters, but used to cometo mine to read it.

The salaries of the archbishops are superior to those ofany officers in the kingdom; the bishop of Mexico's beingestimated at $150,000 per annum, when the viceroy's is$80,000, with $50,000 allowed for his table, falling shortof the bishop's $20,000.

Those incomes are raised entirely from the people, whopay no tax to the king, but give one-tenth of their yearlyincome to the clergy, besides the fees of confessions, bulls,burials, baptisms, marriages, and a thousand impositionswhich the corruption of priestcraft has introduced, andwhich have been kept up by their superstition and ignorance.Notwithstanding all this, the inferior clergy, who do802all the slavery of the office, are liberal and well-informedmen; I scarcely saw one who was not in favor of a changeof government. They are generally Creoles by birth, andalways kept in subordinate grades, without the least shadowof a probability of rising to the superior dignities of thechurch. This has soured their minds to such a degreethat I am confident in asserting that they will lead the vanwhenever the standard of independence is raised in thatcountry.

Politics. It has often been a subject of discussion withpoliticians, in what manner a mother country should treather distant and powerful colonies, in order to retain themlongest in their subjection; for the history of all nationsand all ages has proved that no community of peopleseparated from another by an immense ocean, feeling theirpower, strength, and independence, will remain long subjectto the mother country, purely from the ties of consanguinityand similarity of habits, manners, and religion. Societyitself having arisen from the mutual wants, fears, andimbecility of the infancy of human institutions, a largebody of that society will remain no longer subject toanother branch, at the immense distance of 1,000 leagues,than until they feel their maturity, and capability of providingfor their own wants and their own defense. Thereforewe may draw a conclusion that no political course ofconduct whatever will eventually prevent the separation;but there is a line of conduct which certainly must retardit in a great measure; and prudence would dictate to themother country the policy of giving way without a struggleto an event beyond her power to prevent.

The two great examples of English and Spanish Americaare before our eyes. England gave us liberty to pursuethe dictates of our own judgment with respect to trade,education, and manners, by which means we increased inpower, learning, and wealth, with a rapidity unknown in theannals of the world, and at the first attempt to infringethe rights which we had hitherto enjoyed, asserted that803claim which nature and the locality of our situation gaveus a right to demand and a power to defend. Had GreatBritain yielded to the storm with grace and dignity, shewould have secured our gratitude, ancient prejudices, andaffections in her favor; on the contrary, by a long andarduous conflict, the murder of thousands of our citizens,the destruction of our country, the profanation of our altars,and the violation of every right, divine and human, sheimplanted in the breast of the Americans an antipathyapproaching nearly to horror, a desire of revenge almosthereditary; and destroyed the bonds of brotherhood whichmight have subsisted between the two countries. It willtake ages of just conduct from her to the United States toeradicate this. Spain pursued a different line of conducttoward her Mexican dominions, which were settled byEuropeans 60 years previous to any part of the UnitedStates, and might be termed a conquered kingdom, ratherthan the settlement of a savage country. This country shehas therefore bound up in all the ligatures of restrictions,monopolies, prohibitions, seclusions, and superstitions; andhas so carefully secluded all light from bursting in on theirignorance, that they have vegetated like the acorns in theforest, until the towering branches have broken throughthe darkness of the wild which surrounded them and letin the light of heaven. The approximation of the UnitedStates, with the gigantic strides of French ambition, havebegun to arouse their dormant qualities, and to call intoaction the powers of their minds on the subject of theirpolitical situation.

An instance of their disposition for independence hasbeen exhibited in their feeble attempts at a revolution onthe 15th of January, 1624, under the viceroyalty of DonDiego Carrello Galves; the insurrection on the 8th of June,1692; and more recently, in 1797, under the Count deGalves,[IV'-51] when they proclaimed him king of Mexico in the804streets of the capital, and 130,000 souls were heard proclaiming,"Long live Galvez, king of Mexico!" It wasthen only for him to have willed it, and the kingdom ofMexico was lost to Charles IV. forever. But preferring hisloyalty to his ambition, he rode out attended by his guardsto the mob, with sword in hand, crying out, "Long live hisCatholic majesty, Charles IV.," and threatening to put toinstant death with his own hand any persons who refusedimmediately to retire to their houses. This dispersed thepeople. In another quarter of the kingdom an immensenumber had also collected and proclaimed him king. Hesent 10,000 men against them, dispersed them, and had fourbeheaded. Those firm measures saved the country at thatperiod, and for them he received the greatest honors fromthe court of Spain; but was poisoned a short time after, fulfillingthe maxim that "it is dangerous to serve a jealoustyrant." For such always conceive that the same powerwhich stilled the ocean's rage can by its will raise the storminto all the majesty of overwhelming fury. Thus, by takinghis life, it relieved them from the dread of his influencewith the Mexicans.

England would naturally have been the power they wouldhave looked up to, in order to form an alliance to securetheir independence; but the insatiable avarice and hauteurexhibited by the English in their late descents at La Plate[La Plata, in South America], with the disgrace of theirarms, has turned their views from that nation.

They therefore have turned their eyes toward the UnitedStates, as to a sister of the same soil, in their vicinity?onewho has within her power ample resources of arms, ammunition,and even men, to assist in securing their independence,and who in that event would secure to herself thealmost exclusive trade of the richest country in the world forcenturies, and [the opportunity] to be her carriers as longas the two nations exist. For Mexico, like China, will never805become a nation of mariners, but will receive the ships ofall the world into her ports, and give her bullion in exchangefor the productions of their different countries. Then, whatwould not be the advantages the United States would reapfrom the event! Our numerous vessels would fill everyport, and our vicinity would enable us to carry off at leastnine-tenths of her commerce; even on the coast of thePacific no European nation could vie with us. Therewould also be a brisk inland trade carried on with theSpanish provinces via Red river; and having a free entranceinto all their ports, we should become their factors,agents, guardians?in short, their tutelar genius; as theyfear but hate France and all French men and measures. Ittherefore remains for the government of the United Statesto decide whether, if Bonaparte should seize the crown ofSpain, the States would hold out a helping hand to emancipateanother portion of the western hemisphere from thebonds of European tyranny and oppression: or, by a differentpolicy, suffer 6,000,000 people to become, in the hands ofFrench intrigue, enterprise, and tactics, a scourge on oursouthwestern boundaries, which would oblige us to keep upa large and respectable military force, and continually layus liable to a war on the weakest and most vulnerable partof our frontiers.

Twenty thousand auxiliaries from the United Statesunder good officers, joined to the independents of thecountry, are at any time sufficient to create and effect therevolution. These troops can be raised and officered in theUnited States, but paid and supplied at the expense ofMexico. It would be requisite that not only the generalcommanding, but that every officer, down to the youngestensign, should be impressed with the necessity of supportinga strict discipline, to prevent marauding, which shouldin some instances be punished with death, in order toconvince the citizens that we come as their friends andprotectors, not as their plunderers and tyrants. Also, themost sacred regard should be paid not to injure the institutions806of their religion; thereby showing them we havea proper respect for all things in any way connected withthe worship of the Deity, at the same time that we permitevery man to adore him agreeably to the dictates of hisown judgment.

The details requisite for the equipment, organization, etc.,of the corps, so as to adapt it to the locality of the countryand the nature of the service, could be easily formed, butwould be impertinent here.

Should an army of Americans ever march into thecountry, and be guided and governed by these maxims,they will only have to march from province to province intriumph, and be hailed by the united voices of gratefulmillions as their deliverers and saviors, whilst our nationalcharacter resounds to the most distant nations of the earth.

Washington, April 12th, 1808.807



Art. 1. Letter, Pike to Allencaster. (Orig. No. 8, pp. 69, 70.)


Santa Fe, March 3d, 1807.


On the arrival of your troops at my encampment, lastmonth, under the command of Lieutenant Don IgnacioSaltelo and Mr. Bartholomew, they informed me that yourExcellency had directed them to assure me that I should beescorted through your dominions to the source of Redriver, as our being on the frontiers of your province gavecause to suspicion. I conceived it more proper to complywith the request and repair to Santa Fe, in order to explainto your Excellency any circumstance which might appearextraordinary; but on my arrival here I am informed by808your Excellency that it is necessary for myself and troopsto pass by Chihuahua in the province of Biscay, more than200 leagues out of my route. I have demanded of yourExcellency to know if we are to be considered as prisonersof war. You inform me that you do not consider us in thatlight. Not to embarrass your Excellency with many demands,I only request to receive it from under your hand,in what manner I am to consider myself, and the orders formy passing into the country; also, whether the expenseof the voyage is to be considered as defrayed by the governmentof Spain or of the United States. Excuse my language,as I am not much accustomed to writing in French,but your Excellency's having no person who understandsEnglish obliges me to attempt that language.

I am, Sir, etc.,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.


Art. 2. Certificate, Allencaster to Pike. (Orig. No. 9, p. 70.)


Santa Fe, March 3d, 1807.

The first lieutenant of the Anglo-American troops, of thename of Z. Montgomery Pike, with the party of soldiersunder his command, having been met with by the troopsunder my orders, at four days' journey from the seat ofgovernment, in this province, which is under my charge, hewas required personally to appear, which he voluntarilydid; and, complying with the orders of the commanding-generalof these internal provinces, I bade the said lieutenantproceed on his march, with his party, equipped withhorses, provisions, and equipage, under the charge of anofficer and 60 men of our troops, with orders to introducehim to the said commanding-general in the town ofChihuahua.

I permitted said party to carry their arms and ammunition,being actuated by proper consideration, and in orderto grant said Anglo-American's petition.

I certify the foregoing contents to be accurate.

[Signed] Joachin Rl. Allencaster.

Art. 3. Letter, Pike to Allencaster. (Orig. No. 10, p. 71.)

St. Fernandez, March 7th, 1807.


On my arrival at this village, and meeting with Dr. Robinson,he informed me he had acknowledged to LieutenantMalgares to belong to my party. As this acknowledgment,in fact, only interested himself, I am constrained to explainto your Excellency my reasons for having denied his connectionwith me. He marched from St. Louis with mydetachment as a volunteer, after having with much pain andsolicitation obtained permission from the general for thatpurpose. On our arrival on the Rio del Norte, then supposedto be Red river, he left the party in order to come toSanta Fe, with a view of obtaining information as to trade,810and collecting some debts due to persons in the Illinois. Onmy being informed of his embarrassments, I conceived itwould be adding to them to acknowledge his having accompanieda military party to the frontiers of the province, andconceived myself bound in honor and friendship to concealit; but his scorning any longer the disguise he assumed hasleft me at liberty to make this acknowledgment to your Excellency,which I hope will sufficiently exculpate me in theopinion of every man of honor, and of the world, for havingdenied a fact when I conceived the safety of a friend, in aforeign country, was concerned in the event.

The above statement will be corroborated by GeneralWilkinson, and he will be reclaimed by the United States asa citizen, agreeably to our treaties with Spain regulating theintercourse, commerce, etc., between the two nations.

I felt disposed to enter into an expostulation with yourExcellency, as to the deception practiced on me by theofficers who came out with your invitation to enter the province;but will omit it, and only request that my sergeantand party may be ordered to follow with all possible dispatch,as he has all my astronomical instruments, and clothing,except what I now wear.

I have found Lieutenant Malgares to be what you stated,a gentleman and a soldier, and I sincerely wish the fortuneof war may one day enable me to show the gentlemen of theSpanish army with whom I have had the honor of formingan acquaintance, with what gratitude I appreciate theirfriendship and politeness, and none more highly than yourExcellency's.

With sincere, etc.,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

Art. 4. Letter, Pike to Salcedo. (Orig. No. 17, pp. 82, 83.)

Chihuahua, April 4th, 1807.


I hope your Excellency may not attribute it to presumptionor a disposition to intrude, when I address you on a811subject foreign to my official duties, and on which I can onlyspeak as an individual; for I should feel myself wanting inhumanity, and that attention which every man owes to hisfellow-creatures in distress, should I remain silent, moreespecially when those who are compatriots, and some ofthem former companions, are now in a strange country, languishingout their days far from their friends and relations,with scarcely a dawn of hope remaining of ever again beingblessed with a view of their native homes. It is scarcely necessaryto add that I allude to the unfortunate companionsof [Captain Philip] Nolan, who, having entered the territoriesof his Catholic Majesty in a clandestine manner,equally in violation of the treaties between the two governments,the laws of the United States, and those of Spain,could not be reclaimed or noticed by their own country.Yet, from every information I have received on the subject,the men of the party were innocent, believing that Nolanhad passports from the Spanish governor to carry on thetraffic of horses. I pretend not to justify the many irregularitiesof their conduct since [they have been] in the Spanishdominions; but hope that these may be viewed with aneye of clemency, as the men are most of them very illiterate,possessing scarcely any part of an education.

David Fero was formerly a subaltern in a company ofinfantry of the United States commanded by my father atthe time I served as a volunteer, but left the service, as Ihave been informed, owing to some irregularities of conduct.His having been once my companion entitles him at presentto my particular attention; yet I will here mention to yourExcellency a circumstance which may appear, if known, inan unfavorable light, viz.: About 15 days past I was informedFero was in town, and that he desired to see me. Iwas extremely mortified at receiving the information, as Iconceived he must have left his post in a clandestinemanner; yet I could not find it in my heart to refusethe interview, which I gave, but determined at the sametime to inform you of the circumstance, conceiving that812you could not look on it as a matter of much criminality.[Note 11, p. 660.]

But to conclude, I have to beg of your Excellency, if it bein your power and consistent with the line of conduct youconceive proper to pursue, to inform me if anything can bedone toward restoring these poor fellows to their liberty,friends, and country; and in a particular manner I intercedefor Fero. If it is out of the power of the general to grantthem leave to return to the United States, I beg to know ifthere be any objection to my taking letters to their fathers,wives, etc. I should not have addressed this letter tothe general, had I not conceived the fate of those men tobe at his disposal, as he had suffered one of them to jointhe service of his Catholic Majesty; neither do I requestthe honor of any other than a verbal reply, as I write inthe character of an individual, not as an officer of theUnited States.

I am, Sir,
With high consideration,
Your humble, obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

His Excellency,
General Nimesio Salcedo.

Art. 5.[V'-2] Letter, Pike to Salcedo. (Orig. No. 11, p. 72.)

Chihuahua, April 6th, 1806 [i. e., 1807].


Having been for near the space of a year absent from mycountry, the probability of its yet being two or three monthsbefore I arrive in the territory of the United States, and the813necessity of passing through some hundred leagues of foreignterritory, with the distressed situation of my troops, haveinduced me to apply to your Excellency for a necessarysupply of money. Any arrangement which may be conceivedproper for the remuneration I will cheerfully adopt,to pay it either to the Spanish consul at New Orleans, orthe ambassador of his Catholic Majesty at Washington.

The sum which I conceive will answer the present purposesof myself and troops is $1,000, for which I will givesuch vouchers as your Excellency may conceive proper.

I have the honor to assure your Excellency
of my high respect, and
to be your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

His Excellency,
General Salcedo.


Art. 6. Letter, Salcedo to Pike. (Orig. No. 12, p. 72.)


Chihuahua, April 7th, 1807.

Acceding to the solicitation you have made in your letterof yesterday, that from the royal treasury of this place thereshould be delivered you one thousand dollars, which you sayare necessary for the accommodation of the troops of theUnited States of America which you have under yourcharge, or whatsoever other sum you choose to demand,and that the government of the said United States shall815refund the said sum to the Se�or Marquis de Cassa Yrujo,I have directed the formula of four corresponding andquadruplicate receipts for you to sign.

God preserve you many years.
[Signed] Nimesio Salcedo.

For the 1st Lieutenant,
Montgomery Pike.

Art. 7. Letter, Salcedo to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 19,pp. 86, 87.)


Chihuahua, April 8th, 1807.

Excellent Sir:

On the 16th of February last, John Robinson appearedbefore the governor of New Mexico, saying that he wasa Frenchman, an inhabitant of St. Louis, which place heleft on the 15th of June last year, with the view of going tothe country of the Pananas [Pawnees], to make recoveries[of certain debts]; that, having received information thathis debtors had directed their steps to said province [ofNew Mexico], he had concluded to follow them, in companywith 15 other persons, who went for the purpose ofhunting on the rivers of Arcs,[V'-3] Arkansaw, and Colorado(Red river); that in the neighboring mountains of the twolast [named rivers] his company had left him, for whichreason he saw himself under the necessity of proceeding to816the Yutas Indians [Utes], to whom he exposed his situation,and who accordingly agreed to conduct him [to Santa F�].

On the 25th of the same month of February, at the distanceof four days' march from the town of Santa Fe, andnine leagues west of its settlement, at the place called theOjocaliente (Hot Spring), near the confluence of Rio Grandedel Norte (Great North river), and that known under thename River [Rio] de los Conejos ([River] of Rabbits), a detachmentof the garrison of said province of New Mexicomet Montgomery Pike, first lieutenant of the infantry of theUnited States, with eight men of the said infantry; who, onbeing given to understand that he must be conducted tosaid town, consented to accompany them. It was thensettled that two of his [Pike's] men should remain on thespot with half of his Catholic Majesty's detachment, to waitfor six others [of Pike's men] who had not yet arrived;while he proceeded to the governor's, to whom he declaredthat his being in that neighborhood was owing solely to hishaving been lost, and having mistaken the Rio del Nortefor the Colorado. But this [Spanish] officer, in compliancewith the orders of his superior officer, forwarded the saidfirst lieutenant [Pike], with the six men of the American armyand the above mentioned John Robinson, to this capital.

They arrived here on the 2d instant, and said officer[Pike], on being presented to me, laid before me, in thesame manner as he had done to the governor of Santa Fe,the papers relative to his mission, the correspondence hehad carried on with your Excellency since it commenced,his journals, and note books.

Your Excellency is not ignorant of the repeated representationsmade by the king's minister in the UnitedStates, and by the Marquis of Cassa Calva while he was in817Louisiana, summoning[V'-4] the American government to carryinto effect any projects of extending its expeditions intoterritories unquestionably belonging to his Majesty. Youmust therefore, without any further observations or remarkson my part, be satisfied that the documents contain evident,unequivocal proofs that an offense of magnitude has beencommitted against his Majesty, and that every individual ofthis party ought to have been considered as prisoners onthe very spot. Notwithstanding such substantial and well-groundedmotives as would have warranted such a measure,also wishing to give the widest latitude to the subsistingsystem of harmony and good understanding, and, above all,being finally persuaded that your Excellency would take suchsteps as your judgment might suggest as best calculatedto prevent any bad consequences on the occasion, I haveconcluded to keep in this general government all the paperspresented by Lieutenant Pike, and to give him and hismen full liberty to return to your Excellency, after havingtreated them with attention, and offered them every assistancethey stood in need of.

I am, without reserve, and beyond expression, your mostobedient, humble, respectful, and faithful servant, whoprayeth God may preserve your Excellency many years.

[Signed] Salcedo.

General James Wilkinson.

Art. 8. Inventory and Certificate, Valasco and Walker toPike. (Orig. No. 16, pp. 80-82.)


Inventory of papers which [from] the lieutenant of infantryof the United States of America, Montgomery Pike, inthe superior government, and [by the] commandant general818of the internal provinces of New Spain, [were taken] asbelonging to a voyage which he executed from St. Louis up[of] the Illinois to the population [settlements] of NewMexico, to visit the Indian nations, and reconnoiter thecountry and intermediate rivers, as it appears his expeditionwas undertaken by provision of the government of thesaid United States and the orders of General Wilkinson:

1. Letter from General Wilkinson to Pike, dated 24thJune, 1806.

2. Another from the same to Pike, 18th July, 1806.

3. Another from the same to the same officer, 19th July,1806.

4. Another from the same to Pike, dated 6th August,1806.

5. Letter from Lieutenant Wilkinson to his father, 27thOctober, 1806.

6. Another from the same to the same, 28th October,1806.

7. Letter from Pike to General Wilkinson, 22d July, 1806.

8. Letter from Lieutenant Wilkinson to Lieutenant Pike,26th October, 1806.

9. Proclamation of General Wilkinson, prohibiting anycitizen of the United States from trading with the Indiannations without his permission or that of the government,dated 10th July, 1805.

10. A letter from Charles Junot, Agent for the Indians,to General Wilkinson, dated 10th July, 1806.

11. Notes of Lieutenant Pike on the voyage from NewMexico to Chihuahua, of four pages.

12. A rough manuscript [draught] of the Missouri andOsage rivers.

13. Letter from Sergeant Ballenger to General Wilkinson,without date.819

14. Letter from Lieutenant Wilkinson to Pike, withoutdate.

15. A certificate, in the French language, of a certainBaptist Lamie [note44, p. 388] found among those nations,specifying his motive for being there.

16. A bundle of papers, in the French language, whichcontain notes on the harangues and manifestoes which LieutenantPike delivered to the Indian nations.

17. A passport of Lieutenant Pike to the Indian Winapicane,a captain of the little Osage.

18. A small draught or map of the country which is situatedbetween the Mississippi and Santa Fe, with a descriptionof that town, and of having met with 3,000 Camanches.

19. A book, 8vo, manuscript, which contains the diary ofLieutenant Pike, from January, 1807, to the 2d March ofthe same year, when he arrived at Santa Fe, in 75 pages.

20. A book, 4to, manuscript, in pasteboard, with copiesof letters to the secretary of war and General Wilkinson, andvarious observations relative to the commission of the lieutenant,in 67 pages.

21. A manuscript book, in folio, containing different plansof countries, etc., with a diary with rhumbs, distances, andworked observations and meteorological tables, which arosefrom a revisal of the voyage, by the said Lieutenant Pike,in 40 pages.

Don Francisco Valasco, first officer of the secretaries ofthe commandant-generalship of the internal provinces ofNew Spain, and Juan Pedro Walker Alferez,[V'-5] of the companyof horse of the royal presidio of Janos:

We certify that the lieutenant of American infantry,Montgomery Pike, when presented to the commandantgeneral of the before mentioned provinces, Don NimesioSalcedo, likewise produced a small trunk which he broughtwith him;e and that, in the presence of the undersigned,820[he] opened [it] himself, and took out different books andpapers; when, having separated with his own hands, underour cognizance, all that appeared to be, or that he said was,private, or had no connection with the voyage, [he] deliveredthe remainder to the demand of the commandantgeneral, which [papers delivered] were solely those comprehendedin the foregoing inventory which we have formed,and for the verification of which we have signed thesepresents at Chihuahua, the 8th of April, 1807.

[Signed] Francisco Valasco.
Juan Pedro Walker.

e The want of candor exhibited in the certificate is manifest. It was animbecile attempt to show that all my actions were voluntary, and that in thedelivery of my papers there was no degree of constraint. [Orig. note.]

Art. 9. Letter, Pike to Salcedo. (Orig. No. 14, pp. 78, 79.)

Chihuahua, April 14th, 1807.


On my marching from Santa Fe, Governor Allencasterinformed me that my papers would be considered as asacred deposit until my arrival at this place, when yourExcellency would examine and take them into consideration.

When they were examined and taken possession of, Iexplained without disguise the nature and contents of each,conceiving that those only which had any relation to theobject of my expedition could be interesting, and thatmerely a copy of the chart and a translation of the officialpapers would be taken. You must be conscious, Sir, that itwas in my power to have secreted or destroyed every traceof my voyage and plans previous to my arrival at Chihuahua;but, resting satisfied that no rupture had taken placebetween his Catholic Majesty and the States I have thehonor to serve, which would have been a justification forthe seizure of my papers, I preferred leaving them in statuquo, to using that duplicity which in some degree alwaysimplicates the character of a military man.

Admitting the country which I explored to be contested821between the two governments, each would naturally wish togain some information as to its geographical situation, inorder that they might each form correct ideas as to whatwould be their mutual interests, founded on justice and thehonor and dignity of the nation, in forming the line ofdemarcation. This was the view of the United States governmentin the expedition which I had the honor to command;the loss of the geographical sketches taken might bethe occasion of a suspension of the final line of limits, andconsequently the delay of an amicable adjustment of thedifferences now existing between the two governments.

Your Excellency may not have an intention of detainingmy papers, which I had begun to suppose from your returningonly part of them by Lieutenant Walker; in which caseyou will please to excuse this intrusion. But I will addthat, if you have it in view to detain the papers, I requestyou will be pleased to examine them with particular care.You will find that there are letters from General Wilkinson,as well as his son, to me; also, from the latter to his fatherand mother; and others which, being by no means of apolitical nature, or at least not relative to the relations existingbetween the government of Spain and the United States,therefore can by no means be interesting to your Excellency.The book which contains my charts also contains part ofthe blotters of a voyage to the source of the Mississippi,which I presume cannot be interesting to the Spanish government.

But, to conclude, I have only to request of your Excellencyto know if it is your intention to detain my papersnow in your possession; and if so, that you may cause meto be furnished, or suffer me to take, a copy of them, andthat I may receive a certificate from under your hand ofthe number, nature, etc., of the said papers, and the reasonsfor their seizure and detention, in order that my governmentmay be enabled to make the proper application to theSpanish court for an explanation. My reason for applyingto your Excellency so early on this subject is that, on the822arrival of my men who are still in the rear, I may be preparedto march in a short period of time; for, under thepresent aspect of affairs, I feel conscious that I am as anxiousto arrive on the territories of the United States as yourExcellency must be for me to quit the dominions of hisCatholic Majesty.

In all events, I hope you will believe me to be, with thehighest sentiments of personal respect,

Your most obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

His Excellency, Brigadier-general Don Nimesio Salcedo, Commanding-generalof the Interior Provinces of the kingdomof New Spain.

Art. 10. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 3,pp. 53-55.)

Chihuahua, April 20th, 1807.

My Dear General:

Never did I sit down to address you with a heart sooppressed with anxiety and mortification; but knowing theuncertainty which must exist as to the fate of myself andparty, I conceive it proper to attempt a communication,although I think it extremely uncertain, owing to thedifficulty of the route, whether it may ever come to hand,or at least, previous to my arrival at the territories of theUnited States, owing to the various circumstances whichare not to be communicated in a letter. I was detained inthe mountains of Mexico [i. e., present State of Colorado]until the month of January, and in February found myselfwith eight of my party only, on the head branches of theRio [Grande] del Norte, which I then conceived to be thesources of the Red river, our information making the latterextend the whole distance between the former and theArkansaw, although its sources are some hundred milesbelow either of the others.

Here I was encountered by two officers and 100 men,823who bore orders from the governor of New Mexico tocause me and my party to march to the capital of saidprovince. His request was in the most polite style, and infact the commanding officer assured me there was not theleast constraint, but that his Excellency desired a conference,and that I should be conducted by the most directroute to the navigable part of the Red river, whence I couldimmediately descend to Nachitoches. Although dubious ofthe faith of the invitation, and in a situation where I couldhave defended myself as long as my provision lasted, oruntil I might probably have escaped in the night; yet,knowing the pacific intentions of our government, and theparticular instructions of my general as to my conduct incase of a rencounter with a body of Spanish troops, Iconceived it most proper to comply with the demand andrepair to Santa Fe; and, as the balance of my party whoremained in the mountains were, many of them, invalidsand not in a situation to be able to return, I conceived itmost proper to leave orders for them to follow, accompaniedby an escort of Spanish troops left for that purpose.

On my arrival in Santa Fe, his Excellency GovernorAllencaster informed me it was necessary that I shouldimmediately march to Chihuahua, Province of Biscay, inorder to present myself to his Excellency, Commandant-generalN. Salcedo, for further orders. This being so differentfrom what I had been taught to expect, I demanded ofGovernor Allencaster, in a written communication, to knowif I were to consider myself and party as prisoners of war.He replied in the negative. We marched on the followingday, and arrived on the 2d instant at this place, whence, Iam informed by the general, I shall march, on the arrival ofthe remainder of my party, for Nachitoches.

I must here acknowledge myself and party under infiniteobligations to the friendship and politeness of all the Spanishofficers, and in a particular manner to the commandant-generalof those provinces.

Should the politics of our country make it necessary to824augment the army previous to my arrival, I hope thegeneral will approve of my aspiring to a considerable promotionin the new corps. Should the line of demarcationbe amicably adjusted between the United States and Spain,I hope to obtain the appointment of one of the commissioners,as I make bold to assert that, with respect to thearrangements necessary, and knowledge of the countrythrough which the line must pass, I am better instructedthan any other officer of my age in our service; and, ifjoined to a colleague of profound astronomical knowledge,we could surmount every difficulty. I likewise beg leaveto suggest to your Excellency that I conceive the informationI hold to be of considerable consequence in the determinationof the line of limits, and that if it be not alreadydetermined I can throw considerable light on the subject.

I hope your Excellency will be pleased to forward ordersfor me to Nachitoches, informing me if I am to descend to[New] Orleans or proceed to the Federal City; and if thelatter, permitting me to pass by Louisiana, in order to visitand arrange the affairs of my family, to whom I beg thefavor of my general to communicate the certainty of theexistence of myself and Dr. Robinson, who begs to besincerely remembered to you.

Please to present my respectful compliments to your lady;and the doctor's and mine to James [Lieutenant Wilkinson],who, I hope, has long ere this arrived in safety.

The general will pardon the requests I have made of him,knowing the confidence of my heart in the paternal andsoldierly esteem which he has manifested for him who hasthe honor to be,

With every sentiment of esteem,
Respect, and high consideration,
Dear General,
Your obedient humble servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike.

His Excellency,
General Wilkinson.


Art. 11. Letter, Salcedo to Pike. (Orig. No. 15, pp. 79, 80.)


Chihuahua, April 23d, 1807.

Of the papers connected with the expedition which byorders of the United States government you have madefrom the St. Louis of the Illinois unto the settlements ofNew Mexico, and which you yourselff separated fromthose [others] which you brought here and put into myhands the day you arrived in this town, there have beenformed an inventory, and a certificate respecting each ofthem accompanying it, to you, and in the office, the 17thcurrent, for the purpose therein expressed, the judgment onwhich remains for the decision of the king, my lord, and shallbe reported in the secret archives of this captain-generalcy.Meditating that you have indicated, in your official summonsto this government, the greatest desire to arrive at the territoriesof the United States, [I] have resolved that you prepareto continue your voyage in two or three days, in consequenceof which the arrangements necessary shall be made,such as you, with the people of your expedition, haveexperienced until your arrival at this place.

God preserve you many years.
[Signed] Nimesio Salcedo.

Montgomery Pike, 1st Lieutenant of Infantry.

f See my account of the seizure of my papers, April 1st, 1807. [Orig. note.Read Apr. 2d, and see p. 658.]

Art. 12. Letter, Wilkinson to Pike. (Orig. No. 4, pp. 55-57.)

New Orleans, May 20th, 1807.

Dear Sir:

After having counted you among the dead, I was mostagreeably surprised to find, by a letter from General Salcedo,received a few days since, that you were in hispossession, and that he proposed sending you, with yourparty, to our frontier post. I lament that you should lose826your papers, but shall rely much on your memory. Althoughit was unfortunate that you should have headedRed river, and missed the object of your enterprise, yetI promise myself that the route over which you have passedwill afford some interesting scenes, as well to the statesmanas the philosopher.

You will hear of the scenes in which I have been engaged,and may be informed that the traitors whose infamousdesigns against the constitution and government of ourcountry I have detected, exposed, and destroyed, are vainlyattempting to explain their own conduct by inculpating me.Among other devices, they have asserted that your andLieutenant Wilkinson's enterprise was a premeditatedco-operation with [Aaron] Burr. Being on the wing forRichmond, in Virginia, to confront the arch-traitor and hishost of advocates, I have not leisure to commune withyou as amply as I could desire. Let it then suffice for meto say to you, that of the information you have acquired,and the observations you have made, you must be cautious,extremely cautious, how you breathe a word; becausepublicity may excite a spirit of adventure adverse to theinterests of our government, or injurious to the maturationof those plans which may hereafter be found necessary andjustifiable by the government.

I leave Colonel Cushing[V'-6] in command of the district,with plenary powers, and have informed him that you haveleave to repair to St. Louis by the most direct route, themoment you have communicated to me in duplicate the827result of your travels, voluntary and involuntary, in relationto clime, country, population, arts, agriculture, routes,distances, and military defense. The president will beimpatient to have whatever you have acquired; to the detailedaccount a sketch must be added, and the original andduplicate addressed to me at the city of Washington, withthe least possible delay. You may make up your reportat Natchitoches, and proceed thence to the Wascheta[Washita] and thence to the Arkansaw, or you may descendto Fort Adams, and proceed thence to St. Louis by themost convenient route. Colonel Cushing, whom I leave incommand of the district, has my orders in your favor, andwill give you every indulgence; but as an expedition is nowin motion up the Arkansaw, to explore it to its source andfurther northwest, it is highly important that you should,either in person or by two or three confidential men, sendforward to the Arkansaw every information which you maydeem essential to the success of the enterprise. A Mr. Freemen[Thomas Freeman], under the chief direction of Mr.[William] Dunbar of Natchez, has control of this operation.The escort, which consists of 35 select non-commissionedofficers and privates, is commanded by Lieutenant Wilkinson,seconded by Lieutenant T[homas]. A. Smith. Thisdetachment, with two boats suitably equipped, will reachNatchez in eight or ten days from the present, and will proceedwith all possible dispatch. You will address yourcommunications to Lieutenant Wilkinson, who, after manyhardships and difficulties, reached this place about the 1stof March. He has finished a pretty good traverse of theriver, and his journal is interesting. I think the presentparty will winter near the Arkansaw Osages, about 600miles by the river from the Mississippi.

The president mentioned you and your explorations tothe source of the great river, in his address to Congress, inhandsome terms. I am convinced he has a proper sense ofyour merits, and will do you ample justice. I offer youleave to go immediately to your family, because I apprehend828it will be most desirable; yet, if you possess in yourinformation aught which you may desire to communicate inperson, you are at liberty to proceed, by the shortest route,to the seat of government, near which you will find me, ifalive, three or four months hence.

I pray you to attend particularly to the injunctions ofthis hasty letter, and to believe me, whilst I am yourgeneral,

Your friend,
[Signed] James Wilkinson.

Captain Pike, U. S. Army.

Art. 13. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 5, pp. 57-63.)

Nachitoches, July 5th, 1807.

Dear General:

Once more I address you from the land of freedom andunder the banners of our country. Your esteemed favor ofthe 20th of May now lies before me, in which I recognizethe sentiments of my general and friend, and will endeavor,as far as my limited abilities permit, to do justice to thespirit of your instructions.

I must premise to your Excellency that my letter of the20th of April, dated at Chihuahua, went through a perusalby General Salcedo, previous to his forwarding it.

That letter stated the mode of my being brought intoSanta Fe, and I will now state to your Excellency the proceedingson the subject of my papers. I will omit the hauteurof the reception given me by Governor Allencaster, fora more particular communication; it changed afterward toextreme politeness. Being under no restrictions previous toarriving at Santa Fe, I had secreted all my papers which Iconceived it necessary to preserve, leaving my book ofcharts, my orders, and such others as should induce thegovernor to know me in my proper character, and preventhis suspicions being excited to a stricter inquiry.

On examining my commission, orders, etc., he told me to829remove my trunk to my own quarters, and that on the morrowhe would converse with me on the subject. I hadcaused my men to secrete my papers about their bodies, conceivingthis safer than [leaving them] in the baggage; butin the evening, finding the ladies of Santa Fe were treatingthem to wine, etc., I was apprehensive their intemperancemight discover the secret, and took them from all but one,who had my journal in full, but who could not be found,and put them in my trunk, conceiving that the inspectionwas over. But next morning an officer, with two men,waited on me and informed me that he had come for me tovisit the governor, and brought these two men to take upmy trunk. I immediately perceived I was outgeneraled.On my arrival at the governor's house, his Excellency demandedif I had the key. My reply was in the affirmative;when he observed, "It is well"; my trunk should be asacred deposit in the charge of the officer who would escortme to Chihuahua, for which place I marched after dinner,under the escort of Lieutenant Don Facundo Malgares and65 men. His character I beg leave to introduce to theattention of your Excellency as that of a European possessingall the high sense of honor which formerly so evidentlydistinguished his nation, the commandant of the 600 troopswho made the expedition to the Pawnees, an officer of distinguishedmerit, who in his mode of living fully justifiedthe pomp and style of his actions, who outshines many ofthe governors of provinces, and whom in my future reportsI shall have frequent occasion to quote. He observed tome: "The governor informs me, Sir, your trunk is underrestrictions; but your word of honor as a soldier that nopapers shall be taken out, and you have free ingress, asusual." I gave it, and I presume it is scarcely necessary toadd it was religiously adhered to.

On our arrival at Chihuahua the general demanded mytrunk, and on its being opened and the papers laid on thetable, he took them in hand one by one and demanded whatwas the purport of each, which truth obliged me to declare;830had I been disposed to equivocate, Ensign Walker, of hisCatholic Majesty's service, who stood present and assistedin the examination, could have immediately detected thefraud; also, his Excellency understands sufficient of theEnglish language to discover the general purport of anypaper.

After going through them in this manner and separatingthem into two piles, he observed to me: "You will leavethose papers for my inspection, and in the meanwhile, inconcert with Ensign Walker, who will give the Spanishtranslation, you will give me a detailed account of yourroute, views, destination, etc., during which time I willexamine the papers now before me." With this I complied,flattering myself that it was his intention to return me mypapers, by his demanding a sketch; also, so great was myconfidence in the all-protecting name of my country, I conceivedit was a greater step than the general would ventureto take, to seize on the papers. But when I had finishedthe proposed sketch and presented it, and found a still furtherdelay, I addressed the general on the subject. After afew days, some were returned, but I was officially informedthat the remaining papers had been seized, but would bekept in the secret cabinet of that captain-generalship untilthe pleasure of his Catholic Majesty should be known. Atthe same time I was presented with a certificate specifyingthe number and contents of those detained, and adding thatthey were assorted by my own hand, and voluntarily. Thisassertion was so contrary to truth, honor, or the line of conducta general should have pursued with a young gentleman,that I took the liberty of telling one of the officerswho signed said certificate that it was incorrect. But asSergeant Meek was still in the rear with nearly all my baggage,I took care to give him orders that none of saidbaggage should be opened, except by force; which willevince that, although I preferred acting like a gentleman toobliging General Salcedo to resort to rough treatment, yetthat it was not a volunteer surrender of my papers.831

But the general will please to recollect that my journalswere saved at Santa Fe, were continued, and are entire tothis post; for the fortunate circumstance of the doctor'shaving copied my courses and distances through all theroute, except an excursion we made to the source of theriver La Platte, unto the Spanish territories, preserved them.These will enable me to exhibit a correct chart of the route,although not so minute as the one seized on, which wasplotted daily by the eye and angular observations. Thusthe only essential papers lost were my astronomical observationsand meteorological tables, and a book containingremarks on minerals, plants, etc., with the manners, population,customs, etc., of the savages. But the results of theformer were in part communicated, and probably my journalmay supply part of the balance, while our memorieswill make the loss of the latter of but little consequence.While in the Spanish territories I was forbidden the use ofpen and paper, notwithstanding which I kept a journal,made meteorological observations, and took courses anddistances from the time I entered their country until myarrival at this place; all of which I brought safe off in themen's guns, where I finally secreted my papers withoutdetection.

From our unremitting attention day and night, the immenseterritory they led us through, and the long time wewere in their country, I make bold to assert I have beenable to collect a correct account of their military force,regular and irregular; also, important and interesting informationon geographical situations, political sentimentsand dispositions of the people of every class, manners, arts,resources, riches, revenues, situation, value, and productionsof their mines, etc.; also, the annual revenues paid to Bonaparte.Had we possessed as great a knowledge of theSpanish language when we entered the territories as whenwe left them, our information would have been nearly ascomplete as I could wish it, if sent expressly for the purposeof acquiring it, by the open authority of his Majesty. But832the French language, in which my communications weresometimes made, was greatly beneficial.

By the sergeant, who is still in the rear and was neversuffered to join me, as General Salcedo conceived he wouldprobably procure some information from him, which hecould not if [the sergeant were] immediately under myorders, I expect many other communications of importancefrom many individuals who promised to forward them byhim. But I presume the general has found himself inerror; as I perceive by a letter from him to GovernorCordero, the sergeant killed one of his[V'-7] men, in consequenceof some improper conduct, and the general accuses him ofgreat intractability, as he is pleased to term it.

From the foregoing statement your Excellency will observethat I yet possess immense matter, the results of oneyear's travel in countries, desert and populated, which haveboth been long the subject of curiosity to the philosopher,the anxious desires of the miser, and the waking thoughtsand sleeping dreams of the man of ambitious and aspiringsoul?results which, in our present critical situation, I doconceive to be immensely important, and which open ascene for the generosity and aggrandizement of our country,with a wide and splendid field for harvests of honor forindividuals. But my papers are in a mutilated state, fromthe absolute necessity I was under to write on small piecesin the Spanish country; also, from being injured in the gun-barrels,some of which I filed off three times to take out thepapers. These circumstances make it necessary, in the first833place, to take a rough copy as they stand; then it will benecessary to assort the matter, as military, political, moral,mercantile, meteorological, agricultural, etc., all now formingan undigested mass. Then, Sir, the combining each, theplotting, etc., would take up a time of considerable extentfor one man; and to make duplicates after they are inorder could not be done in three months. The generalmay recollect it was nearly that period before my reportswere completed last year, although I was assisted by Mr.[Antoine] Nau and the sergeant-major, and sometimes byLieutenants [James B.] Wilkinson and [Henry Richard]Graham.[V'-8] Also, with respect to the Spanish country, Imust know the extent of the objects in view, in order toembrace those points in my reports; and further, my dearsir, my health is by no means the most perfect, my eyesbeing so extremely weak that it is almost impossible for meto continue for one hour with the pen in my hand, and bythat time I have a considerable pain in my breast.

From those circumstances my general will perceive thealmost impracticability of my complying with the contents ofhis letter as to duplicate reports from this place; but Ishall immediately commence the business of arranging anddigesting my papers, and will proceed with the labor withevery perseverance my situation will permit until the arrivalof my sergeant and the balance of the party, should theynot be retarded more than 20 days, when I shall proceedimmediately to St. Louis, and thence through Kentucky,Virginia, etc., to the Federal City, making no unnecessarydelay, and during the whole of the route prosecuting mybusiness at every leisure moment. When at Washington, Iflatter myself with your assistance and advice. As I proposetaking courses, distances, etc., hence to St. Louis, it will834be making the tour of the greatest part of Louisiana,crossing the main rivers at different points. I am certainthat from the survey of the Missouri by Captains Lewisand Clark, my own of the Mississippi, Lieutenant Wilkinson'sof the lower Arkansaw, which river I surveyed to itssources, and Mr. Dunbar's of Red river, can be formed thecompletest survey of Louisiana ever yet taken.

As to the instruments I had with me I wish the generalto inform me in what light they stood, as most of themwere ruined in the mountains by the falling of the horsesfrom precipices, etc., and I left an order at Chihuahua forthe sergeant to sell them at a certain price, as the additionof a land carriage of 500 leagues would not add to theirbenefit.[V'-9] Baroney, if alive, is with my sergeant; he hasproved a noble fellow in his line, and I beg liberty torecommend him to some appointment near the Kans, shouldany offer. I must further add the following anecdote ofmy men, in whose breasts lay the whole secret of mypapers, and whom I frequently, when in the Spanish territories,was obliged to punish severely for outrages committedin a state of intoxication, yet who never once offered,or showed a disposition to discover it. It is certain theyknew instant death would follow; still, their fidelity to theirtrust is remarkable. I have charged them as to communications,and shall dispose of them in such a manner as notto put it in their power to give things much publicity.

Dr. Robinson has accompanied me the whole route, isstill with me, and I take pleasure in acknowledging I havereceived important services from him, as my companion indangers and hardships, counselor in difficulties, and oneto whose chemical, botanical, and mineralogical knowledgethe expedition is greatly indebted?in short, Sir, he is ayoung gentleman of talents, honor, and perseverance, possessing,in my humble opinion, a military turn of mind, and835would enter, I believe, in case of an augmentation of thearmy, if he could obtain a rank above a subaltern.

I hope the general will be pleased to have my copiesforwarded by Lieutenant Wilkinson, so that I can commandthe use of them at Washington; also all my letterswritten him during the expedition, as they contain informationI wish to refer to, and the copies were seized. Dr.[John] Sibley has informed me that the expedition up theArkansaw is suspended, which supersedes the necessity ofmy sending the express ordered.

I congratulate the general on the safe arrival of LieutenantWilkinson, and am sorry to hear of the difficulties heencountered. I have been obliged to draw money of theSpanish government, which I have to pay to their ambassadorat Washington. I supported those of my men whowere with me all the time in the Spanish country. Beingseparated from my baggage and never permitted to have itjoin me, and having been presented to the commandant-generalin a blanket cappot,[V'-10] I was under the necessity ofgoing to very considerable expense to support what I considerednot only my own honor, but the dignity of ourarmy. This, when a captain's pay is $2,400 per annum, wasa ruinous thing to my finances; but I hope it may be takeninto due consideration.

After making myself pretty perfect in the French language,I have obtained such a knowledge of the Spanish asto make me confident in asserting, in three or four years Iwill with ease make myself sufficiently master of the latter,Italian, and Portuguese, to read them all, and speak andwrite Spanish. The doctor has even exceeded me in thatpoint. I mention this to the general, as I know the interesthe takes in the improvement of his military prot�g�.836

We heard in the Spanish dominions of the convulsions ofthe western country, originating in Mr. Burr's plans, andthat you were implicated; sometimes that you were arrested,sometimes superseded, etc. Those reports, althoughI never credited them, gave me great unhappiness, as Iconceived that the shafts of calumny were aimed at yourfame and honor, in a foreign country where these hadhitherto stood high and been revered and respected byevery class. At St. Antonio Colonel Cordero informed meof the truth of the statement [i. e., falsity of those reports],which took a load from my breast and made me comparativelyhappy; I hope ere long the villainy will be unmasked,and malignity and slander hide their heads. The beforementioned gentleman sent you by me a box of Spanishchocolate, which I shall forward to Colonel Cushing. GovernorHerrara said the maliciousness of the world was suchas to forbid his writing, but begged to be sincerely rememberedto you. A letter addressed to me at Cincinnatti, Ohio,may possibly reach me on my route, when I hope to receiveyour approbation of my conduct. Many letters written tome, addressed to this place, have been secreted or destroyed;possibly the general can give me a hint on the subject.

Those ideas have made a deep impression on my mind,and did not an all-ruling passion sway me irresistibly tothe profession of arms and the paths of military glory, Iwould long since have resigned my sword for the rural cot,where peace, health, and content would at least be ourinmates, should not our brows be crowned with laurel.

I must now conclude, as this letter has far exceeded thebounds proposed when commenced; but the effusions ofmy heart on its contents are such that I could not limitthem to a more contracted space. Excuse my scrawl, as Iam entirely out of practice, but believe me to be,

Dear General,
With high respect and esteem,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Captain.

General Wilkinson.


Art. 14. Letter, Pike to Salcedo. (Orig. No. 18, pp. 83-85.)

Natchitoches, August 20th, 1807.


Previous to my departure from Chihuahua, we hadentered so fully into the subject of the seizure of mypapers, that I should never have made another appeal untilI made one through our government to the ambassador ofhis Catholic Majesty, had I not received orders to thateffect; it not being known, at the time those instructionswere given, that the propriety of the seizure had been contestedbetween your Excellency and myself. But as youhave now had time fully to reconsider the business, it maynot appear in the same light that it did when I had thehonor to address you before. Your Excellency may beinduced to conceive that the measure of seizing my notes,plans, meteorological and astronomical observations, etc.,for parts of the Mississippi, Missouri, Osage, Kans, andArkansaw rivers?waters acknowledged by the Spanishgovernment to be within the known territories of theUnited States?may not be justifiable. Whatever may beyour opinion on those subjects, I am at an entire loss toconceive how, and upon what principle, you could involvein that seizure letters from individuals to individuals, thecontents of which could in no wise be interesting to theSpanish government.

I have therefore once more to appeal to your Excellency,with the hope that the time you have had for deliberationmay induce you to conceive it proper, and but an act ofjustice, to deliver up the papers seized at Chihuahua; andhope your Excellency will have the goodness to addressthem to me in a packet, to the care of the commandingofficer of this place.

If the continuation of an amicable understanding betweenthe two nations be an object of estimation in the mind ofyour Excellency, the final demarcation of limits must beconsidered as the first great step to be taken toward itsaccomplishment. To enable my government to form a correct838idea on that subject, it was requisite they should bewell acquainted with the geographical situation of the headsof the Arkansaw and Red rivers. The former part of this[requirement] I had accomplished, and could with all easehave carried the remaining part of that object into execution,after discovering my mistake of the Rio del Norte forthe Red river, had I been permitted by the governor ofNew Mexico. Instead of which, I was hurried through thecountry to Chihuahua, without having time given for theabsent part of my party and baggage to join me; by whichmeans I was obliged to appear in a garb and mannerentirely incompatible with the rank I have the honor tohold, and in some degree an indignity [was thus offered] tothe country whose commission I bear. To add to mymortification, I was then deprived of the information I hadobtained at the risk of our lives, and the suffering of unknownmiseries. The information contained in my noteswas not only of a geographical nature, but also such aswould enable the executive of the United States to takesome steps to ameliorate the barbarous state of varioussavage tribes whom I visited; and, I may be permitted toadd, would have added in some small degree to the acquirementof science, which is for the general benefit of mankind.

When I left Chihuahua, I was informed that my sergeantand party were detained near the place, in order that theyshould not be permitted to join me, [and to the end] thatby a separate examination they might be intimidated tomake a declaration to justify the conduct observed towardus. This I am conscious must have failed; but I am at anentire loss to conceive why they should have been detaineduntil this time, when your Excellency assured me theyshould follow immediately. Their detention has been ofconsiderable private injury to myself, and an insult to mygovernment.

When I marched from Chihuahua, your Excellencyofficially informed me that everything had been prepared formy transport to our lines. I was much surprised to have to839pay for the hire of horses, etc., demanded of me at thefirst place where we changed our escorts, as I neither conceivedit just that I should pay for an involuntary tourI had taken through your territories, nor was I prepared todo it; but as your officers were responsible, and gave theirreceipts for the transport, and from the orders received byCaptain Viana at Nacogdoches, I was obliged to hire beaststo take me to Natchitoches, although an escort of yourtroops were furnished. [See note2, p. 814].

I here with the greatest pleasure embrace the opportunityof acknowledging the polite treatment I received fromyour officers in general on my route, but in particular fromColonels Cordero and Herrara, Captains Barelo and Viana,and Lieutenant Malgares; to all of whom it would be mygreatest pleasure to have it in my power to return thecompliment.

Will your Excellency do me the honor to present myhigh respects to your lady, and my compliments to Mr.Truxillo and Father Rocus.

I am, Sir,
With the most profound consideration,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. Pike, Captain.

His Excellency,
Governor Salcedo.




(Orig. No. 6, pp. 64-68, and No. 13, pp. 73-77.)

The committee of the House of Representatives of the Congressof the United States, to whom was referred the resolutionto inquire whether any, and if any, what compensationought to be made to Captain Zebulon M. Pike, and his companions,for their services in exploring the Mississippi river,in their late expedition to the sources of the Osage, Arkansawand La Platte rivers, and in their tour through NewSpain, report:

That it appears by the documents accompanying thisreport, that the objects of each of the exploring expeditions,together with the instructions for executing them,were communicated to and approved by the president ofthe United States; that the conduct of Captain Pike, ineach of the expeditions, also met with the approbation ofthe president, and that the information obtained and communicatedto the executive on the subjects of his instructions,and particularly in relation to the source of the841Mississippi and the natives in that quarter, and the countrygenerally, as well on the Upper Mississippi as that betweenthe Arkansaw and the Missouri, and on the borders of thelatter extensive river to its source, and the country adjacent,is highly interesting in a political, geographical, and historicalview; and that although no special encouragementwas given to the individuals who performed these laboriousand dangerous expeditions, yet it was but reasonable forthem, should they fortunately succeed in the objects, to expectsome reward from government; that the zeal, perseverance,and intelligence of Captain Pike, as commander, have beenmeritorious, and the conduct of the individuals generallywho composed the parties respectively, has been faithful,and the exertions arduous. The committee therefore areof opinion that compensation ought to be made by law toCaptain Pike and his companions.842


War Department, Dec. 7th, 1808.


I herewith inclose copies of the instructions to LieutenantPike, for the government of his conduct on the two exploringexpeditions alluded to in your letter; and likewise listsof the names of the men composing those parties. Youwill perceive that the instructions were given by GeneralWilkinson; the objects, however, of each party, togetherwith the instructions, were communicated to and approvedby the president of the United States.

Although no special encouragement was given to the individualswho performed these laborious and dangerous expeditions,yet it was but reasonable for them, should theyfortunately succeed in their objects, to expect a liberalreward from the government; and as there can be no reasonabledoubt of the zeal, perseverance, and intelligence ofthe commander, or of the faithful conduct and arduousexertions of the individuals generally, composing the respectiveparties, it may, I trust, be presumed that no objectionwill be opposed to a reasonable compensation for suchmeritorious services.

I am very respectfully, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
H. Dearborn.
[Secretary at War.]

Hon. J. Montgomery, Chairman, etc.

Headquarters, St. Louis, July 30th, 1805.


Having completed your equipments, you are to proceedup the Mississippi with all possible diligence, takingthe following instructions for your general government,which are to yield to your discretion in all cases ofexigency.843

You will please to take the course of the river, and calculatedistances by time, noting rivers, creeks, highlands,prairies, islands, rapids, shoals, mines, quarries, timber,water, soil, Indian villages and settlements, in a diary, tocomprehend reflections on the winds and weather.

It is interesting to government to be informed of thepopulation and residence of the several Indian nations, ofthe quantity and species of skins and furs they barter perannum, and their relative price to goods; of the tracts ofcountry on which they generally make their hunts, and thepeople with whom they trade.

You will be pleased to examine strictly for an intermediatepoint, between this place and the Prairie des Chiens,suitable for a military post, and also on the Ouiscousing,near its mouth, for a similar establishment; and will obtainthe consent of the Indians for their erection, informing themthat they are intended to increase their trade and amelioratetheir condition.

You will proceed to ascend the main branch of the riveruntil you reach the source of it, or the season may forbidyour further progress without endangering your returnbefore the waters are frozen up.

You will endeavor to ascertain the latitude of the mostremarkable places in your route, with the extent of thenavigation and the direction of the different rivers whichfall into the Mississippi, and you will not fail to procurespecimens of whatever you may find curious, in themineral, vegetable, or animal kingdoms, to be renderedat this place.

In your course you are to spare no pains to conciliate theIndians and to attach them to the United States, and youmay invite the great chiefs of such distant nations as havenot been at this place, to pay me a visit.

Your own good sense will regulate the consumption ofyour provisions, and direct the distribution of the triflingpresents which you may carry with you, particularlyyour flags.844

I wish you a speedy, pleasant, and safe tour, and am, Sir,with sentiments of respect and esteem,

Your obedient servant,
[Signed] James Wilkinson.

P. S. In addition to the preceding orders, you will bepleased to obtain permission from the Indians who claim theground, for the erection of military posts and trading-housesat the mouth of the river St. Pierre, the falls of St. Anthony,and every other critical point which may fall under yourobservation; these permissions to be granted in formal conferences,regularly recorded, and the ground marked off.

[Signed] J. W.

Lieutenant Z. M. Pike,
1st Regt. Infantry.

War Department, Feb. 24th, 1808.


In answer to your letter of the 22d instant, I can withpleasure observe, that although the two exploring expeditionsyou have performed were not previously ordered bythe president of the United States, there were frequentcommunications on the subject of each between GeneralWilkinson and this department, of which the president of theUnited States was from time to time acquainted; and it willbe no more than what justice requires to say that your conduct,in each of those expeditions, met the approbation ofthe president; and that the information you obtained andcommunicated to the executive, in relation to the source ofthe Mississippi and the natives in that quarter, and the countrygenerally, as well on the Upper Mississippi as thatbetween the Arkansaw and the Missouri, and on the bordersof the latter extensive river to its source and the countryadjacent, has been considered highly interesting in a political,geographical, and historical view. And you may restassured that your services are held in high estimation by thepresident of the United States; and if any opinion of my845own can afford you any satisfaction, I very frankly declarethat I consider the public much indebted to you for the enterprising,persevering, and judicious manner in which youhave performed them.

I am, very respectfully, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] H. Dearborn.
[Secretary at War.]

Captain Zebulon M. Pike.

Sketch of an Expedition made from St. Louis, to explore theinternal parts of Louisiana, by order of his Excellency,General James Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 13, pp. 73-77.)

I embarked at Belle Fontaine, on the Missouri, near itsconfluence with the Mississippi, with a command of onelieutenant, one doctor (a volunteer), two sergeants, one corporal,17 [16] privates, and one interpreter;[VI'-2] having undermy charge eight or ten Osage chiefs who had recentlyreturned from a visit to the city of Washington, togetherwith about 40 men, women, and children of the same nation,redeemed from captivity from another Indian nation; andtwo Pawnees who had likewise been to the city of Washington[making a total of 51 Indians].

We ascended the Missouri river to the river of the Osage,up which we ascended to the Osage towns, and arrived onor about the 18th of August [p. 385], and delivered to theirnation in safety their chiefs, women, and children, withspeeches to the nation.


Here I remained making astronomical observations, andpreparing for my march by land, until the 1st of September,when we took our departure for the Pawnee Republic, accompaniedby some Osage chiefs, who were deputed bytheir nation to form a treaty of peace and amity with thenation of the Kans with whom they were then at war,under the auspices of the United States. I arrived at thePawnee Republic about the 25th of said month [p. 409],where I caused to be held a conference between the Osageand Kans chiefs, and mediated a peace for the two nations.Having held councils with the Pawnees, made astronomicalobservations, etc., I marched from the said village on the7th of October, and arrived at the Arkansaw on the 11th[read 15th] of said month, where we remained until the28th, preparing canoes, etc., for Lieutenant Wilkinson, whodescended the said river, with one sergeant, six men, andtwo Osage Indians.[VI'-3] During my stay at said river, I likewisemade astronomical observations.

On the said day I marched with the remainder of theparty up the Arkansaw. Nothing occurred worthy of noteuntil about the middle [on the 22d] of November, when wemet a party of Pawnees, of 60 warriors, who were returningfrom an expedition against the Kayaways. At first our conferencewas of the most friendly nature, and I made them somesmall presents; but as they commenced to steal and plunderwhatever they could with impunity, we were finally obliged totake to our arms, and were on the point of coming to hostilities,when the Pawnees retired, and we pursued our march.

We arrived where the Arkansaw enters the mountains, onthe 4th or 5th [5th] of December, where we remained untilthe 9th [10th], searching for the route across the mountains,when we marched by a trace which we discovered, leavingthe main Arkansaw to our left. Much to our astonishment847we arrived about the middle of said month [Dec. 13th] on awater of the Missouri, which I ascertained to be the [Southfork of the] river Platte, on which we discovered signs ofimmense numbers of Indians. Here we remained a fewdays searching for those Indians, in hopes to obtain fromthem information as to a route to cross the mountains tothe west; but not discovering any, we crossed a largechain [Park range] by a practicable route [Trout Creek pass]and fell on a large branch of water which I then conceivedto be the head of the Red river [but which was the Arkansaw].Here we remained a few days [till Dec. 21st] torecruit our horses and ourselves, when I ordered the partyto proceed down said river, and I with two men ascendedit [nearly] to its source, where I made some observations.I then returned and overtook the party, when we continuedto descend said stream, until the perpendicularityof the rocks [of the Grand Ca�on of the Arkansaw] andother difficulties rendered it impossible to proceed anyfurther with horses, several of which had already been killedby falling from the rocks, etc.

I then caused sleds to be constructed, and soldiers to drawthe baggage on the ice, and ordered a few men to endeavorto conduct the horses by a more eligible route out of themountains; at the extremity of which we all arrived by the9th of January, and found that we had descended the mainbranch of the Arkansaw, conceiving it to be the Red river,and were again at the same point [Ca�on City] we had lefton the 9th [10th] ult.

My remaining horses not being in a situation to allow meto hope for any further assistance from them, unless permittedfurther to recover, and as this would have engrosseda long time, I determined to leave some men with thehorses and part of the baggage, and proceed with the remainderand the articles absolutely necessary, on foot. Onthe 14th of January, having constructed a small place for mymen and baggage who remained, we marched, proceedingup a western branch [Grape creek] of the Arkansaw, which848appeared to lead in a direct route through the mountains.On the 20th of said month, being obliged to cross a prairie[Wet Mountain valley] of some leagues in breadth, late inthe evening, and many of the soldiers having their feet wet,we had it not in our power to make fire until eight or nineo'clock at night. We were so unfortunate as to ascertainthat nine of the party were frozen. The ensuing day, discoveringthat they were not all able to march, we remained afew days to lay in provisions. Here I left two soldiers andfour loads of our baggage, and proceeded on our march; buton the third day, finding another of my men not able tomarch, I was obliged to leave him encamped, having previouslyfurnished him with sufficient provision. We thencrossed another chain [Sangre de Cristo] of mountains, andon the 1st of February [31st of January] arrived on thewaters of the Rio del Norte, which I then conceived to bethe Red river, as some maps which I held portrayed thesource of the Red river to lie between those of the Arkansawand Rio del Norte. I then proceeded to choose astation [on the Rio Conejos] where there was sufficientwood to form canoes or rafts, in order to descend the supposed[Red] river to Natchitoches.

Having in many instances experienced the insolence andpresuming dispositions of the Indians, when in superiornumbers, I conceived it proper to throw up a small workfor the protection of ourselves and baggage, until we shouldbe prepared to descend the river.

Four or five days [seven] after I dispatched five men toreturn to those I had left in the mountains, and bring themon, if capable of marching; if not, to supply them withprovision and bring on the baggage. Dr. Robinson, whohad hitherto accompanied me as a volunteer, having somepecuniary demands in the province of New Mexico, conceivedthat this would be the nearest point from which hecould go in and probably return, previous to my being preparedto descend the river. He left me on the 7th ofFebruary with that view.849

A few days after [on Feb. 16th], hunting with one of mymen, I discovered two men on horseback. I would haveavoided them, agreeably to my orders; but, finding theycontinued to pursue us, I conceived it most proper to bringthem to a conference. This, with great difficulty, I effected,as they appeared to be apprehensive that my intentionswere hostile toward them. I conducted them to my camp,informed them of my intention to descend the river, andmade them some small presents. Had they then informedme of my being on the Rio del Norte, I should have immediatelyretired; but, having executed their commission,they returned the following day on the immediate route tothe [Spanish] settlements. The following day [Feb. 17th]the party I had detached for the men whom I had beencompelled to leave in the mountains, returned with oneonly, and all the baggage, the other two not being able tocome on. I then immediately [Feb. 19th] dispatched mysergeant and one man, to order and conduct on the men,horses, and baggage left on the Arkansaw, by a route whichI conceived practicable.

On the 24th or 25th [26th] of February, in the morning,two Frenchmen arrived at my camp, and informed me thatan officer and 50 men of his Catholic Majesty's troops hadmarched from Santa Fe, in order to protect me from theUtahs, who had exhibited a disposition to attack me, andwould probably be at my camp in two or three days. In thecourse of two or three hours, I was informed by a sentinel,whom I always kept on a hill, of the approach of a party ofstrangers; and in a short period there arrived two officersand 100 men, at a small distance from the camp. Thelieutenant commandant, having entered my works by myinvitation, informed me that the governor of New Mexicohad been informed of my situation; and, understandingI was bound for Red river, offered me any assistance whichlay in his power to accommodate me. I replied that I stoodin no need of assistance; that I could descend the river withcraft which I proposed constructing. He then informed850me I was on the Rio del Norte, which astonished meextremely, and that the source of the Red river was eightdays' march below Santa Fe; and that the governor, beinginformed that I had missed my route, offered mules, horses,etc., to conduct me to the Red river, and wished to see meat his seat of government. I told him that if the whole ofmy party were here, I would not hesitate to pay my respectsto his Excellency, with one or two men. He then assuredme that there was not the least constraint; that I could goin before or after the arrival of my party, as my inclinationdictated; that if I went in now he would leave an Utahinterpreter and one man, with the men of my party I choseto leave, in order to conduct the sergeant and party whenthey arrived. I finally concluded it would be more consistentwith the good understanding which existed betweenthe government of the United States and his CatholicMajesty, to proceed to Santa Fe, and give to GovernorAllencaster an explanation of my being on his frontiers.We then marched for his [the Spanish lieutenant's] camp,about 12 miles distant, leaving the [Utah] interpreter, oneSpanish soldier, a corporal [Jackson] and one private[Carter] of my detachment, with orders for the conduct ofmy sergeant [Meek] when he should arrive.

The next day I was much surprised to find that thelieutenant and all the regular troops, except 10, were toremain, and that the militia officer was to conduct me toSanta Fe; the lieutenant giving as a reason the particularorders to see all my party in safety at the capital. Wearrived at the town in four or five days [Mar. 3d], where Iwas received at first in a manner very different from whatI had been taught to expect from the proffers of the lieutenantin the name of the governor. The arms of my menbeing taken possession of by the guard the first night of myarrival, without my knowledge, and my being likewise informedthat Dr. Robinson was a prisoner at some leagues'distance, they induced me to believe that a rupture had takenplace between Spain and the United States, and to address851a letter to the governor, demanding if I was to considermyself and party as prisoners of war, and if the expensearising from the detention of myself and party was to bedefrayed by the United States or his Catholic Majesty. Tothis his Excellency gave me a very polite verbal answer,assuring me that I was by no means to consider myself asa prisoner; that the arms of my men were taken unknownto him, and should be immediately restored; but that it wasnecessary I should march immediately to join LieutenantMalgares and party, who were waiting for me at the villageof St. Fernandez, in order to conduct me to Chihuahua, tobe presented to the commandant-general with my papersfor an explanation. On my arriving at said village, I addresseda letter to the governor, informing him that Dr.Robinson had accompanied my party as a volunteer. ThisI had not acknowledged at Santa Fe, as I was apprehensivethat his coming on to the frontiers of the province witha military party, in case of a rupture between the two governments,might place him in a critical position.[VI'-4]


The lieutenant [Pike] only further observes that he hasnot entered into the particulars of the hardships undergone,such as enduring thirst or famine for three or four days, atdifferent periods; marching over rugged mountains, throughsnows three or four feet deep, exposed to every inclemencyof the weather for want of clothes, carrying at the same853time packs of 60 or 70 pounds' burden?in short, everyhardship to which a savage life in its greatest state of barbarityis exposed. These are circumstances only calculatedto excite humanity, and not to give explanation as to thegeneral chain of events connected with the voyage. Hetherefore refers his Excellency [President Jefferson] to the854commander-in-chief of the United States army, for an explanationof the general intent and nature of the expedition,and to his notes, astronomical observations, and charts, forthe courses, situations, etc., of the different points and riversalluded to in the foregoing sketch.

Return of persons employed on a tour of discovery and explorationto the source of the Mississippi, in the years 1805 and1806 [and to the source of the Arkansaw in the years 1806and 1807].

Lieutenant Z. M. Pike; Interpreter Pierre Rosseau; SergeantHenry Kennerman; Corporal William E. Meek;Corporal Samuel Bradley.

Privates John Boley; Peter Branden; John Brown;Jacob Carter; Thomas Dougherty; William Gorden;Solomon Huddleston; Jeremiah [R.] Jackson; HughMenaugh; Theodore Miller; John Mountjoy; DavidOwings; Alexander Roy; Patrick Smith; John Sparks;Freegift Stoute; David Whelply.

This party left St. Louis the 9th of August, 1805, but hadbeen detached for that duty from the 1st of July. Theyreturned the 30th of April, 1806.

From this time until the 15th of July, I was preparing forthe second expedition, to the westward, which consisted ofthe following persons, to wit:855

Captain Z. M. Pike; Lieutenant James B. Wilkinson*;Dr. John H. Robinson; Interpreter Baroney Vasquez?;Sergeant Joseph Ballenger*; Sergeant William E. Meek?;Corporal Jeremiah [R.] Jackson?.

Privates John Boley*; Samuel Bradley*; John Brown;Jacob Carter?; Thomas Dougherty?; William Gorden;Solomon Huddleston;* Henry Kennerman [deserted];Hugh Menaugh; Theodore Miller?; John Mountjoy?;Alexander Roy; Patrick Smith?; John Sparks?; FreegiftStoute; John Wilson*.

* Those thus marked descended the Arkansaw river, andarrived at New Orleans some time about the ?? ofFebruary, 1807.

? Those thus marked are still detained in New Spain.[VI'-5]

The balance [except Kennerman] arrived at the Nachitocheson or about the 1st of July, 1807. But it may probablybe better to leave the whole time undefined, to beregulated by the honorable secretary of war.


[I-1] Belle Fontaine or Bellefontaine is the name of the large cemetery in the environsof St. Louis, where William Clark lies buried; and probably few personsnow living know its proper geographical connotation. The cemetery isfour miles from the Court House, and ten miles further is the place whose namewas given to the burying-ground on the road thither, after its original designationas the Rural Cemetery. Belle Fontaine was a place on the south bank ofthe river, 14 m. north of St. Louis, in what is now St. Ferdinand township ofSt. Louis Co. (Sect. 10, T. 47 N., R. 7 E. of this county). Before therewas any such "place," or locality, Belle Fontaine was the French name ofthe creek which falls in there, which had been called Ferdinand by the Spanish,and which became known to the English as Cold Water creek, there being afine large spring under the bluffs, close to the Missouri. This, however, waswashed away by the encroachment of the river. We find the latter name inLewis and Clark, who made the first camp of their expedition on Green isl., oppositethe mouth of the creek, May 14th, 1804. There was nothing then at theplace that was soon to become forever notable as the spot where was built thefirst military post ever established in the newly acquired territory of Louisiana.Much early history attaches to the locality, some of which may be here epitomized,mainly on the basis of Billon's Annals. In 1768, when St. Louis was butbegun, Captain Rios arrived with 25 soldiers under orders from Count Ulloa toestablish Spanish authority in the region where things were at a standstill, if notin distraction. Rios was persona non grata in the infant St. Louis; he withdrew,and selected Belle Fontaine as a suitable location for a post. Late in 1768he there built a fort which he called Fort Prince Charles in honor of the son ofhis king and heir apparent to the Spanish throne. In 1769 Rios left with his men;in 1770 Piernas came. The Spanish presidio was soon turned into a commercialfactory or trading-post. On Sept. 10th, 1797, Governor Zenon Trudeaugranted to Hezekiah Lord a concession of 1,000 arpents of land on Belle Fontaineor Cold Water cr.; and on the site of the former Spanish fort Lord built ahouse and mill. He died in 1799; his estate was sold in partition in 1803,when 600 arpents were bought by William Massey. In 1805, General JamesWilkinson selected the place for a military establishment, and United Statestroops were first cantoned in temporary quarters during the winter of 1805-6.This was the original Cantonment Belle Fontaine. On April 20th, 1806, GeneralWilkinson purchased from Massey, on behalf of the United States, five acresof ground with the improvements, called Belle Fontaine, with the use for fiveyears of the ground on which had been located the cantonment, and upon thesefive acres established a permanent post. In July, 1806, he purchased the restof the tract of 500 arpents, which was conveyed to the United States in Mar.,1809. Belle Fontaine was really the parent of Jefferson Barracks; for, afterthe establishment of Forts Atkinson, Snelling, and others on the Missouri andMississippi frontiers, it lost its importance from a military point of view, andwas abandoned for the site of the present Jefferson Barracks. This in 1825; onJuly 4th of which year Colonel Talbot Chambers, with four companies of the 1stUnited States Infantry, evacuated Belle Fontaine and proceeded to the new sitewhich had been selected, though the place remained for some ten years in chargeof a military storekeeper, Major John Whistler. General Lewis Cass, Secretaryof War under Van Buren, ordered it to be sold at public auction in 1836. Itwas bought by Jamison Samuel, Dunham Spalding, H. N. Davis, and E. L.Langham, who laid out a paper town that never came to anything. Agriculturefinally reclaimed Belle Fontaine after the military occupancy; it was bought fora farm by the late Dr. David C. Tandy of St. Louis, whose son, Robert E.Tandy, now or lately did live there. The old road can still be traced in partover ground where it ran more than a century ago.

[I-2] The roster of the party, with some of the most notable particulars, is asfollows:


1. Captain Zebulon M. Pike. Escorted to Mexico from his post on the RioConejos, with six privates, by Spanish dragoons, Feb. 26th, 1807. His men,excepting one left with Jackson, were Brown, Carter, Gorden, Menaugh, Mountjoy,Roy, and Stoute.

2. Lieutenant James B. Wilkinson. Detached to descend the Arkansaw withfive men, from camp near Great Bend, Aug. 28th, 1806.


1. Sergeant Joseph Ballenger. Went with Wilkinson.

2. Sergeant William E. Meek. Sent from Rio Conejos to relief of abandonedmen, Feb. 19th, 1807.

3. Corporal Jeremiah R. Jackson. Left in charge of post on Rio Conejos,with Carter, Feb. 26th, 1807, to await return of Meek and Miller withVasquez, Smith, Sparks, and Dougherty.


1. John Boley. Went with Wilkinson, Aug. 28th, 1806.

2. Samuel Bradley. Went with Wilkinson, Aug. 28th, 1806.

3. John Brown. Left with Jackson on Rio Conejos, Feb. 26th, 1807.

4. Jacob Carter. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

5. Thomas Dougherty. Abandoned in Sangre de Cristo mountains withfrozen feet, Jan. 22d, 1807.

6. William Gorden. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

7. Solomon Huddleston. Went with Wilkinson, Aug. 28th, 1806.

8. Henry Kennerman. Deserted July 19th, 1806.

9. Hugh Menaugh. Abandoned in Sangre de Cristo mountains, Jan. 27th,1807; recovered on Rio Conejos, Feb. 18th, 1807; went with Pike, Feb. 26th,1807.

10. Theodore Miller. Went with Meek to relief of abandoned men, Feb.19th, 1807.

11. John Mountjoy. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

12. Alexander Roy. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

13. Patrick Smith. Left with Vasquez on the Arkansaw at site of presentCa�on City, Jan. 14th, 1807.

14. John Sparks. Abandoned in Sangre de Cristo mountains with frozenfeet, Jan. 22d, 1807.

15. Freegift Stoute. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

16. John Wilson. Went with Wilkinson, Aug. 28th, 1806.


1. Dr. John H. Robinson, volunteer surgeon. Left Pike on the Rio Conejosto proceed to Santa F� alone, Feb. 7th, 1807.

2. Interpreter A. F. Baronet Vasquez. Left with Smith on the Arkansaw,at site of present Ca�on City, Jan. 14th, 1807.

Of these persons?

(1) Lieutenant Wilkinson, Sergeant Ballenger, and Privates Boley, Bradley,Huddleston, and Wilson descended the Arkansaw and reached New Orleans inFebruary, 1807.

(2) Private Kennerman deserted.

(3) Dr. Robinson left Captain Pike at the post on Conejos r., and went toMexico on his own account.

(4) Captain Pike, Sergeant Meek, Corporal Jackson, Privates Brown, Carter,Dougherty, Gorden, Menaugh, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy, Smith, Sparks, Stoute,and Interpreter Vasquez were escorted in separated parties to Mexico bySpanish dragoons. Of whom?

(5) Captain Pike, Privates Brown, Gorden, Menaugh, Roy, and Stoute wereescorted back to the United States, and reached Nachitoches on or about July1st, 1807; while?

(6) Sergeant Meek, Corporal Jackson, Privates Carter, Dougherty, Miller,Mountjoy, Smith, and Sparks, and Interpreter Vasquez, were still detained inMexico at the time of Pike's return, and are not accounted for in his narrative.

(7) The 51 Indians, which raised to 74 the total of persons who left BelleFontaine, were all dropped at their respective destinations, and no others werepermanently attached to the party which reached the Rocky mts.

[I-3] Past present Jamestown ldg. to Carbunker's pt., off which the large Pelicanisl. now separates Car of Commerce bend from Pelican bend.

[I-4] See L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 6, and Pike's Dissertation, etc., beyond. Thevillage was then the seat of justice of the District of St. Charles, Louisiana Territory,as it is now of St. Charles Co., Mo. The Wabash, St. L. and Pac. R.R. bridged the Mo. r. here; opposite is Bon Fils station; also Brotherton. St.Charles was not so called till 1784; the place had been known as Les PetitesC�tes, where the hunter Blanchette settled about 1770: note41, p. 214. In to-day'sjourney Pike passed the place known as Piper's (or Fifer's) ldg.: see the mark"Ferry" on his map. The principal point was the coal hill on the south, thenknown as La Charbonni�re, now Charbonnier pt. A present or recent placeof ferriage is Music's or Hall's; some of the landings are Heagler's, Kemp's,and Orick's or Orrick's; some of the present islands above the Pelicans areCharbonnier or Mullanphy, Holmes, and Vingt-une. There was a marsh or lakeon the N. side, 5 or 6 m. below St. Charles, which the French called MaraisCroche, Crooked marsh; some maps now make it Marie Croche l.

[I-5] M. de Lisa was one of the most noted Missourian Indian traders in thosedays. This is certainly not the last, and probably not the first, time he playedexactly that trick. Pike has a good deal to say of him further on: see also L.and C., pp. lxxix, 62, 242, 256, 443, 1153, 1154, 1232, where my notes refer tofurther information in Brackenridge's Travels and Irving's Astoria. Lisa was atone time associated with Captain Clark in the fur-trade.

[I-6] One of the two letters Pike wrote to Wilkinson formed No. 3 of the App.to Pt. 2 of the orig. ed. See beyond, where it is given.

[I-7] See L. and C., ed. 1893, pp. 2, 8, 1182, 1211; also, p. 1257, where Charette'scr. and village are given, showing this to be a personal name. We cometo the place presently.

[I-8] This letter formed No. 4 of the App. to Pt. 2 of the orig. ed. It is givenbeyond.

[I-9] This mileage would set Pike about Cottleville ldg., on the N., though Ihardly think he got quite so far. He passed Fee Fee and Cr�vec?ur creeks onthe S., latter discharging from Cr�vec?ur l.; Little Duckett and Big Duckettcreeks, near together, on the N.; Catfish isl., behind which is Howard bend,into which Bon Homme or Good Man's r. falls, about opposite the middle ofGreen's bottom, N., 3� m. long, separated by Green's chute from Bon Hommeisl., next above which comes Bacon's or Post's isl., and then Cottleville ldg. IfPike reached this place, he was 44 m. from the mouth of the Missouri, accordingto recent charts.

[I-10] Late Sergeant Henry Kennerman, reduced to the ranks for cause at Pike'sstockade on the Upper Mississippi r., Mar. 9th, 1806: see p. 181 and note10,p. 245. He was posted as a deserter in various places, but we are not told hewas retaken. He drops out of the story at this point. With Kennermandeserted, Vasquez arrested, and Geo. Henry engaged, the whites of the party arenow 23 - 2 + 1 = 22; Vasquez rejoins on the 21st, when the roster is again 23.

[I-11] Position uncertain, especially as the text of the 18th-20th cannot be squaredwith the camp-marks on Pike's map. Going by the text, which agrees with theactual geography better than the map does, we may set Pike in the vicinity ofSt. Albans. To reach this point from his last camp he passes places on the N.now known as Cottleville ldg., Hamburg, and Dozier's ldg. At the last namedFemme Osage r. falls into the lower end of Dozier's bend. The Missouri ishere 1�-2 m. broad, and mostly filled with Howell's isl., 2� m. long, somesmall islands, and various sand-bars. Thence on the N. or rather N. W. is abottom 8 m. long and a mile or more deep; while on the S. E. is a nearly unbrokenline of bluffs which the river washes from Port Royal (in Franklin Co.,just over the border of St. Louis Co.) to St. Albans. At one place in these rocksis the cave formerly, and perhaps still, known as the Tavern: see L. and C., ed.1893, p. 8, and Pike's map, place lettered "Cave." The small stream whichmakes in on the S. W. at St. Albans is still called Tavern cr.; and directlyopposite is Murdoch's ldg. The Mo. R. Comm. charts of 1879 mark a placeMissouriton on the N. W., 2 m. below Murdoch's ldg. Nicollet's map, pub.1843, marks Missouriton on the N., slightly below mouth of Femme Osage r.,about position of present Hamburg.

[I-12] The "point to the south" which Pike passes I take to be that opp. Cottlebaum'sldg., at the mouth of Ridenour or Fiddle cr., at the head of the difficultplace called Devil's Race-ground by Lewis and Clark: see ed. of 1893, p. 8.This is a couple of miles above St. Albans, at the 55th river-mile point of recentsurveys. The bluffs continue a mile or so, and then, at the mouth ofLabadie's cr. or slough, begins the extensive Labadie's bottom on the S., forthe Missouri crosses over to the bluffs on the N., and continues on that side tothe town of Augusta, St. Charles Co. Thence the channel runs obliquely by theAugusta and Hinkley bends, between Labadie's and Hancock's bottoms, to the S.side again. Here, at Mung's or South Point isl., is the lower end of the "longreach," N. W., in which Pike says he camped. We set him on the S., at themouth of Dubois or Wood cr., where there is now a place called South Point.This is directly opposite the line between St. Charles and Warren cos. on theN.; it is about 2 m. below Washington, Franklin Co., and at the 67th mile-pointfrom the mouth of the Missouri. Pike maps the stream in the right place,but by the wrong name of "Ash R."

[I-13] The proper name of the interpreter, whom Pike usually calls "Baroney,"was A. F. Baronet Vasquez. He was b. St. Louis, 1783; his wife was EmilyFaustine Parent. He was the son of Benito Vasquez (b. 1750) and Julia Papin(married Nov. 27th, 1774), and was the fifth child of 12 they had. He appearsin army registers as Barony Vasquez, appointed to be an ensign in the2nd Infantry Dec. 12th, 1808; transferred to 1st Infantry Oct. 31st, 1810;commissioned as second lieutenant Mar. 4th, 1811; promoted to a first lieutenancyJuly 30th, 1813; and resigned Oct. 1st, 1814. See also a letter abouthim in my Memoir of Pike, ante�.

[I-14] See note7, p. 361. La Charette is still the name of the stream, and of theextensive bottom on the N. side through which the river seeks the Missouri.But the settlement once so called is not to be found by this name on modern maps.Instead of this we have Marthasville (3 m. N. of which stands still the house inwhich Daniel Boone died), a village about a mile from the Missouri, and nearlymidway between the points where La Charette cr. and Tuque cr. respectively enterthe bottom. Marthasville appears on maps of 50 years ago, as for example, onNicollet's, 1843. Gass calls the place St. Johns where he camped May 25th,1804; it then had seven houses: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 8. St. Johns is nowthe name of the largest one of a cluster of islands and sand-bars in an expandedpart of the Missouri, between the mouth of La Charette cr. on the N. and ofSt. Johns or Bourbeuse cr. on the S., 2 m. and more above the town of Washington,Franklin Co. Pike maps "St. Johns R." correctly between his "AshR." (error for Wood or Dubois cr.) and his "Bay R." (error for B?uf r.).Washington is the most notable place Pike passes to-day; it is now quite atown, large enough to have started a place opposite itself, called North Washington,on Lac's pt. in Warren Co. Here is where, at the 69th river-mile point,a creek falls in on the N.; it is commonly called Tuque cr., though Sheet III.of the Mo. R. Comm. charts has "Duke" as the name. It looks like a Frenchword, but whether it be a personal name, or derived from Toque or Turque,does not appear. It is one of two creeks which L. and C. speak of passing onthe N., May 25th; the other one of these has never been identified. Butthere is an old lake bed, or something of the sort, a couple of miles back ofNorth Washington, in Hancock's bottom, under the bluffs, and I imagine thisonce discharged about opp. Dubois or Wood cr.?say at Rieskamp's place, onthe boundary between St. Charles and Warren cos. Tuque cr. itself seems tohave had more than one outlet, in the course of the several miles it meandersthe low land and separates Hancock's bottom from La Charette.

[I-15] Originally Docs. Nos. 5 and 6, p. 33 and p. 36 of the App. to Pt. 2. Theyare given beyond.

[I-16] To camp at New Haven, Franklin Co., a considerable town which hasgrown up of late years at the place formerly known as Miller's ldg., on the S.,a little below Pinckney pt. Passing through Charette bend, beyond Patton'spt. and ldg., Pike comes to the mouth of the Rivi�re au B?uf of theFrench, now B?uf or Buffalo r., which falls in on the S. behind B?uf, Buffalo,or Shelton's isl., about a mile below Dundee station of the Mo. Pac. R. R.This is the stream by error lettered "Bay R." on Pike's map. On roundingEmily and Miller bends, Pike comes to his camp, say at the 85th river-milepoint of late surveys. Here he is 1� m. below a place which was charted byNicollet in 1843 as Griswold, and which may be found on maps of but few yearsago, but has since disappeared. On the N., opp. Griswold, was a place calledPinckney or Pinckneyville, seat of Warren Co. about 1825, and there is still ahamlet of the same name in the vicinity. The Shepherd r. which the abovetext mentions falls in about a mile above Griswold and the same below thepresent R. R. station Etlah. This is Shepherd's cr. of L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 9,but is oftener now called Berger r. or cr. I am told by R. J. Holcombe thatthe word is not the common F. noun berger, a shepherd, but a personal name,probably of the old German pioneer Caspar Burger, a founder of the colonythere; if so, it should not have been translated into English. The word is mangledinto "Boeger" on the beautiful chart of the Mo. R. Comm. It is a pity that somany cases as bad as this one mar the lettering of such fine draughtsman's workas Mr. D. W. Wellman's. Berger's or Burger's cr. comes into the bottom 2 m.above its mouth, and is there joined by Little Berger's or Burger's cr., which runsabout 4� m. in the bottom before its confluence; the two thus make what isknown as Berger's (i. e., Burger's) bottom nearly an island, 6 or 7 m. long.

[I-17] On rounding Pinckney pt. through the bend of that name, Pike passes themouth of Berger's cr., opp. Yeager's ldg., crosses to the N. side of the Missouri,and sails along with Berger's bottom on his left for several miles; he goes byWhitehouse's isl., near which L. and C. were camped May 26th, 1804, andon finishing with Berger's bottom, reaches a place on the N. called Bridgeport.This is pretty old for a Missouri River town; we find it located more than 50years ago, and it still exists in name, but has never amounted to much.Opp. Bridgeport is Bates' isl., 2 m. long, the largest one of several at the headof Berger's bottom. In the vicinity of Bridgeport several small creeks fall in onthe N. Three of these are called Lost cr., Massas (qu. Massey's?) cr., and Malhern(qu. Malheur?) cr. Excepting Lost cr., these fall into Chenal � Loutre orOtter slough; and this snicarty cuts off a very large piece of bottom known as�le � Loutre or Otter isl. L. and C. speak of this as nearly 10 m. long, and saythat it was one of the most fertile in the whole river. The details of the riverbottom along here seem to have altered a good deal since 1804, and even sinceLong's time; the upper end of the slough is now a little above Hermann, nearMcGirk's isl. and ldg., cutting the island down to a total length of not over 7 m.The slough itself is very narrow, and hardly more than a sluggish creek, like agood many others that meander bottoms before they discharge. L. and C.speak of three creeks which fall in behind Otter isl., and one of these as havingthe same name. This is Rivi�re � la Loutre of early F. settlers, now Loutre,Louter, or Luter r., and Otter r., very curiously lettered on the Mo. R. Comm.map, as "L'Outre"?a form which only needs an accent to be decidedly outr�.Pike maps the stream as "Otter Riv." He proceeds by Otter or Loutre Islandbend to a mile or so above Hermann, and camps on the S. In finishing thebend just named he passes on the S. the county line between Franklin andGasconade, which cuts through Bates' isl., and then on the N. the line betweenWarren and Montgomery cos., which cuts the upper part of Otter isl. atthe lower point of Hermann isl., opp. the town of this name. This is nowquite a place, and more than 50 years old. It is situated across the mouth ofRivi�re aux Fr�nes of the F., commonly called Frene cr. and Ash cr., but uncommonlyappearing as "Frame" cr. on the Mo. R. Comm. map. Pike doesnot map Ash cr., though it is given under this name by L. and C.: for thestream he marks "Ash R." by mistake, see note12, p. 363.

Loutre isl. is quite historic. A number of Americans and some Frenchfamilies settled there in 1805; first child born was Jacob Grosjean (name corruptedto Groshong); one b. 1806 became the local celebrity known as "oldman Patton," living in 1884. Fort Clemson was built by Capt. Clemson about1808, and maintained till after the war of 1812-15. From 1808 to 1816there was quite a colony, whence were drawn the settlers for Boone's Lick,Howard Co. On the N. mainland the colonists, when the war broke out, werekilled in part, and the rest driven to the island to be "forted up" till the peace.Fort Clemson was a Rangers' hdqrs. in the war, and from this post Capt. JamesCallaway, grandson of Daniel Boone, set out in March, 1815, on the expeditionup Loutre r., during which he and others were killed. Daniel Boone's Spanishgrant from Gov. Delassus was about 15 m. up the Loutre, and included a saltspring?the original and only genuine "Boone's Lick"; Boone's adopted sonVan Bibber kept a tavern there, where Washington Irving stopped some time inthe '30's; it is now reputed a medicinal spring in the little village Mineola, nearDanville, seat of Montgomery Co.

[I-18] Passing McGirk's ldg. and isl. N., Cole's or Coles' cr., S., Rineland andKallmeyer's ldgs., S., to the mouth of the Gasconade, which falls in on the S.,opp. Cuyler's pt., 107? m. up the Missouri: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 9.This is much the largest tributary of the Missouri thus far reached; Pike elsewhereallows it 200 yards' width at the mouth, and navigability at times of 100m. He also notes that the Sac boundary started opp. its mouth: see note14,p. 11. Gasconade City is a place on the tongue of land that makes into theMissouri on the upper side of the Gasconade; being a mere village or hamlet,is as appropriately named as the river itself, which got its name from theway some persons bragged about their exploits when they returned to St. Louis.Beck's Gaz. speaks of pine which was cut and rafted down, but there has beennone for 60 years within 150 miles.

[I-19] One of these letters, given beyond, formed No. 7, p. 36, of the App. toPt. 2. of the orig. ed.

[I-20] Pike's map marks no camp for the 26th. The distance between Gasconadeand Osage rivers is exactly 30 m. by the channel. Pike says he goes 15 m.to-day; I doubt that he went so far if he did not leave the Gasconade till 6.30p. m. But to take the record on its face would be to set him a mile aboveFisher's ldg., on the S., in the vicinity of the hamlet called Chamois, in OsageCo. On decamping and ferrying over the Gasconade, Pike first passed themouth of Bailey's cr. (Deer cr. of L. and C.), on the S., whence the channel tookhim obliquely to Bluffton on the N., 5 m. above the Gasconade. The bluffsborder the river for about 4 m. along here, and at one place in them is the cavewhich used to be known as Montbrun's Tavern: see L. and C., l. c. At 1 or1� m. above Bluffton the line between Montgomery and Callaway cos. comesto the Missouri just about opp. the line between Gasconade and Osage cos. onthe S.; this last strikes the river-bottom just where Bailey's cr. also does. At5 m. above Bluffton is Portland, Callaway Co., before reaching which Pikepasses Little Tavern and Big Tavern creeks, which are a mile apart, on the N.,and both opp. Portland isl., 2 m. long; while a mile above Portland is the mouthof Logan cr. On the S. along here is a creek whose mysteries I have neverbeen able to fathom. This is Rush cr. of L. and C., l. c., given by them as4 m. above Montbrun's Tavern, on the S. It is called Greassy cr. by the Mo.R. Comm., and Greasy cr. by the U. S. G. S.; the latter name is probably correct.It comes into the bottom in the vicinity of Chamois, about the 121st river-milepoint, meanders down for several miles, and finally discharges behindPortland isl., somewhere between the 117th and 115th m. of the Mo. R. Comm.

[I-21] To an interesting locality?that of the old French village, C�te sans Dessein,so called from the celebrated long narrow ledge of rocks of the same nameimmediately above, isolated on the N. bank of the river opposite Dodd's isl.In approaching the Osage, Pike maps two streams from the N., respectivelylettered "Gr. R. au vase" and "L. R. au vase." The first of theseis Grande Rivi�re au Vase or Grande Rivi�re Vaseuse of the F., which appearson the best modern maps as Au Vasse and Auxvasse r.?better talk Englishthan such Missouri French as this, and say Big Muddy r., as L. and C. did!This considerable stream falls in a mile above Harrison's ldg., about 123� m.by the channel from the mouth of the Missouri. The other is Little Muddy r.of L. and C., who translated Petite Rivi�re au Vase (or Petite Rivi�re Vaseuse)better than those do who now style it Au Vasse cr. or Auxvasse cr. This creekjoins in the bottom-land another now called Middle r. or cr., and the two fall intogether a mile above the village of St. Aubert, Callaway Co. Moreover: betweenthe Big and the Little Muddy there is a third creek, distinct from boththe others, falling in 1� m. below St. Aubert. This is simply called Muddy cr.on the Mo. R. Comm. map; on that of the U. S. G. S. it is lettered Ewing's cr.A branch of this is lettered by the U. S. G. S. East Wing cr.?a name which Isuspect originated in mistaking "Ewing" for "E. Wing." On the S. sideof the Missouri Pike passes two small streams, both historically notable. Thefirst of these is the one which L. and C. called Grindstone cr., when theycamped at its mouth May 30th, 1804; but it is now known as Deer cr. It fallsin behind St. Aubert's isl., a mile below St. Aubert station on the Mo. Pac. R. R.,or the village now called Medora, 126? m. up the Mo. r. One Carr has or hadhis home at the mouth of this creek. The other creek is 4� m. above Grindstoneor Deer cr., and 1� m. above Shipley's ldg.; it is the one L. and C.called Bear cr., May 31st, 1804; Pike charted it "Bear R.," and it is now calledBear or Loose cr. I suppose "Loose" cr. to be a loose translation of F. R. �l'Ours or � l'Ourse, according to whether it was a he-bear or a she-bear whichthe Frenchman who first named the creek killed there. In any event this streamhas given name to the village of Loose Creek and to Bear Creek isl., oppositeits mouth. Four miles higher on the S., opposite the foot of Dodd's isl., is thevillage of Dauphine at the place where one Ben�t, B�nite, Benoit, Bennet, Bonnet,Bonnot, or Bennight built his mill, 15-20 years ago. Dauphine is almostexactly opposite the site of the old French village above named, which startedabout 1808 and had a dozen or more families in 1811. There is a sort of settlementin this vicinity immediately at the lower end of the C�te sans Dessein, atone time known as Bennet's ldg.; people named Gray, Crews, and Maddox liveor lived there. Behind the C�te are some small lakes or ponds discharging byR. aux Riveaux or Riveaux cr. (as it is called) around the upper end of the C�te,near Dearing's ldg. Hence it is only 1� m. diagonally across the Missouri toGlenn's ldg. at the mouth of the Osage r. See L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 11.

[I-22] Arising in the Ozark mts. of Kansas, the Osage r. leaves that State andenters Missouri in Vernon Co., which it delimits in part from Bates Co.; traversesSt. Clair and continues past the corner where this, Henry, and Bentoncos. adjoin; traverses Benton, enters Morgan, forms a part of the boundarybetween this and Camden, makes a loop through the latter and again separatesit for a short space from Morgan, then for a little distance separates Camdenfrom Miller, traverses the latter, enters Cole, and finally runs to the Mo. r.between this last and Osage cos. We shall learn much more of this stream aswe follow it up in Pike's wake. There is a village called Osage City at itsmouth on the west bank; Pike's camp is also on this side, in Cole Co., past twosmall tributaries known as Caddy and Sandford's creeks, and not far aboveMaries r., which comes from Pulaski through Maries (named for two Frenchgirls) and Osage cos. to fall in on the E. or right (left hand) bank. A Spanishfort (trading-house) was built about 1795 near the mouth of the Osage.

[I-23] No further indication of camp of 29th, which is also omitted by the draughtsmanor engraver from Pike's map; nor is there any notable modern localityalong here. But it must be short of where the Osage, after coursing in ColeCo., begins to separate the latter from Osage Co. Nearest present settlements,Babbtown, Osage Co., and St. Thomas, Cole Co.

[I-24] In Cole Co., and a mile or two above Proft's cr.; about 2 m. N. E. of St.Thomas, and 4 m. S. E. of Osage Bluff.

[I-25] Camp a little above Big Tavern cr., from the E., in Miller Co., on whicheverside of the river it was pitched. There is no mark on Pike's map for this camp, northose of Aug. 2d and 3d. The nearest named places to the camp of July 31stand Aug. 1st, and that of Aug. 2d (only 2 m. further), are St. Elizabeth, onBig Tavern cr., and Mary's Home, west of the Osage?both in Miller Co., butboth some miles away from the river. On breaking camp this morning, Pikepassed on his right the bluffs from which the hamlet of Osage Bluff takes itsname; this is about a mile north of the river. He later passed Babruly cr.,from the W., whose name is obviously a corruption of Bois Br�l�; then Sugarcr., from the E., and next Little Tavern cr., falling in from the W. a mile ortwo below Big Tavern cr. There was more than one cave or "tavern" in thebluff near the creek: see figure of one, where the early Osage boatmen used toput up, in the Mo. Geol. Reports.

[I-26] Passing Cub cr., right; Humphrey's and Panther creeks, left; then the presentSaline cr., on the right. This is laid down and lettered "Saline R." onPike's map; but observe that it is not the Saline r. of Aug. 7th: see that date.Above Saline cr. Pike passes Dog cr., left, and then present site of Tuscumbia,seat of Miller Co., on the right; and camps at or near present site of Brockman,on the right, a mile above Bear cr., in the same county.

[I-27] Taking Pike past a place called Bagnell, on the right, just below presentLittle Gravois cr., in Miller Co., and setting him somewhere about the point onthe river where Miller, Morgan, and Camden cos. come together?the latter onthe S., the two former on the N. side, as the river is here running E. Hiscamp of Aug. 4th and 5th is marked on his map, on the left, just below themouth of his Little Gravel r., which he passes on the 6th: see next note.

[I-28] On the right hand as Pike ascends, left bank of the Osage, and rather onthe N. than W., as the general course of the river is to the E. The "Gravel"rivers of Pike require attention in identifying them with ours. The Osage ishere making an ox-bow bend, which reverses points of the compass so far as atraveler's right and left are concerned. The stream now in question, Gravel r.of the above text, lettered "L. Gravel R." on the map, is that now known asBig Gravois, Gravis, or Gravel cr., running in Morgan Co., with a place calledGladstone near its mouth, one known as Gravois Mills higher up, and someof whose branches are called Indian, Soap, and Mill creeks. Cape Galena is2� m. above the mouth of this river. Present Little Gravois cr. is that onewith Bagnell just below its mouth; it is laid down by an unlettered trace onPike's map. The correct form of the word is Gravois, being F. gravois, rubbish,rubble, whence "Gravel."

[I-29] Not the Saline r. of Pike's map, which was passed on the 3d. "Salineriver" of the present text is a slip of the pen or memory; Pike meant to sayGreat Gravel r., as correctly laid down by this name on his map on the left orsouth, being lettered "G. Gravel R." This is not the Great Gravel or BigGravois cr. of present maps, but the considerable stream now known as GrandAuglaise cr.?a name also perverted from the F. word glaise, clay, into Glaizeor Wet Glaize cr. It heads in Laclede and Pulaski cos., in close relation withsources of the Gasconade, and runs about N. N. W. through Camden Co. to fallinto the Osage from the S., on the right bank of the river, on Pike's left, at ornear a place called Blackman's Mills. The Osage is here turning from its E.course to N., whence it soon bends W., then loops N. and again E., where itreceives present Big or Pike's Little Gravel r., and completes another ox-bowbend. Camp of the 7th, opposite the notable bluff called "La Belle Roche," ismarked on Pike's map, not far above a place now called Damsel, on the otherside of the Osage; whence the Yungar is reached for breakfast on the 8th.

[I-30] Sic, usually in Pike, and I make no change. But "Cheveux Blanche" is aphrase joining a masculine plural noun to a feminine singular adjective. TheEnglish ed. alters to Cheveu Blanc; but as doubtless the savage had more thanone hair of that color, probably Cheveux Blancs would be better in form andfact for the F. name of the person also known as White Hair.

[I-31] Before the Youngar is reached Pike passes on his left Linn cr.; county seatcalled Linn Creek, a mile above its mouth. The name of the river has fluctuatedwidely. Pike has Yungar, Youngar, and also Nehemgar; the latest G. L.O. and U. S. G. S. maps letter Niangua. The word, whatever may be its preferableform, is the Osage name of the bear, though by some it is said to refer tothe numerous springs at the sources of the stream. It is by far the largest tributaryof the Osage thus far reached; Pike credits it with a canoe navigation of100 m. The main stream heads in Webster Co., in relation with sources of theOsage fork of the Gasconade, and runs through Dallas Co., also touching the W.border of Laclede, into Camden; its tributaries are numerous and widespread.One called Little Niangua falls in on the W., 6 or 8 m. above the mouth of themain river. To-day's voyage takes the Expedition past Purvis, and finishesabout 4 m. above Bolinger or Bollinger cr., from the S., on which are the OsageIron Works.

[I-32] Pike's map marks none of the places passed to-day by the names given inhis text. We have therefore a triple adjustment to make?of map with text, andof these with modern geography. This I can do, bearing in mind that Pikedoes not necessarily mention places in the order in which they are passed enroute, and that all his mileages are guessed at by the hours spent in makingthem. His map marks camp of Aug. 8th a good ways above the Niangua, andI set it 4 m. above Bolinger cr., as already said. For the 9th the map has: (1)Big Rock cr., right; (2) Rapids; (3) Slave r., right; (4) camp, right. Thefacts in the case are: Pearson's branch, left; Wells' branch, right; Proctor cr.,right, on which is Proctor; Raney, Rainey, or Rainy cr., left, with Crittendenat its mouth?none of the foregoing noted by Pike in any way; then (1) LittleBuffalo cr., right, on or near which is a place called Search; (2) rapids along along curved bluff, right, with three little creeks on the left; (3) Big Buffalo cr.,right, with a place called Riverview at its mouth; (4) camp, right. This makesabout 25 m., barely over the border of Morgan into Benton Co., Big Buffalocr. falling in just short of the same boundary; whence it is evident that (1)Big Rock cr. of the map is (1) Little Buffalo cr., on which is Search; (3) Slave r.of the map is (3) Big Buffalo cr., on which is Riverview; and this last is theUpper Gravel cr. of the text. This ends the day, for by no stretch can we getPike past Pottoe r. of the text: see next note for this.

[I-33] Text gives no geography to-day, but the map shows three large streamsbetween the camp-marks of 9th and 10th. These are: (1) a river, left, lettered"P. R."?that is, "Pottoe" r.; (2) Francis r., right; (3) Cardinal r., left.The facts in the case are: Knobby cr., left, small, at lower point of Williamsisl., large; (1) a large creek, left, falling in at head of Williams isl., calledBeaver cr. on the G. L. O. map, Deer cr. on the U. S. G. S. map, and onwhich is a place named Hastain; 2 m. above its mouth is another placecalled Duroc, on the S. bank of the Osage; (2) a very large creek, right,variously called Vermilion, Coal Camp or Cole Camp cr.; (3) a very largecreek, left, called Turkey cr. These three are of the relative sizes and inthe relative positions of the three that Pike charts; so that unquestionably"P. R." or "Pottoe" r. of Pike's map is (1) the Beaver or Deer cr.; (2)Francis r. is the Vermilion or Cole or Coal Camp cr.; and (3) Cardinal r. is theTurkey cr. It is true Pike says his Pottoe cr. was passed on the 9th; but hismap shows otherwise; and if it had been, that is a question of the location ofcamp for the 9th, not affecting the identification of the streams here made.The queer name "Pottoe" I suppose to be intended for Poteau, and not amisprint for Potatoe: see the name Pomme de Terre or Potatoe for a river furtheron. Where Pike got his name Francis r. I have no idea. His Cardinal r.I imagine was so called by some confusion with Vermilion r.; for cardinal andvermilion are two names of a red color?in the one case worn by certain churchdignitaries on their heads, in the other by cochineal insects on their bodies.Camp of the 10th (and 11th) is 3 or 4 m. above Turkey cr.

[I-34] The lacuna of the orig. text can be supplied from the map, which markscamp of the 12th as above said. On decamping this morning Pike passed whathe charts as Cave cr. This is the middle one of three insignificant runs whichmake in on the right. "Vermillion" r. of to-day is a mistake. This is thestream Pike charts as Deep cr., on the right, immediately below Grand r., andis that now called Little Tebo, Teabo, Tabo, Tebeau, etc. These are commonlysupposed to be forms of a personal name; but I am informed by R. I.Holcombe they are perversions of Terre Beau, old name of the prairie in LafayetteCo. where the "Tebo" r. that flows into the Missouri rises. The Osagetributary called Tebo, etc., falls in a mile below Grand r.; its E. fork is meanderedfor some miles by the Sedalia, Warsaw and Southern branch of the Mo.Pac. R. R., which then leaves the creek and strikes the Osage 2� m. belowWarsaw. This is the county seat of Benton, on the N. bank of the Osage, 2 m.below Little Tabeau cr. and three below Grand r., opposite the very large islandalso called Warsaw. Grand r. of the text and present maps is the largest branchof the Osage passed since the Niangua was left. It falls in on the N., a milebelow Wright's isl. Some of its affluents head not far from Independence (onthe Mo. r.), and others in Kansas. Its largest branch is Big cr.; others areDeep Water and Big Tabeau. Camp is in the bight of the bend that receivesGrand r., between Wright's and Holloway isls.

Pike has mapped the river unmistakably along here, rendering identificationseasy; but the text is not so correct, and requires the interpretation I havegiven. The mileages of the 10th-12th seem excessive. Here, as in variousother places, he seems to have supplied the loss of orig. notes from memory.

[I-35] In making the circuit Pike passed two rivers which he charts by name as"Hallico R." and "Potatoe R.," both from the S., or on his left as he ascends.Potatoe is clearly the same name as Pomme de Terre, by which latter title isnow mapped the large stream which heads in Webster Co., cuts the N. E. cornerof Green, perhaps also the S. W. corner of Dallas, then traverses Polk andHickory, and in Benton falls into the bight of the bend of the Osage hereinmentioned. The natives call this river "Pumly Tar." Two miles above itsmouth it receives the Little Pomme de Terre, from the W., in the vicinity ofFairfield. A much smaller stream, next above on the same hand, which isreceived in the same bend of the Osage, is Hogle's cr. The relative situationsof these would make Pike's Hallico correspond to Pomme de Terre, and hisPotato to Hogle's. But I have no doubt he meant by Potato the river nowcalled Pomme de Terre, and we need not insist upon the reversal of names,especially as there may be some small stream below to answer to Hallico, andit would be nothing for Pike to pass over so small a creek as Hogle's, both inthe text and on the map.

[I-36] This letter formed Doc. No. 8 of the App. to Pt. 2. The name, omissionof which causes the hiatus in the text, is Chouteau. The letter was sent by oneBaptiste La Tulipe, who is no doubt the man of whom we read in Fr�mont,Rep. 1845, p. 18: "I had found an old companion on the northern prairie, ahardened and hardly-served veteran of the mountains, who had been as muchhacked and scarred as an old moustache of Napoleon's 'old guard.' Heflourished in the soubriquet of La Tulipe, and his real name I never knew."

[I-37] Near the N. E. corner of St. Clair Co. and the S. E. corner of Henry Co.The Park is a narrow, somewhat rectangular loop of the Osage, including somebold bluffs in its bight. The distance was much under "28" m., unless theriver were then even crookeder than it is now. We have to foreshorten themileages along here, in order to bring Pike into anything like the proper positionabove the mouth of Sac r. on the 16th. He passes five or six small creeksto-day, the last and largest being charted by Pike as Buckeye cr. This isWright's, from the S., in St. Clair Co. A mile above this is a large island,which seems to be Pike's Turkey isl.; and a mile above this is another, probablythat on which he camped.

[I-38] That is to say, Lieut. Wilkinson, Dr. Robinson, the interpreter, and onesoldier, who left the boats to march across country with some of the Indians,thus avoiding the periplus of several bends in the river.

[I-39] Pike is still considerably below the present site of Osceola, at the neck ofthe last remarkable bend the river makes some 6 or 7 m. (direct distance)from that town. At present this loop is 4 or 5 m. around and abouta quarter of a mile across at the narrowest part. It receives several creeksfrom the N. E., E., and S., the highest and largest now called Bear cr. Inthis day's course, which does not include the circuit of the bend, Pike chartsa certain "East River," which he runs in directly from the W. This correspondsin position with the stream now called Muddy cr., but if meant for thatit is drawn much too large?half as large as Grand r. itself.

[I-40] Several points require attention in this long course, whatever its actuallength may have been. 1. Passing Osceola in the forenoon, Pike reaches his"Grand Fork," i. e., the confluence of Sac r. with the Osage, at noon. Thisis clear, and the distance seems about right from the place where I set his campof the 15th. But the streams he charts on this course, below the forks, are notmore easily disposed of than was the "East" r. 2. Thus, on the same sideas "East" r., about halfway from this to the forks, he lays down two smallstreams from the W., the lower of which he names Light cr. There are in factseveral such; and it may be reasonable to assume that by Light cr. Pike meansthe largest of them. This is the one now called Gallinipper cr., which falls ina mile below Osceola, and which is now meandered for a few miles by both theKansas City, Clinton, and Springfield R. R., and the Kas. Cy. and SouthernR. R. 3. After rounding the bend above described, and passing the Bear cr.there said, Pike passes two creeks on his left, from the S., one of which he chartsby the name of Lime r. This probably answers to the stream now calledWablo, or Weablo, or Weaubleau cr. The other one of the two is Brushy cr.But the identification of Lime r. with Weaubleau cr., and of Light with Gallinipper,throws both out of relative position, and introduces a difficulty whichcan only be done away with by supposing an error of the map. 4. Osceola isthe seat of St. Clair Co., on the left hand going up river, 3 or 4 m. below themouth of Sac r. This village is notable as a point up to which steamboatsused to come, especially during our Civil War; it was burned in Sept., 1861, by"Jim" Lane (James Henry Lane, b. Lawrenceburg, Ind., June 22d, 1814, committedsuicide at Leavenworth, Kas., July, 1866); pop. lately 331. 5. Twoof the little crosses which usually mark Pike's camps are superfluous for the 14th-16th.One I cannot account for; the other evidently marks the spot whereBel Oiseau was killed, as there is the legend "Beloiseau Kill'd." Pike usuallycalls him Belle Oiseau; but the French noun is of the same gender as the Indianhimself. He was also known as Beautiful Bird. 6. The Sac is about as largeas the Osage at their confluence; it runs on an average due N. course fromLawrence, through Dade and Cedar, into St. Clair Co. We are told by theold pioneer "Jack" Beard that the river was so called because a party of Sacs(probably of the Missouri River band) camped on it about 1820; in the fall of1861 Sterling Price's rebel army were on this river for several weeks. 7. Campis set on the left bank or right hand of the Osage, above Salt cr., right, and justbelow the mouth of the stream from the N. called Mine r. in the text, butlettered "Mire Cr." on the map. This is the Little Monegan, Monegau, orMonegaw cr.; the place called Monegaw Springs is in the vicinity. (The namemay be preferably Monega, Osage word for "wolf.")

[I-41] Legended "Chouteau's" on the map, where the cross � also does duty forto-night's camp, two miles higher up. The spot can be identified by the coalbank and shoal mentioned, though the "41�" m. assigned for the day'sjourney take us beyond the confluence of the Little Osage, and we see by tomorrow'sitinerary that we are still half a day's sail short of that point. PierreChouteau's place was known in Spanish records as Fort Carondelet, and wasbuilt about 1790 at what is now called Halley's Bluff named for Col. AnselmHalley. It was an actual fortification with mounted swivels, which Lieut.Wilkinson speaks of in his Report (given beyond); but it was only maintainedfor a few years. The post is twice noticed in the Hist. of Vernon Co., 1887,by R. I. Holcombe, who informs me that he went over the ground, includingBlue Mound, Timbered Hill, and other places in the vicinity, and that someold caches in the sandstone may still be seen. 1. In the course of to-day's voyagethe map shows a large stream, unnamed, falling in from the N., on the right-handor left bank. This is evidently intended for Big Monegan or Monegawcr.; place called Dollie at its mouth. 2. Higher up, on the other side, anothernameless cr. is charted, from the S. This is Beshaw, better called Clear, cr.;quite large, coming from Barton, through Vernon, past the N. W. corner ofCedar, into St. Clair Co. 3. Above this, Pike has two traces, both from the N.,unnamed. One of these doubtless represents Panther or Painter cr., in BatesCo. Here the Mo., Kan. and Tex. R. R., a branch of the Mo. Pac. R. R.,crosses the Osage between Rockville on the N. and Schell City on the S. of thatriver. These places are 4 m. apart. A mile or two below this crossing theOsage now forms a circle circumscribing a large round island, nearly a mile indiameter, which may have been a bend in Pike's time. Several smaller streamsthan those just named fall into the Osage on either side, in the course of a fewmiles, as Miller, McKenzie, Shaw, Willow, and Lady's. The "10 Frenchhouses" Pike speaks of were opp. the mouth of Lady's cr. (named for one Wm.Lady). Camp was on the N. W. side of the Osage, near Lady's cr., and thusin the vicinity of Papinsville (old Harmony Mission).

[I-42] A most important point in this itinerary, for here is the junction of theLittle Osage with the main stream, which latter Pike now leaves to proceed upthe former to the villages, and so on into Kansas, etc. He elsewhere says:"The three branches of the [Osage] river, viz.: the large east fork [i. e.,Sac r., lying E. of where he now is], the middle one up which we ascended[i. e., Little Osage], and the northern one [i. e., main Osage]." The presentconfluence is at the point where Bates and Vernon cos. begin or cease to beseparated by the meanders of the Osage; for the Little Osage runs in VernonCo., and the main Osage, above the confluence, runs in Bates. There isa conspicuous mound in the prairie, a short distance S. of this "second fork,"giving name to Blue Mound township. Both forks head beyond (W. of) theMissouri State line, in Kansas, in which State the main Osage r. bears thename of Marais des Cygnes. The "large drift" in the Little Osage whichstopped the boats is marked and so legended on the map, a short distance abovethe forks. It seems to have been above the mouth of Muddy cr., which falls infrom the N. within 2 m. of the forks, and was probably about the place wherethere is now some marshy ground on the W. side, opposite Horseshoe l. Thelatter is a mile long around the curve, and discharges by a short stream into theLittle Osage, from the S., between the forks and the mouth of Muddy cr.Doubtless it was once the bed of the river. Close by this lake, an eastwardbend of the Little Osage receives a creek from the S.; and beyond this was theGrand Osage village, close to which Pike established what he calls Camp Independence,on the E. side of the river, near the confluence of Marmiton orMarmaton r. This stream falls in from the S., and is rather larger than theLittle Osage; in fact, it forms with the latter the main forks. The Marmitonreceives Drywood cr. a few miles above its confluence with the littleOsage. The name of this river is apparently the F. word marmiton, scullion,from marmite, pot or kettle; the settlers pronounce it "Mommytaw." Forother features of the locality we may note that the river bottoms are here belowthe 750-foot contour line, which represents the general level of the surroundingprairie; and that there is an isolated mound or butte of 850 feet or moreon the E. side of the Marmiton and close to this river, at the first bend itmakes eastward. The Marmiton is otherwise notable in the present connection,as Pike's further route goes between it and the Little Osage.

[I-43] A letter received from General Wilkinson by this express formed Doc. No. 9of the App. to Part 2.

[I-44] Joseph Browne, who in 1806 was first Justice of the Court of Common Pleasin and for the District of St. Louis, appointed by Governor and General WilkinsonTuesday, Mar. 18th, 1806; in 1807 he was Territorial secretary, andsometimes acting governor. He was succeeded by Frederick Bates, appointedsecretary by Jefferson, May 7th, 1807: see L. and C., p. 1236. The "BabtisteLarme" of the above paragraph is elsewhere called by Pike "Mr. BaptistDuchouquette alias Larme." Billon's Annals of St. Louis for 1764-1804, pub.1886, p. 437, has "Jno. B. Duchouquette, usually called Batiste Lami." Amongthe signers of a paper relating to the erection of a Roman Catholic church inSt. Louis, Oct. 30th, 1819, is found "Batiste � Duchouquete" (his mark). Thealias occurs in various forms, as Lamie, Lamy, Lamme, etc. J. B. D. wasson of Fran�ois Lafleur Duchouquette and C�leste Barrois; b. about 1760, d.May, 1834; married Marie Brazeau, St. Louis, 1798.

[I-45] The village of the Little Osage Indians was about 6 m. higher up and onthe other (west) side of the river of the same name. Marmiton r. falls in betweenwhere the two villages were. These were so well-known to the tradersand others in Pike's time that he does not take the trouble to say exactly wherethey were; nor are we favored with the precise location of Camp Independence,"near the edge of the prairie." But there is of course no question of theexact site of a village which stood for more than a century: see for exampleHolcombe's Hist. Vernon Co. Hundreds of Osages were buried on the mound,to which their descendents used to come from Kansas to cry over them, as lateat least as 1874. Among the remains rested those of old White Hair himself,until his bones were dug up and carried off by Judge C. H. Allen of Missouri.In the vicinity of the upper village is now a place called Arthur, where theLexington and Southern Div. of the Mo. Pac. R. R. comes south from RichHill, Bates Co., and continues across both Little Osage and Marmiton rivers;a mile W. of its crossing of the former, on the S. of that river, is the presenthamlet called Little Osage. All Pike's positions of Aug. 18th-Sept. 1st are inthe present Osage township.

[I-46] This census of the Grand Osage village was contained in a letter which inthe orig. ed. formed Doc. No. 12 of the App. to Pt. 2, being a folded tableopp. p. 52, with a tabular "recapitulation" on p. 53. The matter is givenbeyond.

[I-47] Three letters from Pike to Wilkinson which went by this express formedDocs. Nos. 10, 11, 12 of App. to Pt. 2. One of them is dated from "CampIndependence," by which we learn the name Pike gave his station: see beyond.

[I-48] So far as the white men are concerned, the party is identical with that whichleft Belle Fontaine (see the roster, pp. 358-360), excepting Kennerman, deserted,which reduced the privates from 16 to 15, and further excepting the additionalinterpreter, one Noel alias Maugraine. (Mr. George Henry, who is left here,was engaged after the start, and therefore does not affect this count.)

[I-49] By "Grand Osage fork" Pike means the stream on which was the GrandOsage village, i. e., Little Osage r. By "fork of the Little Osage" his actualimplication is Marmiton r., near which was the Little Osage village?though thephrase happens to be verbally applicable, as the Marmiton is the fork of theLittle Osage r. Pike's course "N. 80� W." at the start would seem to conflictwith the dot-line on his map; but this is simply due to faulty projection of thestreams: see next note. Observe also that the course of Sept. 1st is simply aswing-around to the mouth of the Marmiton, whence Pike revisits the GrandOsage village. There is no camp-mark for this day; the first + set is camp ofthe expedition of Sept. 2d, before Pike had rejoined his party.

[I-50] Which the party had made on the 3d before Pike joined them. Theircamp of the 2d is the first one marked on the map, and this of the 3d is thesecond one so marked. This we know from the position marked for the 6th,just over the divide, and three camps ahead of this of the 3d. Pike is now firstfairly en route. The faulty projection of his map makes him seem to go E. ofS. till the 6th, and then turn W. abruptly. The course of the Little Osage ispractically from W. to E., and Pike ascends it the whole way, having it ata considerable distance to his right. His trail is over the prairie between theLittle Osage and Marmiton rivers. This is to be particularly noted, as somehave vaguely supposed Pike "followed up the Osage river," i. e., the mainOsage (Pike's "North fork"), and then wondered how he came where wepresently find him. In fact, he goes almost due W. from Missouri over intoKansas. Camp of the 3d was in the vicinity of the present town of LittleOsage. Gregg's map, on which Pike's trail is traced for the most part with allthe accuracy that the small scale allows, starts him into Kansas too far S.?agood way S. of Fort Scott, which is correctly located on the Marmiton.

[I-51] Misleading, at first sight; but "Grand river" here means that stream onwhich was the Grand Osage village. Pike and Robinson simply took anexcursion of 6 m. to the Little Osage and back to camp, supposed to be 13 m.from that of the 3d. It was considerably past Rinehart, and probably in thevicinity of Hoover, a place 2 m. E. of the inter-State line; or perhaps just overthis boundary, which here runs on a meridian of longitude (about 94� 37�).This vicinity is notable as the scene of the raid of old John Brown in Dec., 1859,when this extraordinary compound of saint and sinner, whose prophetic visionsof the coming struggle had startling distinctness, killed a man and stole somenegroes and horses. Pike has entered or will immediately enter the N. E.portion of Bourbon Co., Kas., in the vicinity of places called Hammond, Fulton,and Barnesville. The two former of these are on the Kansas City, FortScott, and Gulf R. R. I suppose Pike to be about 10 m. N. N. E. of FortScott, the county seat of Bourbon. This is a well-known city, on Marmiton r.,at the point where Mill cr. falls in. Its military name is a legacy from formerdays, the fort having been built in 1842; pop. now about 12,000.

From the present station we have to trail Pike clear across Kansas to a pointon the Republican Fork of the Kansas r., just over the middle of the northernboundary of the State. This is not easy. It would be impossible to do sowith precision, had we only the slender thread of text to guide us. His Indianstook him a roundabout way by the Smoky Hill r. The whole country is flat,with a complicated river-system; Pike cuts through it, incessantly crossing creeksand rivers, not one of which does he follow for any considerable distance afterhe leaves the Osage basin. The names of the many small towns and stations,as well as of the small streams, will be recognized by few non-residents.Fortunately we have the trace dotted on his map, and though this is far out ofdrawing for absolute geography, its relative positions are recognizable for themost part. I am satisfied that the course I lay down for Pike is true to his routein all its main features. The whole of this Kansan route would be in the Missourianwatershed, were it not for the northward extension of the Arkansan basinin the drainage of the Neosho and Vermilion rivers. This Pike enters as soonas he leaves the Osage basin, crosses, and quits before reaching the Smoky Hill:see the two places legended "Dividing Ridge," etc., on his map. If we suppose,what I see no reason to question, that his camp-marks are all right, hismarches of Sept. 5th to 17th may be summarized as follows: Sept. 5th, furtherup Little Osage r.; 6th, over divide to Arkansan waters of the Neosho r.; 7th,approaching the Neosho; 8th, across this river; 9th, further along S. of it;10th, across subdivide of Vermilion river basin; 11th, heading this river, andacross subdivide into Neosho basin again; 12th, across Cottonwood fork of theNeosho; 14th, further along this fork; 15th, across divide from these Arkansanto Missourian waters again; 16th, nearing Smoky Hill r.; 17th, across this river.(Total distance from the Osage villages about 210 m., by Pike's mileages of Sept.1st-17th about 250 m.) The counties crossed are Bourbon, Allen, Woodson,Coffey, Lyon, Chase, Marion, Dickinson, and Saline. Further details infollowing notes.

[I-52] The whole of this way is W. up along the S. side of the Little Osage,for the most part at a considerable distance from the river, which here has anorthward convexity. But for some miles after leaving Camp Independence,Pike must have kept pretty close to the south side of the Little Osage, to avoidthe unnumbered mounds into which the country further to his left is broken.The hill to which Pike came in the forenoon represents a rise from the general750-foot level hitherto traveled to about 1,100 feet. From its southern slopes,Mill and Wolverine creeks gather to flow into the Marmiton at and nearFort Scott; while from the other side some small runs seek the Little Osage.Camp is in Bourbon Co., somewhere in the vicinity of Xenia, Zenia, or Hay,a small place near a branch of the Little Osage.

[I-53] Pike does not mean that the Arkansaw r. itself is otherwise called White r.,but the waters of the Arkansaw River basin he has reached are those of a rivercalled the White, which is perfectly true. He elsewhere calls this Grand r. Healso discusses whether this White r. be a tributary of the Arkansaw or of theMississippi, and comes to the latter erroneous conclusion. This White orGrand r. of Pike is the Neosho; a large stream which waters much of southeasternKansas, leaves the State in Cherokee Co., enters Indian Territory, andfalls into the Arkansaw on the boundary between the Cherokees' and theCreeks' country. Its general course is S. E., then S. Pike lays it down prettywell on his map, by the name of Grand r., and I find it so charted on variousmodern maps. Pike runs it into the Arkansaw all right, and makes its Cottonwoodfork the main stream, out of all proportion to the little creek he traces forthe other fork; but there is not much difference in the two streams, which unitein Lyon Co. some 8 m. below Emporia. From the vicinity of Xenia, in BourbonCo., Pike has to-day continued about W., by or near the station Bayard of theMo., Kas., and Tex. R. R., in Allen Co. Having thus headed all Osage (Missourian)waters, he strikes and crosses the divide, and camps on the head of asmall tributary of Elm cr., a branch of the Neosho (Arkansan waters). Isuppose his camp to be at a point about equidistant from Bayard and two otherplaces called respectively La Harpe and Wise?perhaps rather Bayard, LaHarpe, and Morantown.

[I-54] The two streams concerned in Pike's approach to the Neosho are Elm andDeer creeks. Elm is the large forked one which falls in close below Iola,county seat of Allen. Deer cr. is the next above, falling in about 4 m. aboveElm cr. Pike's map indicates that, after passing some insignificant heads ofElm cr., he got into its forks, then crossed its north branch near Iola, andcamped on Deer cr., very near the junction of this with the Neosho. I do notknow whether horses can swim in Deer cr.; if not, the only alternative streamwould be the Neosho itself. But the map sets Pike on the east branch ofDeer cr., and there I leave him.

[I-55] The Neosho, Neozho, or Neocho r. "A grand fork of the White river" isambiguous; but becomes intelligible if we remember that he has just spoken ofthe "Arkansaw, alias White river." Pike's ideas of what he calls "White" and"Grand" r. were not clear. There is no stream in his present vicinity largeenough to be dignified as the "grand fork" of the Neosho itself; we mustunderstand him to mean the Neosho, as being itself a grand fork of whateverhe meant by "White" r. The Neosho was long and often called Grand r.;"Neosho or Grand R." is lettered on Gregg's map. Pike never says wherehe crossed the Neosho, nor in fact does he inform us that he ever crossedit?unless it was when he swam his horses. But that was on the 7th. Howeverthese uncertainties be regarded, two facts are certain: Pike was acrossthe Neosho on the 8th, and he crossed it between Iola and the town of NeoshoFalls, Woodson Co. I think the crossing was a little above the mouth ofDeer cr.

[I-56] West for a few miles, then about northwest, up along the Neosho, but atseveral miles' distance from that river, on the dry prairie, and passing fromWoodson into Coffey Co. As to the "second branch" on which is camp:Pike charts three streams passed to-day, running to his right into the Neosho,and marks his camp on the third one of these. I take these to be Turkey,South Big, and North Big creeks; and suppose that Pike camped on the lastof these. It is true that these all three unite in one before falling into theNeosho; but Pike passed them too high up to observe their connections.Turkey cr. is practically a separate one, as it falls into Big cr. only aboutone-quarter of a mile above the mouth of it; and the connection of North andSouth creeks, much higher up, may be implied in his speaking of the "secondbranch" on which was camp (Turkey cr. then answering to a first branch).The single mouth of the three streams here in mention falls into the Neoshoabout 2 m. west of Leroy. If it seems rather a stretch to get Pike somedistance up North Big cr. to-day, it may be remembered that the place hecrossed the Neosho was not determined with precision; and that we have tofind him to-morrow, at 11 miles' distance, on a large creek up which he can goover the divide to the heads of Verdigris r. There seems to be no alternative.

[I-57] The total of 12 m. does not agree with the text, which calls for11 + 4� = 15�. Eagle cr. seems to have been struck about on the boundarybetween Coffey and Lyon cos., where Four Mile cr. falls into it. It is a considerablestream, which heads in the divide about Olpe (a place on the A. T.and S. F� R. R.), is increased by Harper, Hoosier, and other tributaries, andruns E. into the Neosho a mile and a half above Strawn (a place on the Mo.Pac. R. R.). To reach Eagle cr. from North Big cr. Pike passed oppositeBurlington, seat of Coffey Co., several miles to his right, and headed the smallOtter cr., on or near which is a place called Patmos.

[I-58] It may not be possible to decide which of the several branches of Eagle cr.Pike went up to the divide. To send him up the main branch, past Olpe, agreesbest with his 21 m. to-day; but in that case he must have breakfasted late.There is a sharp elbow in his dotted trail, which would seem to indicate thathe made a turn from his former course over the divide. Aside from any questionsof detail, which perhaps could not be decided even by a resident of theregion traversed, we have Pike safe on the headwaters of Vermilion or Verdigrisr. (it has these alternative names on recent maps). It heads in the dividewhich Pike has crossed, by numerous small tributaries, several of which Pikecharts. Among them are Haldemand and Tate, heading opposite branches ofEagle cr., and further on Moon, Rock, Fawn, and Camp creeks. The Verdigrisis of a size smaller than the Neosho, W. of which it runs in an approximatelyparallel course; it leaves Kansas through Montgomery Co., entersIndian Territory, and in the country of the Creek Indians falls into the Arkansaw8 m. above the mouth of the Neosho. Pike lays it down well, especially thefan-shaped leash of branches in which it heads, but runs it into the Arkansaw incommon with the Neosho. The Verdigris has of course its proper basin ordrainage within the more general watershed of the Neosho and other Arkansanas distinguished from Missourian waters. The rim of this basin is the dividePike crosses over to-day. He camps on one of the small headwaters, probablyFawn or Camp cr., in the close vicinity of the places called Elco and Verdigris.

[I-59] Pike has headed Verdigris r., and recrossed the brim of its basin into theNeosho basin again. In cutting off this small segment of the Verdigris basinhe passed from Lyon into Chase Co., "over high hilly prairies," i. e., thedivide, and continued westward till he struck "a large branch of Grand r."We discover later that Pike takes Cottonwood r. to be the main Grand, i. e.,Neosho r., which I do not see that it is not, though the other one retains thename of Neosho above their confluence. The stream he strikes is the S. forkof Cottonwood r. This heads in the same hilly country, by tributaries knownas Little Cedar, Thurman, and Mercer creeks, in relation or opposition tothe uttermost sources of Verdigris r., and flows N. to fall into the main Cottonwood4 m. below Cottonwood Falls, county seat of Chase. Pike probablycame on this stream somewhere in the vicinity of Baker or Crocker cr., betweenplaces called Matfield Green and Bazar.

Cottonwood "creek" was originally so named at the point where it wasstruck on the old Santa F� caravan road, and because it showed the first treesof that kind to be found in traveling westward on that route. The crossing wasat or near present town of Durham, Marion Co. It was some time before thetrue connection of the Cottonwood with the Neosho was made out. AtCouncil Grove the traders knew they were on a head of the Neosho or Grand r.,though they called it Council Grove cr. They kept on W. to "Diamondsprings" (on a head of Six Mile or present Diamond cr.), and thence to "Lostspring" on their "Willow" cr. (a head of present Clear cr., which falls intothe Cottonwood at Marion); the next stream they struck being this Cottonwoodcr., at or near Durham: see a note beyond, where I undertake, perhapsrashly, to recover the old caravan road in terms of modern geography.

[I-60] If Pike bore as much N. of W. as his dotted trail seems to indicate, themileage would fetch him on Cottonwood r. about the situation of Cedar Groveand Cedar Point, which are within a mile or two of each other and of theboundary between Chase and Marion cos., and about 6 m. down river fromFlorence, Marion Co. He is evidently in the loop which the Cottonwoodmakes S. E. from Marion to Florence, and then gradually N. E. to the vicinityof Cottonwood Falls. If the old Kansas Indian trail the map lays down couldbe recovered or identified, it would serve to locate him still more precisely.He crosses the Cottonwood and camps on its left bank. If we attentivelyregard the camp-marks of the 12th and 13th, we find them close together, N.of the Cottonwood, S. of a creek flowing E., and W. of a pair of creeks flowingS. These requirements are fulfilled, if we take the one running E. tobe Middle creek, which falls in by Elmdale, 10 m. below Cedar Grove; andthe other two, those that fall in together at Marion, 12 m. (direct) above CedarGrove. It is true there are several creeks nearer, on the same side, as Silver,Bruno, and Martin, but these are all smaller than such as Pike usually charts,and, moreover, he could not go his 9 m. to-morrow in any direction withoutgetting beyond them.

[I-61] Camp in the close vicinity of Marion, seat of the county of that name. TheIndian trail seems to have run past or through Marion. We can confidentlylocate Pike within 3 m. of the town on the night of the 13th; and Marion thusfurnishes an excellent fixed point whence to trace him on to Smoky Hill r. Thetwo streams which unite at Marion, and run through the place as one, are calledBrook Luta and Clear cr.

[I-62] Continuing past Marion, up the Cottonwood, which he has to his left,Pike camps near Durham, Marion Co. This town is on the river, and throughit runs the Chic., Kas. and Neb. R. R. The route seems to have sheered offfrom the river a little to the right, more in line with Brook Luta than withthe Cottonwood itself: see next note.

[I-63] Passing north between Cottonwood r. on his left and Brook Luta on his right,Pike makes the divide in the vicinity of Tampa, Marion Co. This is a villageon the head of Brook Luta; the railroad last named goes through it, and Pikecrosses the line of this railroad between Durham and Tampa. He is flankingthe higher hills (1,500 feet or more) in which the main Cottonwood heads, byleaving them to the left or W. This is a somewhat roundabout way fromthe vicinity of Durham to that of Bridgeport on the Smoky Hill, where Pikestrikes this river early on the 17th; but it is evident that he did not go straightbetween these points, for they are only about 25 m. (direct) apart, and we haveto account for 18 + 13 + 6 = 37 m. on the 15th, 16th, and morning of the 17th.These mileages adjust themselves to a nicety by the way I make out. I supposehe crossed the divide between Tampa and Kuhnbrook, Marion Co., thuspassing from Arkansan to Missourian waters, as he says. Kuhnbrook is alittle place on one of the heads of the large Turkey cr., which runs N. into theSmoky Hill r. opp. Abilene. Rhoades is the next place on this branch ofTurkey cr., and in passing to its vicinity Pike crosses from Marion into DickinsonCo. He continues on, bearing to the vicinity of Elmo and Banner. Theseare places near another head of Turkey cr., and both on the Mo. Pac. R. R.;they are within a mile of each other. Pike keeps on a piece, westerly, and setscamp in the vicinity of Carlton, Dickinson Co. Carlton is between the twoforks of Holland cr., next W. of Turkey cr., with which Holland runs parallelto fall into the Smoky Hill r. opp. Abilene. Carleton is 7 m. due E. ofGypsum City, which latter is on a creek of that name Pike next strikes.

[I-64] Pike camps on a branch of Gypsum creek. This is a large stream whichheads in close relation with the uttermost sources of Cottonwood r., in thevicinity of Canton, McPherson Co., and flows due N. into the Smoky Hill,between the mouths of Solomon and Saline rivers. It is larger than eitherTurkey or Holland cr., and much branched. It runs about halfway betweenHolland cr. and the Smoky Hill, parallel with both; for the latter, havingmade a bold sweep from the W., curves N. past Lindsburg and Bridgeport toSalina, and thence E. to receive first the Saline, next Gypsum, and thenSolomon r. On Gypsum cr. are Chico and Gypsum City, 10 and 12 m. aboveits mouth; and Pike strikes it a few miles further up or S. of these towns.Pike charts its headwaters elaborately, and sets his camps of the 15th and 16thamong the five branches he lays down. Probably one of these should be takenfor Holland cr.; the other four are less easily identified. From his position in thevicinity of Carlton Pike passes W. from Dickinson into Saline Co., comes first toHobbs cr., next upon Gypsum itself and Stag cr., in quick succession; crossingthese three he continues W. to another branch of Gypsum cr., namely, that onenow meandered by the Mo. Pac. R. R. between Gypsum City and Bridgeport.He camps on the latter, 6 m. E. of the Smoky Hill.

[I-65] "We passed it six miles to a small branch to breakfast" is a dubious phrasewhich I understand to mean that Pike went 6 m. to a small branch to breakfast,and then crossed the Smoky Hill r. at once?at nine o'clock. This crossingwas in the immediate vicinity of Bridgeport, and perhaps at the very place theCouncil Grove, Smoky Valley and Western branch of the Mo. Pac. R. R. crossesto run into Bridgeport. Two insignificant runs fall into the river from theeast within 3 m. below Bridgeport; the first of them is named Pawnee cr.Crossing the river, Pike proceeds up it, but a little W. of N., and bearingsomewhat away from it; he passes Dry cr., which lower down runs through thecounty seat Salina, and camps on Mulberry cr., 2 or 3 m. due W. of that city,and about the same distance below the point where Spring cr. falls into Mulberry.This stream skirts north of the city, receives Dry cr., and falls intoSaline r. a mile or two further. Salina is a large place, one of the best knownin the State, where four great railroad lines meet?the U. P., Mo. P., A., T.and S. F., and C., R. I. and P. Six or 8 m. due W. of the place where Pikecrossed the river are the Smoky hills, or Smoky Hill Buttes, celebrated in storyif not in song. The great river named from these conspicuous landmarks isthe main southern fork of Kansas r., as the Republican is the northern. Itsuttermost sources are in Colorado. Receiving uncounted tributaries in itslong course, it runs E. in Kansas through Wallace, Logan, Gove, Trego, Ellis,Russell, and Ellsworth, loops S. into McPherson and out again N. into SalineCo., makes an elbow at Salina and continues E. through Dickinson into GearyCo., where it joins its mate between Junction City and Fort Riley, thus composingthe Kansas. Two of its largest branches are the Saline and Solomon.

This finishes the first section of Pike's Kansas route from the Little Osage toSalina. The rest of the way to the Pawnee Republic is northward, crossing insuccession Saline r., Salt cr., Solomon r., Buffalo cr., and White Rock cr.,striking the Republican r. in Webster Co., Neb., near the S. border of that State.The distance is less than the 97 m. Pike makes of it. His map is extremelyfaulty; he seems to have gone about N. W., though his actual route was verylittle W. of N. It also runs Saline and Solomon rivers far apart into the Republican,instead of the Smoky Hill, magnifies Salt cr. out of all proportion, andminimizes both Buffalo and White Rock cr.

As a bit of authentic history which may interest those in Salina who havereason to be proud of the growth of their city during one generation, I willtranscribe a passage from my own field notebook, made when I was stagingfrom Leavenworth to Santa Fe, in 1864: "Sunday, May 29th. Left JunctionCity and came to a place called Salina?three houses and a pig stye."

Fort Riley, as above mentioned, was begun by Major Edmund AugustusOgden, who had selected the site and was occupied with the work when he diedthere Aug. 3d, 1855, in the epidemic of cholera then raging. He was born atCatskill, N. Y., Feb. 20th, 1810; removed to Unadilla, N. Y., and from thereentered West Point July 1st, 1827; he became second lieutenant of the 1st Inf.,July 1st, 1831; first lieutenant, Dec. 17th, 1836; was transferred to the 8thInf., July 7th, 1838; promoted to be captain, Dec. 1st, 1839; and was brevetedmajor for meritorious conduct. His first duty was at Prairie du Chien; hismarriage with Captain Gustavus Loomis' daughter Eliza, at Fort Snelling, issaid to have been the first ceremony of the kind between white persons inMinnesota; he served faithfully and with distinction in the Black Hawk,Florida, and Mexican wars, and for many years discharged arduous and responsibleduties in the quartermaster department. For several years immediatelypreceding his death he was stationed at Fort Leavenworth.

[I-66] Saline r., distinctively called Great or Grand Saline, has been alreadynoted. Pike crosses this, and proceeds to "a small dry branch" of the nextriver, to camp for three days. This river is the one he calls Little Saline, andis now known as Covert or Salt cr., a branch of Solomon r. which falls intothe Solomon 4 m. below Minneapolis, Ottawa Co. Pike's map connects it correctly,but magnifies its size; for the stream which he passed on returning fromthe Pawnee village, and which he lays down as a head of his Little Saline, isa branch of the Great Saline. Pike probably crossed Saline r. in the vicinity ofCulver, where the railroad now does, then soon passing from Saline into Ottawa.The small branch of Salt cr. on which he camped was one of several such in thevicinity of Ada.

[I-67] An error is here evident, and I suspect some confusion of the diary of the21st and 22d. 1. "Distance 11 miles," for the whole 22d, is necessarily wrong, ifm. were made in the afternoon, and this, too, after marching from eight toeleven in the forenoon. 2. Aside from the fact that there is no branch of the Republicanfork in this vicinity, the map shows that Pike did not reach Solomon r.till the 23d, and the text of that day confirms this. Camps of the 21st and 22dwere both in the space traversed between Salt cr. and Solomon r., less than 20m. at the furthest. 3. The difficulty disappears if for "12 miles," etc., of theabove questionable clause, we read "2 miles to the first branch of Solomonriver on our route." This would set Pike on one of the small creeks that fallinto the right bank of Solomon r. in the vicinity of Glasco, Simpson, and Asherville.A former name of Solomon r. was Nepeholla, used, e. g., by Gunnison,P. R. R. Rep. II. 1855, p. 17. Capt. J. W. Gunnison came to the mouthof Solomon's fork July 6th, 1853, from Westport, Mo., by the Wakarusa Riverroute, striking the Kansas r. at Fort Riley, crossing there, and continuingthrough Abilene; he was en route to the great bend of the Arkansaw by theusual Smoky Hill route.

[I-68] Taking Pike northward across Buffalo cr. I suppose this was crossed somewherein the vicinity of Jamestown, Republic Co. In this position the Republicanr. itself is only 5 or 6 m. to his right, and the rest of the journey is simplyfollowing up this river obliquely on about a N. W. course, at a somewhat increasingdistance from it, until he nears it to approach the village.

[I-69] To White Rock cr., west of White Rock, a town on the creek and on theboundary between Republic and Jewell cos. This stream runs east throughthese, and falls into the Republican r. opposite Republic City. In getting here,Pike seems by his map to have crossed several small streams running to hisleft, and into a stream he runs into Solomon r. I suppose these to be somebranches of Marsh cr., a sluggish tributary of Buffalo cr. from the N. W.

[I-70] Finishing the journey to the Pawnee Republic village, whence the greatriver on which it was situated took its name. Its ultimate sources are in Colorado,like those of the Smoky Hill r. Its main course then cuts off the extremeN. W. corner of Kansas, by running through Cheyenne Co.; whereupon thestream enters Nebraska, and skirts the southern border of this until it dips intoKansas across the N. border of Jewell Co., whence it continues E. into RepublicCo., turns S. in this to Cloud Co., E. through this to Clay Co., and S. E.through this to Geary Co., where it is joined by the Smoky Hill, as already noted.The whole journey thus made from the Osages to the Pawnees foots up, byPike's distances, about 350 m. In a letter to the Secretary of War he calls it"375"; but this is simply offhand. He also claims that his Osages led himroundabout 100 m. through their fear of the "Kans." Pike's land mileagesseem to me more correct than those excessive ones he assigns to his navigation.I suppose this journey to have been between 300 and 325 m.

I must emphasize here the fact that I have failed in every attempt to locatethe precise site of the Pawnee village. One would suppose it well known; I findthat it is not, and have yet to discover the ethnographer or geographer who canpoint it out. Correspondence addressed to persons now living in the vicinitywas as fruitless as my exploration of the sources of official knowledge in Washington,where several friends interested themselves in my behalf to no purpose.I know of no closer indication than that afforded by Gregg's map of 1844. Thisletters "Old Pawnee Village" on the S. bank of the Republican, halfway betweenlong. 98� and 99� W., and thus, as I judge, about opposite the presenttown of Red Cloud, Webster Co., Neb. Gregg runs the Republican entirely S.of lat. 40� N., i. e., in Kansas; but the place where Pike struck it was certainlyin that portion of its course which runs in Nebraska, just over the Kansas line.Gregg in fact gives his river a recognizable northward convexity along here, and ifit does not overreach 40�, that is a fault of absolute, not relative, position. Weare here much less concerned with latitude than with longitude. The river is runningapproximately from W. to E., in Webster Co., and the main point is howfar W. the village was, as that would affect details of the route from the lastpoint at which I have been able to locate Pike. It will be necessary to discoverthe exact situation of the Pawnee village before the cloud over the end of thisjourney can be dispelled, and the beginning of the journey from the village toGreat Bend on the Arkansaw can be set in a clear light. For the present I canonly tentatively assume longitude 98� 30� W. (See Scandia, in the Index.)

[I-71] Guillaume Thomas Fran�ois Raynal, commonly called Abb� Raynal, b.Aveyron, France, Apr. 12th, 1713, d. Paris, Mar. 6th, 1796?a philosophical free-thinkerand historian, who wrote too much sense and truth to suit his officialsuperiors, and was consequently unfrocked. It is a curious fact in the historyof the most Tammany-like machine for the propagation of painful superstitionsever known in the Western world?excepting perhaps Brigham Young's similarlyorganized scheme?that whenever one of its members begins to think for himselfthey make him take off his gown and wear trousers openly. The irony inthe case seems to escape the professional nurserymen in that hot-house. Theabb� wrote various works; his most celebrated one, to which Pike refers, is:Histoire Philosophique et Politique des �tablissements et du Commerce desEurop�ens dans les Deux Indes, 1770, repub. 1780-85?a book whose strengthand other merits may be inferred from the fact that it had the honor of beingburned by Parliamentary order; though its author was simply exiled, the timesbeing already a little out of joint for roasting heretics along with theirheresies.

[I-72] Richard Sparks of Pennsylvania had been a captain in the levies of 1791,when he was appointed a captain of infantry, March 7th, 1792; he was arrangedto the 3d Sub-legion, Sept. 4th, 1792, to the 3d Infantry, Nov. 1st,1796, and transferred to the 2d Infantry Apr. 1st, 1802; he became majorJuly 29th, 1806, lieutenant-colonel Dec. 9th, 1807, and colonel July 6th, 1812;he was honorably discharged June 15th, 1815, and died July 1st, 1815.

[I-73] 1. As already indicated, "Tetaus" and "Tetans" are Pike's names for Comanches,also variously known as Ietans, Jetans, Hietans, Aiatans, etc., and alsoby the Sioux name Padoucas, adopted by the French; they called themselvesNum, meaning simply "people." Some of their other names are Kaumains,Choumans and Comandes; we now write Comanches or Camanches indifferently,thus adopting a form of the Spanish name, whose meaning is unknown.These Indians are of the Shoshonean family; they number about 150, on theKiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation in Oklahoma; there were some 2,500when they were placed in a reservation in 1868; they had been noted, time out ofmind, as wide-ranging, lawless, and warlike freebooters. 2. Pike above mentionsthree of the four principal tribes of the Pawnee confederation, i. e., of the middlegroup of Caddoan stock, who are: (1) Pawnee proper, Grand Pawnee, or Tcawi;(2) Pawnee Republicans or Republican Pawnees (giving name to the great branchof the Kansas r.); (3) Pawnee Loups, Pawnee Mahas, Pawnee Wolves, orSkidis; (4) Tapage or Pitahauerat: see further, L. and C., ed. 1893, pp. 55-57.(3) Pike's Kans are entirely different Indians, of Siouan stock, Dhegiha group:for these see l. c., pp. 33, 34.

[II-1] On the other hand, Lewis and Clark first heard of Pike's expedition onSept. 10th, 1806, when they were nearing the Big Nemaha on their way downthe Missouri, and met a boat with a trader bound for the Pawnee Loups: seeL. and C., p. 1206.

[II-2] Letters to Generals Dearborn and Wilkinson, sent by this express, formedDocs. Nos. 13 and 14 in the App. to Pt. 2. of the orig. ed. They are givenbeyond.

[II-3] Camp is on one of the tributaries of Rock cr., close to that of Sept. 24th,if not on the same spot.

The route now taken by the expedition is very little W. of S., to strike theArkansaw r. at the most convenient point. Thus it diverges westerly from theroute by which the Pawnee Republic was approached, which was W. of N.The two make a ? whose legs rest on the Smoky Hill fork at the two pointswhere this was crossed in going and returning, with the apex at the village.The main streams crossed between the Republican and Smoky Hill forks areSolomon and Great Saline rivers. Pike is also on the trail of the Spaniardswho have just raided United States territory to the Pawnees; he marks theircamps, as far as he can find them out, with a o, to distinguish them from hisown, marked �.

The party which leaves the Pawnees, so far as the white men are concerned,only differs from that which left Belle Fontaine by the absence of the deserter,Kennerman: see note2, p. 358. The express which Pike dispatched thereforeconsisted of some of his Indians.

[II-4] This close calculation was doubtless based in part on information Pikealready possessed. We have been told that Malgares started on his raid with100 dragoons and 500 militia, of which 600 men 240 had been detached, leaving360. The "large branch" on which was camp was probably one of the headsof Livingston cr.

[II-5] "Distance 18 miles" would never bring Pike to any branch of the Solomon.His error here is a puzzling one until it is detected by reference to the map.That sets his camp-mark high up on the same creek, several branches of whichhe had on his left when he went up E. of it, Sept. 24th. It is Buffalo cr.,which Pike erroneously runs into Solomon r., and so seems never to have passedbefore. See back, note68. I suppose he struck Buffalo cr. below Mankato,somewhere in the vicinity of Jewell and very likely between these places. Heseems to be holding about S. S. W., and to-morrow strikes Solomon r. But,as already explained, note70, p. 410, precision in this matter is impossible, withoutknowing exactly where the Pawnee village stood, so as to have a fixedinitial point of the journey. I understand that there was a certain "Pawneetrail" once well known from this village to Great Bend on the Arkansaw. Ifthis be now determinable, it will represent Pike's route with a closer approximationto accuracy than I have been able to follow it out.

[II-6] To the Solomon r., in the vicinity of Beloit, Mitchell Co. The streamwhich Pike lays down across his trail of to-day is perhaps Plum cr., which fallsin below Beloit.

[II-7] Hiatus in the text, probably from missing or illegible MS.; no course ordistance for to-day. But the map shows a march, and sets camp among theheads of a small stream. This is perhaps Salt cr., high up, somewhere in thevicinity of Saltville, Paris, or Victor.

[II-8] Perhaps to vicinity of Lincoln, seat of the county so called. The map hasan extra camp-mark, on the head of what Pike calls "Little Saline river."

[II-9] In saying that he crossed the (Grand Saline) river "two or three times,"Pike does not mean that he meandered that stream on his march, but that he orsome of his party were hunting about for the Spanish trail which he was so eagerto follow, and which here became blind. His map marks o o, the two Spanishcamps he found. His was on the north bank of Smoky Hill r., whose othername in the text, "La Touche de la Cote Bucanieus," possibly stands for LaFourche de la C�te du Kansas, i. e., that fork of the Kansas which runs alongthe dividing ridge or coteau?which is perfectly true of the Smoky Hill fork.Pike struck the Smoky Hill in Russell or Ellsworth Co. Camp of the 13th isabout on the border of Russell and Barton cos., in the vicinity of Forest Hilland Dubuque.

[II-10] The approximation of Missourian and Arkansan waters is here very close.The Arkansaw makes its great bend northward into Barton Co., whose countyseat is named Great Bend accordingly. The courses of the Smoky Hill andArkansaw are for many miles approximately parallel, and only some 30 m.apart in air-line distance; the numerous tributaries of each arise all along theridge which forms the divide between these waters. Pike has crossed thedivide, and is now on one of the headwaters of Cow cr., a large affluent of theArkansaw, which traverses Barton and Rice cos. in a southeasterly course, andfalls in at Hutchinson, Reno Co. His camp appears to have been somewherein the vicinity of Claflin, Barton Co., on the Kas. and Col. R. R. The streamis laid down on his map. It is by far the largest tributary of the Arkansawbetween the Little Arkansaw and Walnut creeks. It was the last stream to becrossed on the old Santa F� caravan road before the Arkansaw was reached.This road also crossed the several tributaries of Cow cr. in the vicinity ofLyons, Rice Co. One of these, between Lyons and Chase, was called LittleCow cr. We find another, E. of Lyons, marked on modern maps as "Jarvis"cr., and given as Charez or Owl cr. in Beckwith's Report of 1853, P. R. R.Rep. II. 1855, p. 22. Two of these names refer to Don Antonio Jos� Chavez,who left Santa F� in February, 1843, en route for Independence, Mo., but wasbrutally murdered and robbed in this vicinity, on or about April 12th, by aparty of 15 men who represented themselves to be Texan troops under the commandof one John McDaniel. Particulars of this outrage are given by Gregg,Comm. Pra. II. 1844, pp. 166-169.

[II-11] Walnut (Big or Wet Walnut) cr. is that large northern affluent of the Arkansawwhich runs E. from Lane through Ness and Rush into Barton Co., and fallsinto the river 4 m. below Great Bend, county seat of Barton. A branch of this,called Little or Dry Walnut cr., runs E. from Rush into Barton, and falls intoWalnut cr. about 4 m. from the mouth of the latter. Great Bend is on the N.bank of the Arkansaw, and thus between that river and Little Walnut cr. Theway in which, and the precise point at which, the Expedition struck the Arkansawcould hardly be discovered from the text of the 15th-18th; we are not even toldtill the 18th that we are on the Arkansaw, as the 15th mostly, and the 16th and17th entirely, are taken up with the wanderings of the lieutenant and doctor,who got lost. The key to the situation is not found till the 23d, when it isluckily recited that a trip was made from the camp on the Arkansaw "about 20miles to a large branch [or fork] on the right." This is the well-known Pawneefork of the Arkansaw, where was old Fort Larned, a noted place, and whereis now Larned, seat of Pawnee Co. So the Expedition struck the Arkansaw 20m. below Larned, in the very suburbs of the present city of Great Bend. Thislocality about the mouth of Walnut cr. became early noted, not only as theplace of northernmost deflection of the Arkansaw, but also as the first objectivepoint on that river, where the old Santa F� caravan road struck that river.It also became the site of Fort Zara, or Zarah?to be found on some maps asFort Sarah?which was built in 1853 on the high ground between Walnut andCow creeks, about 5 m. N. of the road. On July 12th of that year, Capt. Gunnisonreached the great bend by the Smoky Hill route from Fort Riley, havingbeen preceded in arriving there three days by his companion, who came overthe regular Santa F� route; Lieut.-Col. E. V. Sumner, 1st Dragoons, and otherofficers, arrived from Mexico the same night; and on the spot was camped Captainand Bvt.-Major Edward Johnson, 6th Infantry, about to build the fort, asthat 100 m. further up the Arkansaw (Fort Atkinson) was to be abandoned.Col. John Garland of the 8th Infantry passed by in July of that year. Pike'sapproach was: Being in camp of the 14th on some head of Cow cr., the Expeditionstarted on the 15th at noon, and marched five hours, about 15 m., on aW. S. W. course, thus crossing the Cheyenne Bottoms above said, and comingto Walnut cr. just above the mouth of the Little Walnut above described. Pikepointed out a wood and told Wilkinson to go there to camp, while he and thedoctor would go up Walnut cr. a piece to hunt for the Spanish trail. Eithermistaking the wood intended, or finding himself so near the Arkansaw, Wilkinsonwent on to that river and camped the party on its north bank, a mile or twoabove where Great Bend now stands. Pike and the doctor went shooting buffalo,and it got pretty late; they returned to where Pike had told Wilkinsonto camp, and found nobody there; so they bivouacked on the spot. In themorning they went up Little Walnut cr. to search, but did not go far from thosetwo buffalo they had killed; in fact they got rattled at finding no camp, turnedabout and went down Little Walnut cr. to its mouth (which is what text of the16th means by "their junction"?confluence of the two creeks). On the morningof the 17th, being thoroughly alarmed, and imagining that the party mustbe higher up the Little Walnut, they started up again, but probably went avery little way in the rain; for they were overtaken early on the 18th by twomen whom Wilkinson had sent in search of them, and then they were only"about three" miles from the camp on the Arkansaw. It is not likely theywere at any moment 10 m. from the spot where they had left the party.

Pike's map shows nothing but the trail of the party, no camp being markedafter that of the 12th, on the other side of the Smoky Hill r. The trailmakes a sharp elbow at the point where, having come down Cow cr. on the14th, they turned from that stream on the 15th. Besides Cow cr., threeothers appear in succession to the W. The first is Walnut cr.; the secondis Little Walnut, a branch of the first, run separately into the Arkansaw; whilethe third is Ash cr., which falls in above camp. Cow cr. is brought in too nearthe next one. On the south side of the Arkansaw is marked the station of the19th-27th, with the legend: "Here we struck the Arkansaw from whenceLt. Wilkinson descended the river in skin canoes and Capt. Pike went up byland with his party." This ends map I. of the Arkansaw, etc., and map II. ofthe same connects at this point, the first stream laid down being Pawnee fork,and the first camp that of the 29th. Camp of the 28th falls between the twomaps, and is not shown. The Spanish trail, which Pike lost on Smoky Hillr., was all the while a little to the W. or right of the party, and is recovered onthe S. side of the Arkansaw, on the 30th.

Pike elsewhere says of his journey from the Pawnees to the Arkansaw that itwas on a general course S. 10� W. 150 m., but might have been made in 120.His deviation from the most direct route was in bearing a little too far W. to crossthe Saline and Smoky Hill, and then some needless meandering across the divideto the Arkansaw. But he struck the latter exactly at the right point; for GreatBend is where the old Smoky Hill and Cimarron route from Leavenworth toSanta F� reached the Arkansaw. There was of course nothing on the spot inPike's time?nor was there even in 1864, when I first passed the place, exceptinga miserable shack the stage company had built. The nearest settlement atthat time was Fort Larned. My journal of May 31st, 1864, refreshes my memory:"At 2 p. m. we brought up at Fort Larned?mean place, built of adobeand logs, with a drunken officer in command; everybody half drunk already;and all were whole drunk by bed-time."

[II-12] Doted or unsound: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 951.

[II-13] Pawnee fork is larger than Walnut cr. It runs through several counties ona general E. course, and falls in at Larned, seat of Pawnee Co. When I wasin the country, 30 years ago, the three principal branches were called Heth's,Buckner's, and Shaff's. A branch now rejoices in the name of Guzzler'sGulch. Saw-mill cr. is a long but slight tributary which falls in close to themouth of the main stream. Pike crosses the mouth of Pawnee fork on the29th; the Spaniards had crossed it higher up. He lays it down as a short,forked stream. Larned is now a city of some importance, and a rival ofGreat Bend; it is the natural development of which old Fort Larned was thegerm; it is built mainly on the N. or left bank of Pawnee fork, but haslately crossed that stream, and also extended in the adjoining Arkansaw bottom.The locality became noted with the establishment of the Santa F� trade in the'20's, and later on was a point of strategic importance in our relations withhostile or unruly Indians. The main road passed here en route for Santa F�,in continuation both of the earliest caravan road and of the later Smoky Hillstage route; it offered a good camping place, which traders, troops, and othertravelers generally occupied. Another reason for stopping was that the riverwas not easy to cross when full. Thus, when Emory and Abert were here, July13th, 1846, one of Kearny's expressmen, A. E. Hughes, was drowned in it(J. T. Hughes, Doniphan's Exp., 1887, p. 21). But it varied much; July 13th,1853, Gunnison and Beckwith found it 20 feet wide, with a fair current, and adepth of only a foot or two.

[II-14] This is an early but not the first account of the animals, and has been muchcited, particularly as authority for the name wishtonwish (which J. FenimoreCooper misapplied to the whippoorwill in one of his novels). The date of Pike'sobservation is subsequent to that of Lewis and Clark, but its publication wasprior by four years; both these notices are antedated by Gass, 1807: see L. andC., ed. 1893, p. 111.

[II-15] A letter which Lieutenant Williamson bore to his father from Pike formedDoc. No. 15 of the App. to Pt. 2. of the orig. ed., and is given beyond inits proper place.

[II-16] The five soldiers who descended the Arkansaw with Lieutenant Wilkinsonwere: Sergeant Ballenger; Privates Boley, Bradley, Huddleston, Wilson.Lieutenant Wilkinson's separate report of his journey hence to the ArkansawPost formed one of the Documents of the App. to Pt. 2 of the orig. ed., andwill be found beyond, where it is annotated in due course.

Those who proceeded to the horrors of the mountains in midwinter and subsequentcapture by the Spaniards were: Captain Pike; Dr. Robinson; InterpreterVasquez; Sergeant Meek; Corporal Jackson; Privates Brown, Carter,Dougherty, Gorden, Menaugh, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy, Smith, Sparks, Stoute?16all told: compare date of Oct. 7th, p. 419 and note2, p. 360.

Pike now starts up the Arkansaw, to which he holds till he reaches the site ofPueblo, Col.

[II-17] Taking the party past Pawnee rock and the mouth of Ash cr., to a pointabout midway between the latter and the mouth of Pawnee fork. They traveledon the left or N. side of the river, approximately along the track ofthe A., T. and S. F. R. R., passing Dundee station and the small town ofPawnee Rock; Hubbard cr., on the other side of the river, is also passed, andcamp is set a little beyond it, over the border of Barton Co., in Pawnee Co.The town of Pawnee Rock takes its name from the remarkable natural objectof the same designation, also sometimes called Painted rock, which was a greatlandmark in old times. This is the most prominent point of a sandstone ridgeof notably reddish color and in part scoriaceous; it is about 20 feet high, andstands off to the right of the road as you go up?about 2 m. from the Arkansawr., before you come to the crossing of Ash cr. It was a convenient place forthe Indians to exercise their pictographic art, and when the road came to betraveled by the whites the rock was soon covered with inscriptions of names,dates, and the like. It is about 9 m. by the road from the town of PawneeRock to the crossing of Pawnee fork.

[II-18] Passing Pawnee fork and Larned, Pawnee Co., to camp on the left or N.W. bank of the Arkansaw, about 5 m. beyond. Here is the place where theold Santa F� road forked, in the days of the caravans and stages. The mainroad followed up the Arkansaw; but the right-hand road sheered off from theriver to take up what was known as the "dry route"?a sort of cut-off whichlooked promising and became a regular stage-road, but was no great advantagewhen you had to go slowly and camp out, as the lesser distance was offset bylack of wood at all times, and of water at most seasons. Having been overthis road, I can certify to the remarks of Gunnison and Beckwith, P. R. R.Rep. II., 1855, p. 24: "Five miles from camp [on Pawnee Fork] the roadforks ... and one branch follows near by the windings of the Arkansas, tosecure grass and water, while the other appears to push off for a 'short cut' and'dry route' to Fort Atkinson, near which they again unite on the Arkansasriver; but this appearance is deceptive; for after going a few miles it turnsabruptly southward, and follows but a few miles from, and parallel with, theother road, keeping it generally in sight, as it does also the trees and sand-hillsupon the banks of the Arkansas river, and is, except in the rainy season, withoutgood grass and badly watered." The air-line distance of the "dry route,"from the point where Pike is now to Dodge City, is about 54 m.; the actualtravel is nearer 60. The ground passed over is that sometimes watered by theCoon creeks, and the road coincides to some extent with that now traversed bythe A., T. and S. F. R. R. Of late the face of the country has been modifiedby the Eureka Irrigating Canal, which starts from the Arkansaw at Ingalls, hugsthe river more or less closely to the bluffs below Dodge City, and then starts offacross country in the direction of Spearville and Kinsley.

[II-19] Pike camps to-night about opposite Garfield, a railroad station and smallvillage on the left or N. W. bank of the river. He started up on that side(having the river to his left), but crossed over on the 30th, and will continuethe whole way to Pueblo up the right bank, having the river on his right.The general course of the river being from W. to E., its right bank is onthe S., and thus N. of Pike.

[II-20] Kinsley, county seat of Edwards, is something of a town in these parts,situated a mile or two W. of the river on that one of the Coon creeks whichruns oftener than the other one does, and which, when it has any water to discharge,falls into the Arkansaw at Garfield, after skirting the river for manymiles. The nomenclature of Big and Little Coon creeks is reversed on somemaps. I find that I was camped on one of them, 24 m. from Fort Larned,June 1st, 1864, under which date my old journal calls it "a puddlesome sloughon the prairie." Thirty years ago it was good buffalo country, and consequentlybad Indian country. A note I penciled June 3d, 1864, runs thus: "Our routesince leaving Larned has been mostly along the north bank of the Arkansaw.Queer river that?a great ditch, chock full of grassy islets, stretching throughthe treeless prairie like a spotted snake, some seasons so dry you can't wetyour foot in it for miles, and have to dig for a drink, sometimes a ragingflood 200 yards wide. Traveling without military escort is risky. The Cheyennesare on the rampage; Comanches and Kiowas too." On the 6th, nearingFort Lyon, we passed an Indian camp; "it was a band of Arapahoes,at war with the Cheyennes."

[II-21] No mileage for to-day. By Pike's map, camp is at an elbow of the river,which denotes that curve the Arkansaw makes in passing from Ford into KiowaCo. There is no place to name in this vicinity, and the best maps, on a scaleof 2 m. to the inch, do not give any island hereabouts. We will allow Pike16 m., and set camp in Ford Co., just over the border of Kiowa.

[II-22] To "crease" a horse is to hit him with a bullet somewhere along the napeof the neck, close enough to the cervical vertebr� to stun him by the shock tothe spinal cord, or to the ligamentum nuch�, yet not to inflict permanentinjury. When this is nicely done the horse falls as if killed, and is ropedbefore he recovers. But it takes a very good shot, like "driving the nail,""snuffing the candle," "barking the squirrel," and other feats of skill whichour backwoodsmen used to practice.

[II-23] Since he left Great Bend, Pike has had hilly country continuously on hisleft, with only a very narrow river-bottom on that side, in comparison with thebreadth of the low-lying land on the W. or N. In fact, it is this series ofcountless thousands of hills and hillocks which causes the deflection of the rivernorthward, thus making the "great bend." The place where the change occurs,and where Pike camps, is at Ford, a town in the county of that name, on the S.bank of the Arkansaw, or rather on the E. and S. bank of Mulberry cr.,a stream from the S. W., which winds around the town on the W. and N., andfalls into the Arkansaw a mile or so lower down. A branch of the Chic., Kas.,and Neb. R. R. runs through Ford from Bucklin to Dodge City, Ensign, andMontezuma.

[II-24] Taking Pike past the site of old Fort Dodge and of present Dodge City,nearly to the boundary between Ford and Gray cos.?say halfway from Dodgeto Cimarron, and thus about opp. Howell station of the A., T., and S. F. R. R.Dodge started on the N. bank, but has overgrown the river, and is now builtup on both sides, with two bridges across. Dodge is 17 m. by rail above Ford,and almost exactly on the 100th meridian?probably some of the houses are builton each side of this line of longitude. At or near Dodge were the long-noted"Caches," of which most of the early travelers speak, but which seem to havebeen latterly lost sight of. I cannot locate the exact spot, but it ought to beeasily recoverable by those who have the data I happen to lack. The placeused to be spoken of as near the meridian just said?though that does not helpus at all, as the maps of those days were mostly 30� out of the way in longitudes.Thus, even Gunnison and Beckwith's route-map of 1853 runs the line E. of themouth of Mulberry cr. where Ford now stands, and thus about 99� 40�. Gregg'sis much closer than this, though it is on a much smaller scale; his 100th line runsmidway betwixt the mouth of Mulberry cr. and the "Caches." Wislizenus'route-map, accompanying his report to Congress (Senate Misc. Doc. No. 26,30th Congr., 1st Sess., pub. 1848) is closer still; for the "Caches" are markedscarcely W. of 100�. Wislizenus gives us another clew, as he marks "FortMann" at the "Caches." The "Caches" were also about the place where thedry cut-off, described in note18 above, reached the Arkansaw?in short, everythingpoints to the immediate vicinity of Fort Dodge as the place where thesecaches were located. "The history of the origin of these 'Caches' may be ofsufficient interest to merit a brief recital," as Gregg says, Comm. Pra. I. 1844,p. 67, where, and on p. 19, we have the account. In 1812 was fitted out thefirst expedition which attempted to reach Santa F� by following the account ofPike's journey now before us. This consisted of about a dozen men, amongthem two named Beard and Chambers, who had succeeded in reaching Santa F�with the others, and had returned to the United States in 1822 (Chambers haddone so by way of the Canadian r.). These two interested some St. Louiscapitalists to join an enterprise in the Santa F� trade, and then undertook toreturn to Santa F� in the fall of 1822 with a small party and an assortment ofmerchandise. "Reaching the Arkansas late in the season, they were overtakenby a heavy snowstorm, and driven to take shelter on a large island. A rigorouswinter ensued, which forced them to remain pent up in that place for three longmonths. During this time the greater part of their animals perished; so that,when the spring began to open, they were unable to continue their journey withtheir goods. In this emergency they made a cache some distance above, on thenorth side of the river, where they stowed away most of their merchandize.From thence they proceeded to Taos, where they procured mules, and returnedto get their hidden property. Few travelers pass this way without visiting thesemossy pits, many of which remain partly unfilled to the present day."

[II-25] Alluding to the terrible defeat of General Arthur St. Clair's army by Indianson a branch of the Wabash r., in present Darke Co., Ohio, Nov. 4th, 1791.This was the most disastrous battle ever lost by the whites to the Indians, surpassingBraddock's defeat on the Monongahela in 1755. On Dec. 25th, 1793,General Anthony Wayne, who had become commander-in-chief in 1792, andtaken command of the Army of the West, sent a detachment of soldiers to takepossession of the field where General St. Clair had been defeated, built a fortthere, and named the place Recovery, because it was then first recovered fromthe Indians, who had retained possession after the disaster above named. June29th, 1794, General Wayne sent troops with supplies to Fort Recovery fromGreenville, where he was then stationed. The detachment reached the fort anddeposited its supplies in safety, but was immediately attacked, and the fortitself was invested by Indians, assisted by whites from Canada. The battleraged June 30th and July 1st, when the assailants were repulsed, not withoutgreat loss on our side. Among those who fell was the gallant McMahon, whohad commanded the expedition to Fort Recovery. For further information see:Howe's Hist. Coll. Ohio, under head of Darke Co.; Burnet's Notes of theN. W. Terr., chap. vii; Albach's Annals of the West, p. 642. Present FortRecovery is a village in Mercer Co. O., on a branch of the Wabash r., close tothe Indiana State line.

[II-26] Camp past Cimarron and Ingalls, but not far W. of the latter?5 m., perhaps.These are two towns on the N. bank, respectively 18 and 26 m. aboveDodge City. Ingalls is the seat of Gray Co. The Amer. Sp. word cimarronmeans something wild, runaway, or unreclaimed, like maroon, and is applicableto an animal, a person, a place, etc. It designated the wild sheep of the RockyMountains (Ovis montana), gave name to one of the largest branches of theArkansaw, and was early associated with a certain route from the Arkansaw toSanta F�. The name of J. J. Ingalls was long prominent in Kansas politicsand in national statesmanship, and at one time associated with the too-truestatement that "purity in politics is an iridescent dream." Notwithstandingthe injunction against truth-telling which the consequences of the scholarlysenator's remark imply, I wish to speak as accurately as possible regarding thepoints at which the Cimarron route left the Arkansaw. There were two ofthese places, both of which Pike passes to-day, where the river was forded, andthe road thus crossed from the N. to the S. bank. These became known as theLower and Upper Crossings of the Arkansaw; they were 8 m. apart; thelower one was 18 m. and the upper one 26 m. above Fort Atkinson; they thuscorrespond to the positions of Cimarron and Ingalls, respectively. The river isnow bridged at each town. The Lower Crossing was the earlier one, most usedby the traders from 1834 till the closing of the Mexican ports in 1843; afterthe war the Upper Crossing seems to have been generally chosen. Thus, wefind Gunnison and Beckwith saying in 1853, P. R. R. Rep. II. 1855, p. 26:"Seventeen miles from the fort [Atkinson] there is a ford, sometimes used bythe trains and parties going to and from New Mexico by the Cimmaron [sic]route; but the principal ford for that route is 8 m. above this." Writing of1846, Dr. Wislizenus speaks of moving "about 20 miles" up the Arkansawfrom the Caches, and arriving "at the usual fording place," i. e., the lower one."This track," says Gregg, Comm. Pra. I. 1844, p. 311, "which has sinceremained permanent, was made in the year 1834. Owing to continuous rainsduring the passage of the caravan of that year a plain trail was then cut in thesoftened turf, on the most direct route across this arid desert, leaving theArkansas about 20 miles above the 'Caches.' This has ever since been theregular route of the caravans; and thus a recurrence of those distressing sufferingsfrom thirst, so frequently experienced by early travellers in that unhospitableregion, has been prevented." The first camp S. of the Arkansaw wasusually made in the vicinity of the Sand Hills, at a place called the Battlegroundafter 1843, in which year the defeat of the Mexicans by the Texansunder Colonel Snively occurred on that spot; it was some 12-15 m. from theriver. The roads from the two fords came together at no great distance fromthe Arkansaw (perhaps in the vicinity of Ulysses, seat of Grant Co.); havingthus headed the Crooked Creek branch of Cimarron, the road crossed Sandy cr.not far above its confluence with the Cimarron, and so reached that river.

[II-27] Past Pierceville, a village and station on the A., T., and S. F. R. R., justover the line between Gray and Finney cos.; camp 3 or 4 m. short of GardenCity, seat of the latter county.

[II-28] Past Garden City and Sherlock; camp on or near the boundary betweenFinney and Kearney cos., in the vicinity of Deerfield, a place on the railroad.Most of the older maps mark hereabout the large island in the Arkansawcalled Chouteau's, somewhat W. of the 101st meridian, and apparently nearDeerfield.

[II-29] Vicinity of Harland, seat of Kearney Co. In saying that the Spanishroad had been "on the outside" of the party, Pike gives us to understand thatit had run along to his left, a little further from the river, though since the 30thof Oct. he had been also traveling on the S. side of the Arkansaw, havingthat river on his right. Nevertheless, the map marks the two trails as identical,the Spanish camps alternating with the American all along. There has beenlittle to note along this stretch of the river, where no stream of any consequencefalls in on either side. Pike here remarks a change, in the beginning of hillycountry; extensive sand-hills are skirting the river on the S., in Kearney Co.,and thence into Hamilton.

[II-30] Vicinity of Syracuse, seat of Hamilton Co.

[II-31] Last day's journey in Kansas, passing from Hamilton Co., over the inter-Stateline, into Prowers Co., Colorado. Pike's mileages along the whole coursefrom Great Bend are remarkably close. I designedly ran them off day by day,without any checking by known positions, to see when he would strike theinter-State line, about 5 m. beyond which is the first identifiable named stream;expecting then to hark back, much as usual, and make the requisite adjustmentsof camps by proportionate lengths of each. But I find no occasion forthis; his own mileages fix his camp of the 11th as nearly as possible on theline, and we have three identifiable streams in the course of his march on the12th. To-day's camp is between Coolidge, Hamilton Co., Kas., and Hollys,Prowers Co., Col., 2 m. W. of the former, 4 m. E. of the latter, in lat. 38� 02�N., long. 102� 02� W.

[II-32] In Colorado Pike first comes opp. Hollys, a village on the N. bank andstation of the A., T., and S. F. R. R. Below this are some small runs on theN., among them one called Cheyenne cr.; and Wild Horse cr. falls in on thatside a mile above Hollys. He then crosses Two Butte cr., a much largerstream, from the S., arising in Las Animas Co. about the elevations fromwhich it takes name, running through the N. W. corner of Baca and traversingProwers to fall in a mile above the mouth of Wild Horse cr., opposite the largeisland there. Continuing, Pike crosses Granada cr., from the S., which falls inwhere the railroad crosses the Arkansaw and runs into the station named Adana.If he held straight on the best road, keeping to the left of the extensive bottomsalong here, he went through the present sites of Granada, a village 4 m. W. ofAdana, on Wolf cr., and of Manville, a station 2 m. further along. Camp wasset about halfway between Manville and Carlton, a place 4 m. beyond. Severalruns or washes make in along here on each side, but seldom carry as muchwater as the ditches which have been brought from the Arkansaw throughand by Granada. Pike charts Two Butte cr., and one that answers either toGranada or Wolf cr.: notice the pair he lays down, S., with the legend "CottonWood becomes frequent" lettered across Two Butte cr.

The Wild Horse cr. above mentioned appears on Gregg's map by the nameof "Lit. Sand Cr."

[II-33] No mileage to-day; and the omission is not easily supplied. On the 15thPike camps at the mouth of Purgatory r., and it took him 34 m. by his reckoningto get there from his camp of the 13th. Therefore, camp of the 13th wasabout 12 m. from that of the 12th, and thus within a mile or two of Lamar. Ishall so suppose it to have been. This sets Pike past the "point of red rocksand one large [Big Sandy] creek," which he speaks of as having passed on the14th, but it agrees with the map, which sets a camp-mark for the 13th pastBig Sandy cr. There is evidently a confusion of the record of the 13th and14th, perhaps in the flurry of the Indian sign; all things considered, I shallset camp of the 13th, hypothetically, 2 m. short of Lamar: and that of the14th at the station Prowers, 10 m. further; whence it is about 24 m. for the15th to Purgatory r. The points passed on the 13th and 14th are most convenientlydiscussed together: see next note. The site of Fort Aubrey (namedfor or by F. X. Aubrey?), on the N. bank, was probably passed on the 13th.

[II-34] From his camp of the 12th Pike passes the village and station Carlton, oppositewhich the small Cottonwood cr. falls in from the N., and proceeds to hisown "large creek" and "point of rocks." This stream is Big Sandy cr., fromthe N.; Pike lays it down very well. It is quite a river or river-bed, whichwhen it runs drains from the high country known as the Arkansaw Divide, sc.between Arkansan and Missourian waters, in El Paso, Elbert, and Lincoln cos.The stream further traverses Cheyenne and Kiowa cos., and seeks the Arkansawin Prowers Co., 2 or 3 m. below the point of rocks Pike notices. This isa place where a bold headland abuts against the river on the south, rising rapidlyfrom 3,575 to more than 3,800?that is, some 300 feet above the general levelof the river bottom. A run known as Clay cr. comes around the bluff on the W.The next above is Willow cr., S., on which Lamar stands between irrigatingditches derived from the Arkansaw, and the next above is Dry cr., S., halfwaybetween Lamar and Prowers station. Here is camp of the 14th, just over theborder of Prowers, in Bent Co. Pike's map legends "Broken with smallRavines & Creeks" on the country passed over.

[II-35] This statement conflicts with Pike's map, which lays down only one streambetween the two camp-marks that stand for the 14th and 15th. But the textis right, and both these camp-marks are misplaced. One belongs just belowMud cr., and the other at Purgatory r., where there is no sign of one, thoughthis is the most exactly locatable station since we left Great Bend. Pike's"two deep creeks" are Mud and Caddoa; his "many points of rocks" appearon any good topographical map. There is a series of such between Prowersand Mud cr., on the S., opposite which Graveyard cr. falls in, N. Two verynotable points of rocks, a mile apart, are separated by Caddoa cr.; andLimestone cr. falls in from the N., 2 or 3 m. below these. These bluffs extendto the village of Caddoa, 2 m. up, in a bottom left by their recession fromthe river, before they again close in on the river in two bold headlands, 1 or 2m. above Caddoa. The country on the N., across the river, is also bluffy forseveral miles along here. The elevations close to the river are 3,800 to 3,900feet, and higher further back on both sides. Above the Caddoan bluffs acreek which Pike charts falls on the S. This is lettered Blue cr. on late G. L.O. maps, and Rule cr. on those of Hayden and Powell. Caddoa cr. headsabout the N. W. corner of Baca Co., and takes a northerly course to the Arkansaw;Blue or Rule cr. is the larger one of the two; some of its affluentsare near those of Caddoa and upper reaches of Two Butte cr., about Shell Rockca�on in Baca Co., but its real source is further south in Las Animas Co.,where Johnny cr. and others head. Its course is northerly, but with an eastwardtrend, about parallel with Purgatory r. About an hour before Pikereached this large river he passed opposite the place where Fort Lyon was laterbuilt, on the bluff around which the Arkansaw there sweeps closely. In 1864Lyon was the first inhabited place on the Arkansaw west of Larned, thoughthere had been trading-posts or certain other temporary dwellings at variouspoints, especially at the upper end of the Big Timbers, say 12 m. E. of FortLyon. These were a large body of cottonwoods extending thence several milesdown the river on its N. side, and formed a noted resort of various Indiantribes. Hence the woods became well known to travelers along the Arkansaw,whose itineraries almost always speak of the "Big Timbers" as they approachthe Purgatory on their way to Bent's fort. Pike's text of the 13th is no doubtthe earliest indication of these woods.

Gregg's map lays down three large creeks from the S. between his Big Sandcr. and Purgatory r. The first of these is called Mulberry; the other two arenameless. The three appear to correspond to the Mud, Caddoa, and Blue creeksjust described.

[II-36] The main chain of the Rocky mts., with Pike's Peak towering to theright: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 328. Pike has before him the Front rangeof the Rockies, northward, or to the right; and southward, or to the left, theSangre de Cristo range. The sources of Arkansan waters are between these;while on the other side of the last named range are those of the Rio Grande.The "cheers to the Mexican mountains" were given at an alt. of 3,900 feet.

[II-37] Purgatory r., also called in English Picket-wire, in French Rivi�re Purgatoire,and in Spanish Rio Purgatorio and Rio de Las Animas, is charted byPike as the "1st Fork," with the legend "Here the Mountains are first seen."This very large branch or fork of the Arkansaw heads in that southward continuationof the Sangre de Cristo range which is known as the Culebra range,about Trinchera, Culebra, and other peaks, where it connects with sources ofthe Rio Culebra, a tributary of the upper Rio Grande. Its own tributaries arevery numerous and extensive. The main river runs N. E. from Las AnimasCo., through the S. E. corner of Otero Co., and joins the Arkansaw in Bent Co.,between the site of Fort Lyon and that of Las Animas, present county seat ofBent. Pike camped where the railroad now crosses; and his journey since the12th has been practically along the present railroad line.

[II-38] It is certain that Pike was on Purgatory r. on the 15th, and certainthat he did not reach his "Grand Forks" (present site of Pueblo, at junctionof Fountain r.) till evening of the 23d. The distance between these points,along the river, is between 90 and 100 m. Pike's ostensible mileages are: forthe 16th, 11�; 17th, 23�; 18th and 19th, none; 20th, 18; 21st, 21; 22d,17; and 23d, 19; total, 110 m. We have, therefore, to reduce these mileagesby about one day's journey. Observe, also, that only four camps are markedfor the 16th-22d; there should be five, and with that for the 23d, six. Thusthe text and map do not agree, and some error is evident, though what it is wehave no means of deciding with confidence. I am inclined to think that thedifficulty lies at the start from the "1st Fork" (Purgatory r.), when so much ofthe day was occupied in searching for the Spanish trail, and the "11�" m.assigned may have been little if any actual advance. If we proceed upon thissupposition, there will be no trouble in adjusting mileages to bring in themissing camp by the 20th; after which all possible error is removed by theidentifiable points. I shall, therefore, set camp of the 16th scarcely above themouths of Adobe and Horse (formerly Dry) creeks, which fall in close togetheron the north, 7 and 8 m. above Purgatory r. Neither of these is noticed by Pike,though each is larger than some of the streams he charts. But they were acrossthe river, and Pike had a bad case of Spanish trail on the brain, aggravated byanxiety about Indian sign.

[II-39] The mileage hardly requires any adjustment, from the position I haveassigned for the 16th, to set camp of the 17th in the close vicinity of RockyFord, a village and station on the railroad, where Pike remains on the 18th and19th. Rocky Ford is 5 m. above Timpas cr. (which he charts as the firststream from the left above his "1st Fork"). Timpas or Timpa is a largecreek which heads in Las Animas Co. and runs N. N. E. into the Arkansaw atthe upper point of that very large island above La Junta.

The most notable point passed to-day is the historic site of Bent's old fort, onthe N. bank of the Arkansaw, 7 or 8 m. E. of the Timpas. It was a positionof great consequence in the days of staging from Fort Leavenworth and otherpoints on the Missouri to Taos, Santa F�, and other New Mexican places.Most of the early itineraries, both commercial and military, speak of Bent's fort,and the advantages of this location for a post were more than once urged upon theattention of the War Department. It was on an emigrant road, in the heart ofan Indian country overrun with various tribes; was a sort of focus for severalwidely divergent termini; was in the vicinity of good building material, and hadplenty of fuel, grass, and water. Mr. Bent himself destroyed it in 1849, whenhe abandoned it for sufficient reasons; but some of the chimneys and adobewalls long stood to mark the spot. Thus it was Bent's "old" fort when Ipassed by, about 30 years ago. Gregg's, Wislizenus', and in fact most maps ofthe period mark the fort, some of them giving also a certain Fort Williamalongside it. The structure is described as "quite complete" by Lieut. J. W.Abert, who was here in August, 1846, at which time he met such noted plainsmenas Capt. Walker of California renown, Marcellus St. Vrain, and "Bill"Garey. Col. Price's regiment was here about the same time. The severalcolumns of Gen. S. W. Kearny's Army of the West, which invaded and subjugatedNew Mexico and California, coming from Fort Leavenworth by theArkansaw route, concentrated in camp a few miles below the fort, Aug. 1st,1846. Kit Carson knew the place well, and Fr�mont found him not faraway from here in July, 1843. A view of Bent's fort as it appeared in 1846 isgiven by John T. Hughes, in his admirable Doniphan's Expedition, 8vo, Cincinnati,1847, p. 35. The old route into Santa F� left the Arkansaw close byBent's fort, went S. W. between Purgatory r. and Timpas cr., struck the latterat a place then as now called Iron Springs, and so on through the Ratonmts., not very different from the way the A., T., and S. F. R. R. now takes.A glimpse at the kind of a road this used to be is had from the following extractfrom my diary: "Tuesday, June 7th, 1864. Bent's old fort. Cold ride inthe rain from 3 a. m. to 5 p. m., when we brought up at the fort. Here wasour crossing of the Arkansaw. Recent hard rains made the river unfordable;so we had to ferry ourselves over the surging tide in a frail skiff?ticklish business.However, we got safe across, with all our worldly goods?the latternothing to speak of, and stood shivering while the ramshackled hack that metus on the other side was loaded and hitched up. This storm and the ferriagebegan a series of mishaps that reached to Fort Stanton in New Mexico, andmade the driver swear that 'the grace of God had petered out on the other sideof the Arkansaw.' Kept on to Iron Springs; road miry, pace snaily."

The name of Bent's Fort is preserved as that of a place nearly opposite (a littleabove) the present station Robinson, which latter is exactly on the boundarybetween Bent and Otero cos. Above this is La Junta, on the S., seat of thecounty. Several creeks fall in on the S. along here, the largest one of themnamed Crooked cr.

[II-40] Taking the Expedition just beyond the mouth of the Apishapa, Apishipa,or Apishpa r., to the present station Rockdale. This stream is charted byPike; a camp-mark is set just above it, assuring us that the difficulty we hadis already adjusted. It is a large river, or rather a long-bedded water-course(like many others which start well, but run out in the thirsty soil), headingabout the Spanish Peaks, and reaching the Arkansaw at the foot of Apishapabluffs (4,675 feet), between Rockdale and Catlin. Three miles off, across theArkansaw, is the station Olney of the Mo. Pac. R. R., which here comes tothe river. In old days a point opposite the mouth of the Apishapa was a goodcamp on the Cherokee trail to the gold-diggings on Cherry cr., with the Huerfanomountains and Spanish Peaks in sight.

[II-41] To a point on the river, in Pueblo Co., between Nepesta and the Huerfano,short of which river Pike's camp-mark is set. Pike charts the Huerfanoas his "2nd Fork." We also notice that he marks two Spanish camps, o o, forthe day's march, as called for by the text, though they are by no means setdown "within three miles of each other." Nepesta is only a hamlet and station,but serves to mark a well-known crossing of the Arkansaw. The A., T.,and S. F. R. R. now crosses here, meeting the Mo. Pac. R. R., and the twotracks run together into Pueblo. The Huerfano is a great river, which headsin the Sangre de Cristo range, among the mountains of the Sierra Blanca range,and by various other affluents, as Muddy cr. and others, heading in the verypasses of the Sangre range which we shall have to discuss when Pike's forlornand frostbitten party reaches them. Some other tributaries drain from theW. side of the Wet mts. The union of these in Huerfano Park startsthe river out of the mountains by Huerfano pass; in the plains it receivesCucharas r., a tributary of nearly equal size, from further S., and theirunited stream seeks the Arkansaw on a N. E. course. A place called Jacksonis on the river near its mouth; opposite, across the Arkansaw, is Booneville.

The place above mentioned by the name Nepesta reminds me to say thatRio Napeste was a Spanish name of the Arkansaw r. itself, at least in its upperor Colorado reaches. One of Pike's own maps letters "Rio de Napesi," aphrase reappearing as "Rio de Nanesi" on Lewis and Clark's map of 1814;and yet other forms of the name occur. The phrase is obviously Spanish, butthe word itself I do not recognize as such?very likely it is derived from theUte Indian language. Humboldt's map letters "Rio de Napestle."

[II-42] The "front only," a phrase italicized in the original, means that only thevanguard of the army met the insolent Pawnees. This probably consisted ofPike, Robinson, and Vasquez; the rest of the invading forces, being 13 rankand file, main column and rearguard combined, having not yet come up toengage the enemy.

[II-43] The Huerfano (Orphan) r., marked "2nd Fork" on Pike's map, is passedto-day without remark?no doubt Pike was thinking more of Pawnees than ofgeography. In consequence of the fracas, little progress was made; probablyless than 17 m., as we see by the mileage assigned to the 23d. Camp can beset little if any beyond the site of old Fort Reynolds, which stood on the S.bank of the river, about opposite the mouth of Black Squirrel or Chico cr.This falls in from the N., on a course parallel with that of Fountain r.; it arisesby several heads in the Arkansaw divide, N. E. of Colorado Springs, oppositeheads of Kiowa and Bijou creeks (branches of the South Platte); at its mouthis Chico sta. (Nyburg), on the N. side of the Arkansaw, 12 m. E. of Pueblo.Nearly opposite the mouth of the Huerfano is Booneville; this locality used tobe a regular camping-ground on the old Cherokee trail, and here was a fordacross the Arkansaw, opposite Charles Audebee's (or Autobee's) house.

[II-44] Pike's Third Fork, charted "3d Fork," is the San Carlos or St. Charles r.His Grand Forks is the confluence of Fountain r. with the Arkansaw, atpresent city of Pueblo?perhaps the best known place where we have foundhim since the Expedition started. The Charles arises in the Wet mts., wherealso heads its main branch, called Greenhorn r., as in fact the Charles itselfoften used to be. Their streams unite in the prairie 8 m. S. of Pueblo, andfall into the Arkansaw 7 m. E. of that city, or about halfway to Fort Reynolds.It was in this vicinity that the old Cherokee trail forked, the right-hand roadtaking up toward the gold diggings, while the other kept on to Pueblo. TheGreenhorn mt., about which the San Carlos heads, has an ascertained altitudeof 12,230 feet. Fountain r. is still called Fontaine r. by those who preferFrench to English, and used to be more elaborately styled La Rivi�re de laFontaine qui Bouille, River of the Boiling Spring?not that the water is hot,but that it bubbles as it wells out of the rocks, as if it were boiling. "Thisspring," says Marcy, Pra. Trav. 1859, p. 300, "or, rather, springs, as there aretwo, both of which boil up out of solid rock, are among the greatest naturalcuriosities that I have ever seen. The water is strongly impregnated with salts,but is delightful to the taste, and somewhat similar to the Congress water."But before General Marcy's time the springs had become noted. On the 17thof July, 1843, they were visited by Fr�mont, who describes them at length inhis Rep., orig. ed. 1845, p. 117; Mr. Charles Preuss, of his party, thought thewater resembled that of the Seltzer Springs in the Grand Duchy of Nassau.About nine-tenths of the solid matters in solution is chalk. When I was atManitou Springs, a few years ago, it was a common sight to see people in theelectric cars with bottles of the water, which had already become an extensivelyadvertised commercial article. Fountain r. has also its Spanish name of RioAlmagre or Almagra, meaning red ocher or other reddish earth. It is formedof two main courses which head about Pike's Peak and other elevations of thesame outlying (Front) range of the Rockies, called respectively Fountain andMonument cr.; these unite at Colorado Springs. Monument cr., comingsouthward in the foothills, is composed of various others, called Beaver, DeadMan's, West Monument, Crystal, etc. Fountain cr., which comes eastwardfrom Pike's Peak itself and that vicinity, seeks the plains by the villages ofManitou Springs and Colorado City, and the city of Colorado Springs (seat ofEl Paso Co.)?for such are the respective designations of these places, nowwell known to tourists and especially valetudinarians. At Manitou Springs itreceives Ruxton cr., through Ingleman ca�on, now traversed by the cogwheelManitou and Pike's Peak R. R.; item, it receives Glen "Erie" (Eyrie) cr.,which runs through the little mountain park called Garden of the Gods?a spotnot favorable to agriculture and one whose alleged proprietors maintain theirwonted alibi. Visitors who now inspect the natural curiosities hereabouts,including a cave of very respectable dimensions and disagreeable atmosphere,go up a carriage road which follows for some distance what was an old Indiantrail between South Park and the plains. Fountain r., thus composed, runs S.along the E. base of the R. mts., receiving small affluents all along on eitherhand, as Bear, N. Cheyenne, S. Cheyenne, Sand, Jimmy's Camp, and LittleFountain creeks, and falls into the Arkansaw at Pueblo, as already said. It isPike's "North Fork" of the Arkansaw, and this is the stream nearly parallelwith which he proceeds via Turkey cr. toward the "high point of the bluemountain," i. e., Pike's Peak. His breastwork was built on the S. side of theArkansaw, slightly above the confluence of Fountain r., and thus within presentcity limits of Pueblo?though the built-up portions of South Pueblo are mostlya mile or so from the confluence. A suburb of South Pueblo is called Bessemer,where stand the great smelters and other evidences of that commercialenergy which has caused Pueblo to be sometimes styled "the Pittsburg of theWest," though the pure air is not to be compared with the smutty gas onebreathes at the old site of Fort Duquesne. A mile from Bessemer is Lake Minnequa,a resort of the Pueblonians for boating, beer, and music. Pueblo has retainedfor more than half a century a name that was originally not a proper buta common noun. Thus we read in Fr�mont, Rep. 1845, p. 116: "Continuingdown the [Fountain] river, we encamped at noon on the 14th [of July, 1843]at its mouth, on the Arkansas river. A short distance above our encampment,on the left bank of the Arkansas, is a pueblo, (as the Mexicans call their civilizedIndian villages,) where a number of mountaineers, who had married Spanishwomen in the vicinity of Taos, had collected together, and occupied themselvesin farming, carrying on at the same time a desultory Indian trade. They wereprincipally Americans, and treated us with all the rude hospitality their situationadmitted." Fr�mont calls the river "Fontaine-qui-bouit" (not Bouille). Iunderstand that Pueblo was known at one time, during the '40's, as Hardscrabble?aname now given to another place, for which see a note beyond. Iam told by Mr. Maguire that "Jimmy's Camp"?now the name of a creek abovesaid?was a traditionally well-known place where one "Jimmy" had a small tradingoutfit, mainly for the Utes; he was killed by the Plains Indians. PresentJimmy Camp is a hamlet about Corral Bluffs, 9 m. due E. of Colorado Springs.

[II-45] This was a slight structure, occupied only for a few days, and soon disappeared.But it is notable as the first wooden building of an American in presentColorado, and very probably our flag first flew in that State over these logs.There was no trace of it to be found in 1819, according to Long. It was builton the S. side of the Arkansaw, a little above the then confluence of Fountain r.,within the present city of Pueblo (South Pueblo). The precise spot has neverbeen recovered, and probably never will be. Changes in the river may havesoon washed it away, or left it at some unrecognizable point on the prairie.The Arkansaw here has suffered great changes in details of its course, and isliable to inundation: witness the disastrous flood this year (1894), which almostdrowned the city itself. In this connection I may cite part of an interestingletter with which I am favored by Mr. C. H. Small of the Board of Trade ofPueblo, whose knowledge of real estate in that city is probably unsurpassed.It refers to the discovery by excavation of an old fort which cannot by any possibilitybe Pike's, yet in the course of human nature is liable to become so consideredby some, and in due time to enter history as such. Mr. Small says:"A fort was once built on the south side of the Arkansas just north of theFarris Hotel?between this hotel and the Santa F� R. R. tracks at UnionAvenue. The channel of the river changed in the seventies to a more southerlyand straighter course. The occupants of the fort were all massacred by Indianson one occasion. In laying a pipe on Union Avenue two years ago [1892], oneor more skeletons were exhumed, doubtless the remains of those massacred.This was at the depth of ten feet below the present level of the street, anddirectly in front of the Farris Hotel; the logs of the old fort were come uponat the same time. The grade of the street had been raised five feet, about1885." Mr. Small's letter is dated Feb. 23d, 1894. In further correspondenceon this subject I am given to understand that this fort was an adobe structurebuilt by the American Fur Co., on what is now Union Avenue. On ChristmasDay, 1854, a drunken spree ended in a free fight, in which all the whites werekilled by the Indians but one, who fled to a smaller post on the Arkansaw atthe mouth of the St. Charles, 7 or 8 m. off, whence a burying-party came nextday. For a long time there was also an adobe tower or lookout on top of thehill, about present intersection of Second and Summit streets; but it hasentirely disappeared.

[II-46] Pike starts up the W. bank of Fountain r., but soon bears N. W., directlythrough the present city, in the direction of Turkey cr. This is a stream whichruns (when it runs anywhere) parallel with Fountain r., 10 to 15 m. further W.;it heads about Cheyenne Peak, the foremost though not the highest of the Frontrange in the vicinity of Pike's Peak. The air-line distance of Pike's Peak fromPueblo is about 50 m.; the distance over any ground by which the summitcould be reached would be as far again. In making this side-trip our heroproceeds with the determination expressed in the modern slang phrase, "Pike'sPeak or bust!" We must remember that he knew nothing of mountains, so tospeak, from personal experience, and had never in his life been higher thansome pass in the Alleghanies, perhaps about the elevation of the ground onwhich he built his breastwork (say 4,700 feet). In the prairie close byColorado Springs there stands a little knob, up which a man could run in a fewminutes, and which has been dubbed in derision, "Mt. Washington," becauseit is exactly as high as that celebrated peak in the White mts. of New Hampshire?6,288feet. Though Pike never surmounted his eternal monument,he overcame all those dangers, difficulties, and hardships which did "bust"many a later, less hardy, and less resolute adventurer who "bucked against theRockies." Tourists and invalids have now the option of ascending to thesummit of his peak from Colorado Springs by stage, or from Manitou Springsby the cogwheel railroad, which has been in operation since July, 1891. Bythe latter mode of conveyance I have ascended the Rigi in Switzerland, as wellas Mt. Washington in my native State; but neither of these afforded the sensationI experienced upon the summit of Pike's Peak, looking far down upon thegreatest elevation he attained on the present excursion. His 12 m. N. W.to-day sets him on the prairie between Fountain r. and Turkey cr., nearer thelatter. The present road from Pueblo to Turkey cr. strikes the usually dry bedof the latter at about 17 miles' distance, follows up the E. bank to the foot ofthe mountain, crosses there, keeps on past East Turkey cr. through Dead Man'sca�on, crosses the heads of Little Fountain cr., and continues to skirt the E.base of the range, past Cheyenne Peak to Colorado Springs. Up to the ca�on,at least, this is exactly the route Pike took to reach Mt. Cheyenne.

[II-47] In the hilly country along the E. side of Turkey cr., and then on thatcreek, heading straight for Cheyenne Peak; camp on the creek when he cameto water, probably about where West Turkey cr. falls in; altitude perhaps6,000 feet. The situation is now in the ravine of the creek, with elevations of6,500 feet on the right, and others 7,000 to 8,000 feet on the left and ahead.The creek receives small tributaries from the left all along, each gulch havingits little stream, or bed of one. One of the largest of these is West Turkey cr.,running S. E. from altitudes of about 9,500 feet. Further along comes downthe parallel stream of East Turkey cr., heading S. from Mt. Rosa from altitudesof about 10,500 feet, and falling in by Dead Man's ca�on. The summit ofthe Cheyenne mt. is due N. of Pike's present position, at an air-line distanceof 10 or 12 m.; Mt. Rosa bears N. by W., somewhat further off. The situationis such that, if Pike should keep straight ahead, through Dead Man'sca�on, he would run across Little Fountain cr., and proceed to climb Cheyennemt. from the S.; but if he should bear to the left, up some one of the TurkeyCreek affluents I have mentioned or alluded to, he would much sooner reachwhat he would be likely to call "the summit of the chain" (see text of the27th)?that is, an altitude of about 9,000 feet, with Mt. Rosa bearing N. andthe summit of Cheyenne mt. N. N. E., each at an air-line distance of 6 or8 m. I think this was most probably his route; but do not see that we havethe data to establish the fact.

[II-48] Pike's expectation of climbing his peak and getting back to his camp onTurkey cr. in one day may serve to console some who have thought they wouldlike to take a stroll before breakfast to the same peak from the Antlers Hotel inColorado Springs. Though Pike's actual footsteps in these mountains be not recoverablewith exactitude, there is no uncertainty as to about where he was on the26th and 27th, when he climbed S. of Mts. Cheyenne and Rosa to an altitudeof about 9,000 feet, and then returned. Mt. Cheyenne is the foremost of thegroup of peaks in this part of the Front range; it stands out in such bold reliefthat uninformed visitors to Colorado Springs often mistake it for Pike's Peak.But its altitude is only 9,407 or 9,948 feet, as estimated by different authorities,and thus considerably less than that of various other peaks in the vicinity.Some of these are: Cameron Cone, 10,685 or 11,560 feet; Mt. Rosa, 11,427or 11,572 feet; Mt. Pisgah, given as 10,487 feet; Pilate Peak, given as 12,420feet. The two last named are further W. and S.; Cheyenne, Cameron, andRosa form angles of a triangle, E. of Pike's Peak, that "grim sentinel of theRockies," as it is styled by some, or the "Grand Peak," as Pike calls it, whichtowers over all the rest to the generally accepted altitude of 14,147 feet. Thesefigures can easily be recalled to mind if one remembers that twice seven is 14.This peak is due W. of Colorado Springs, at an air-line distance of 12 m.Visitors are driven to the summit by way of the Cascade carriage road, runningup Cascade ca�on from a point in the Ute Pass 11 m. from Colorado Springs.This stage route is a trifle over 17 m. from Cascade, or a total of about 28 m.from the Antlers Hotel, Colorado Springs. During the season when the cropof pink-toed tender-foots is harvested, wagons make the round trip in one day,9 a. m.-6 p. m., spending an hour at the Halfway House and another at thePeak. This is said to be the highest stage-line in the United States. There isalso a road up Bear Creek ca�on to the Seven Lakes, but not to the Peak, andno line of stages is regularly run on it. The Cheyenne Mountain road alsogoes to these lakes, and has been run through to the mining camp on Cripplecr., which lately made such a noise in Colorado. This is S. W. of the peak,about 18 air-line miles from Colorado Springs. The Pike's Peak Cog Railwaytakes a much shorter, steeper, and straighter course than the stage road, by wayof Ingleman ca�on and Ruxton cr. The cog line starts from Manitou, 6� m.from Colorado Springs, and is 8� m. long. The round trip is made in aboutfive hours, two hours each way, with one hour between, on the summit. Thisis ample time; for tourists find Pike's Peak a convenient place to leave as soonas they have paid twenty-five cents for a cup of the worst coffee in the world,and tried in vain to stand up against a wind of 50 or 60 m. an hour. Thosewho may be more interested in Pike's Peak at a distance are referred to a daintybooklet entitled Legends of the Pike's Peak Region, 8vo, Denver, 1892; it isfull of quaint local lore, especially of the traditions of the only mountain Pikeclimbed part way up. Among all the myths that cling to the Peak, obscuringthe facts in the case like the clouds that mantle the mountain, the very basicone?that one on which the mountain rests, so to speak?is the universaltradition that the brave young officer discovered and ascended the Peak whichupholds his name. One wishes that such laurels as he earned and well deservedhad been plucked from an eminence unknown and unattained before. ButPike's Peak had been long and well known to the Spaniards; it was the UltimaThule of their possessions; and for that matter, was not Pike at the very timein pursuit of the Spanish troops under Malgares, who had gone along justbefore him? It is true that Pike, Robinson, Brown, and Miller?the fourwhose names are thus linked should be upheld together?are the first white menknown to have come within "the distance of 15 or 16 miles" of the peak, as itseemed to them, when the "Grand Peak" appeared "as high again as what weascended and would have taken a whole day's march to arrive at its base."This is the testimony of the hero of the occasion; his evidence is alike incisiveand decisive. So far as we are informed by authentic history, Pike's Peak wasfirst surmounted by Dr. Edwin James, Mr. Wilson, and two other men, July13th and 14th, 1820, during Major S. H. Long's expedition to the Rocky mts.,when it was named James' Peak. When, where, and by whom the mountainwas first called Pike's Peak is unknown, to me at least; but its earliest appearancein print should be discoverable. The date is probably somewhere inthe '40's, or still earlier. The name was certainly in verbal use in the '30's.Mr. Oliver P. Wiggins, now of Denver, who was on the plains in 1838, heardonly "Pike's Peak," as a phrase already in common speech. Gregg's map of1844 legends "Pikes Peak (or James')." Beckwith's Report of 1853, pub. 1855,p. 30, has only "James'." The alternative names ran parallel for some years.G. K. Warren states, Pac. R. R. Rep. XI., 1855, p. 24: "Captain Fr�mont, in hisreport and map of explorations in 1843 and 1844, calls it Pike's Peak, probablybecause it was so called by the white people in the country at the time":see also George Frederick Ruxton's Adventures, etc., London, Murray, 1861,but written much earlier. Governor Alva Adams, in the address already cited,p. 13, discusses the point as "one of the historical mysteries," and adds: "Thename of Pike's Peak begins to appear in the literature of the prairies and mountainsabout the middle of the century, but it was not irrevocably christeneduntil the Pike's Peak gold excitement, when the name was fixed to remain aslong as men love to listen to stories of valor." Whether it originated spontaneouslyor was formally introduced, it will probably never die; the alliteration ofthe words would be enough to keep the phrase in the mouths of the people, letalone its justice and propriety. As for any Spanish claim which may hereafterbe established respecting prior discovery or ascent of the peak, the followingextract from the Legends already cited is pertinent: "From Pike's Peak toPopocatepetl the land is a palimpsest, dotted with ruins of remotest antiquity,the relics of a people whose records are replete with poetry and strange romance.Their manuscripts enrich the archives of Mexico and Madrid, and yet we learnbut little of them. They moulder in the missions of the suspicious Spanishpriests, or among the mystic treasures of the Pueblos, and are decaying unread."

[II-49] The trail of this excursus, as dotted on Pike's map, would be enough toshow how far he was from reaching the summit of the "Highest Peak" theredelineated, in the absence of any other data. Such an affair as this wouldnever have been understated or underdrawn intentionally. Yet the dot-lineleaves him further from the peak than I am inclined to think he actually was;but it is obviously incorrect in detail, and thus no offset to the explicit text.The wide looping of the trail merely indicates a "round trip" from Pueblo andreturn. The only considerable difference in Pike's going and coming was, thatin the latter case he "kept straight down the creek to avoid the hills," overwhich he had before trudged. The map exaggerates the size of Turkey cr., aswell as of Fountain r. It is possible that someone thoroughly familiar with thetopography of the mountains at the heads of Turkey and Little Fountain creeksmay yet work out Pike's trail in exact detail.

[II-50] Up S. bank of the Arkansaw, past places called Goodnight, Rock Ca�on,Vegas, and Meadows; also past Rock and Peck's or Willow Springs creeks,both S., to a point near but short of the mouth of Turkey cr., N.

[III-1] Crossing the river from S. to N. above the mouth of Turkey cr., somewhereabout the place now called Swallows, below the mouth of Rush cr., and wherethe bluffs come down to the Arkansaw. The D. and R. G. R. R. now makesa crossing a little higher up. Passing up the N. bank, opp. Red cr., S., theparty continued to Carlisle Springs and camped in that vicinity, just over theborder of Fr�mont Co. Red cr. is lettered "Bed" on the G. L. O. map of1892.

[III-2] The excessive estimate of the height of Pike's Peak, 18,581 instead of 14,147,was in part due to a misapprehension of the elevation of the prairie whencethe observation was taken. This was assumed to be 8,000, but is really little,if any, over 5,000. The altitude of Pico de Teyde, the volcanic Peak ofTeneriffe, in the Canary isls., is given on good authority as 12,200; and that ofMt. Chimborazo, one of the highest peaks in the Ecuadorean Andes, is placedat 20,498 feet by Whymper, who ascended it in 1880.

[III-3] Passing Beaver cr., N., with places called Beaver Depot and Beaver at andnear its mouth; passing opp. Hardscrabble cr., S., with a place called Adobe atits mouth, where one of the two railroads now makes a crossing; continuing upN. bank, past Ute or Brush Hollow cr., N., and Eight Mile cr., N., to campbelow Six Mile cr., N., about opposite the mouth of Coal cr., S., where is nowthe town of Florence.

[III-4] Passing opposite mouth of Oak cr., S., Six Mile cr., N., and Chandler cr.,S., then coming to the "bad place of falling rocks," which is where a bluffpoint comes down to the river?all these places within 2 or 3 m. of camp; andcontinuing past Oil cr., N., to camp within the present limits of Ca�on City,Fr�mont Co. This is already a considerable village, and is growing. It nestlesdirectly at the foot of the mountains, under the shadow of Noonan's and Fr�mont'sPeaks, and derives its name from the remarkable formation which thetext presently describes. This is the Grand Ca�on of the Arkansaw, a partof which is well known to tourists as the "Royal Gorge," because it has beenexploited so much on the folders of the D. and R. G. R. R. But it is worthyof exploitation, and does not disappoint the expectations raised by the advertisementsof the "scenic line of the world." Ca�on City is almost in the veryjaws of this vast chasm, through which the Arkansaw has forced its way toissuance on the plains. It was practically impassable, even afoot, until a waywas hewn and blasted for the railroad which now traverses its whole length.Both trails which lead west from Ca�on City get around the terrible place; oneon the north starts up Sand cr., past Noonan's and Fr�mont's Peaks, and swingsaround to Parkdale at the head of the ca�on; and the other, on the south,crosses Grape cr., traverses Webster Park, and comes down Copper cr. toParkdale. Next after Pueblo, the basis of the Pike's Peak trip, as we haveseen, Ca�on City is the most notable place on Pike's Arkansaw route. Theparty stops here awhile to scout about, before starting for South Park; and tothis place they return afterward, build a blockhouse, leave two men, and starton their perilous adventures by way of Grape cr. to the Sangre de Cristo rangeand so to the Rio Grande.

[III-5] One of these is, of course, the main Arkansaw, in the Royal Gorge; theother, on the left, or S., is Grape cr., which runs through the Wet mts. toits confluence with the Arkansaw a mile or so above Ca�on City, underNoonan's Peak. Grape cr. used to be called Pike's fork of the Arkansaw, as byGregg, 1844; but this name lapsed. Bringing it in for a moment, we find the"forks" of the Arkansaw to be: 1st fork of Pike, Purgatory r.; 2d fork ofPike, Huerfano r.; 3d fork of Pike, St. Charles r.; Grand forks of Pike, confluenceof Fountain r. with the Arkansaw; Pike's fork of some books, Grapecr. From his present position at Ca�on City, Pike explores the Royal Gorgeand Grape cr. to some little extent, and abandons them both; he scouts aboutfor the Spanish trail, and having found it, as he supposes, starts N., up Oilcr., very likely by the present road from the town to that stream.

[III-6] A mountain trail with no course or distance given is not encouraging to follow.In earlier studies of Pike, I had supposed he reached South Park by wayof Currant cr., as he might have done. But no doubt remains in my mind thathe took the Oil Creek route. If we regard his map attentively, we see that hewent up along a large creek which he fetches into the Arkansaw below the blockhousehe built on his return to Ca�on City, and which is certainly Oil cr. Campof Dec. 10th is therefore in a "dry ravine" within "one mile" of Oil cr.?perhapsat the first ravine above where Wilson cr. falls in from the left, or onWilson cr. itself. Oil cr. is a very well known stream, on the banks of whichoil works have been established, and at whose mouth is a place called Reno,about 4 m. below Ca�on City. It heads by two main branches and many smalltributaries in the mountains S. of Ute Pass, W. of Pike's Peak, and about Saddleand Thirty-nine Mile mt., and runs S. about 50 m. into the Arkansaw.Pike goes up Oil cr. and takes the western one of its two main branches, crossesa divide, and strikes the South Platte r. in South Park.

[III-7] Pike has gone N. from Ca�on City some 30 or 35 m., having Oil cr. on hisright, and having crossed certain of its tributaries from the west known as Wilson,South Oil, and High creeks. He is now camped on West Oil cr. (thewestern one of the two main branches), at or near a place called Truro. This isa sufficiently well known locality, in a nest of mountains whence Oil cr. gathersseveral affluents from various directions. On another branch of the creek is theplace called Alnwick, near where Riggs used to have his ranch, or in the sameplace. West Oil cr. is also called Ten Mile cr.; another small stream is Martin'sor Slate cr. Some of the surrounding points are: Mt. Pisgah, 10,322 or10,487 feet high; Rhyolite Peak, 10,860; Dome Rock or the Needle, 9,463feet?these on Pike's right as he faces N., and S. W. to W. of his peak; whileon his left are in succession: Iron Knoll or Trachyte Knob (lettered "Trackite"on G. L. O. map, 1892); Saddle mt.; Thirty-nine Mile mt., 11,000 feet;Chalcedony Buttes, 10,400 and 10,200 feet. Now the usual way out of thisplace is N. by Alnwick or Rigg's ranch, between Dome Rock and Saddlemt., over a divide about 9,200 feet high, known as Two Creek or Twin CreekPass, which fetches out on S. Platte waters at Florissant, on the W. borderof El Paso Co.; but Pike takes a route to the left, up West Oil or Ten Mile cr.

[III-8] Between Arkansan and Missourian waters, in a broad sense; between the OilCreek branch of the Arkansaw and the South Platte r., in a stricter sense; moreexactly still, between West Oil or Ten Mile cr. and one of several small springruns that make into the S. Platte. Pike makes the pass between Ten Milemt. (right) and Thirty-nine Mile mt. (left), at an elevation of something over9,000 feet. The difference between this Oil Creek way into South Park andthe way by Currant cr. is that, had he come up the latter, he would havemade Currant Creek Pass, 9,550 feet, between Thirty-Nine Mile mt. (right) andChalcedony Buttes (left); it is simply a matter of "cotoying" (flanking) Thirty-nineMile mt. E. or W. By the way he came, he strikes the South Platte r.,in South Park, Park Co., at the very nearest approach it makes to the pointhe left on the Arkansaw?that is to say, at the elbow it makes where, afterflowing S. E. through South Park, it turns sharp N. E. and enters whatis called the Upper or Eleven Mile ca�on. These particulars are assured: forPike finds that the river "ran northeast." Camp of Dec. 13th is set in thehills 2 m. south of the river, near the head of the ca�on just said.

Pike's route from Ca�on City and back to that place has been a subject ofmuch doubt and discussion, in which some very wild notions have been indulgedby those who had any opinion whatever as to where he went on thisround trip. It has even been mooted whether he was ever on the SouthPlatte, or even in South Park at all. A cautious and tentative statement is venturedin the 1889 Denver reprint of the London ed. of the Travels, where myfriend Mr. Maguire says in his new Preface: "The exact line of march of theparty from the time it reached the foot of the Grand Ca�on ["Royal Gorge"]of the Arkansas is not easy to trace. It is likely that it reached the Platte inthe South Park, and quite possible that it penetrated to the headwaters of theGunnison." I do not profess to be able to trail a mosquito over a granitebowlder, but I think we shall be able to discover precisely where Pike wenton this trip, where he entered South Park, his course through it, the placewhere he left it, and how, after ascending the Arkansaw for two days, hedescended this river to Ca�on City. Every one of Pike's camps can be fixedwithin 2 or 3 m., and some of them with absolute precision. He was neveron the Gunnison, or any other Pacific waters. One who wishes to satisfy himselfon all these points needs only to study Pike's text with Sheet vii. of Hayden'sAtlas of Colorado.

[III-9] At or near the place now called Howbert, on the N. bank of the S. Platte.This great river has its uttermost source in that section of the ContinentalDivide which bounds South Park on the N. W., above the sources of the Arkansaw,and in the southward continuation of the same mountains. The latter,bounding South Park on the W., and known as the Park range, are not theContinental Divide, because the Arkansaw r. here intervenes, and the Divideseparates the Arkansan water-shed from that of Gunnison r. Having gatheredits numerous tributaries from these mountains, the South Platte sweepssoutheastward across South Park, and then turns abruptly northeastward toleave the Park by the Eleven Mile Ca�on already mentioned, finds its waythrough the Front range south of Denver, and runs in the prairie till it joinsthe North Platte in Lincoln Co., Nebraska. The Col. Mid. R. R. nowruns from Colorado Springs, past Florissant, through Eleven Mile ca�on, andskirts the South Platte across South Park, on its way to the already notablemining camp Leadville, which no doubt has a future as well as a past; theDenv., S. P., and Pac. R. R. traverses South Park from N. to S.; and eachof these roads leaves the park on the S. through Trout Creek Pass, where Pikedid also when he struck over for the Arkansaw. These points will appear moreclearly as we proceed to trail the Expedition through South Park.

[III-10] Further up the N. bank of the S. Platte, to vicinity of the C. M. R. R. station,Sulphur Springs.

[III-11] Which could never be struck on any such course as this. To go hence S.W. would take the Expedition over the Park range to the Arkansaw, thence overthe Continental Divide to the headwaters of the Gunnison, and so on.

[III-12] Hartsell's or Hartzell's ranch was located in the crotch of the forks Pikepassed, and the town or railroad station by this name is now 2 m. above, on theN. bank of the S. fork, or Little Platte r. The two forks are of approximatelyequal size; but the N. or right-hand fork is the main one. The other, left-handone, which Pike goes up a very short distance, and finds it does not suithim, is formed by the confluence of various creeks, among which may be namedHigh, Herring's (Agate cr. of Hayden), Buffalo, and Long Gulch. Camp isset about 2 m. west of Hartsell's, near where High cr. falls into this branch ofthe S. Platte.

[III-13] Pike has actually got on the old San Juan road, which he follows more orless nearly out of South Park, as does also a branch of the Col. Midl. R. R.He enters those outliers of the Park range called the Trout Creek Pass hills,gets over the range itself by this pass, supposed to be 9,800 feet high, and goesdown Trout cr. Some named places near or on his route are Salt Works, MillTop, Higgins', and McGee's. Camp on Trout cr., in the vicinity of the lastnamed place.

[III-14] Merely shifting camp a little distance down Trout cr. from the gorge to theopen country, about the mouth of the creek, through which the Arkansaw hereflows. It is a very well known place. The D. and R. G., the Col. Midl., andthe D., S. P., and P. R. R. come together here; in the immediate vicinity areplaces called Charcoal (about where, I suppose, camp was set), Midway, andSchwanders; a little below is Nathrop, where the D., S. P. and P. R. R. startsover the Continental Divide for Gunnison; and a little above is Buena Vista, seatof Chaffee Co., which Pike entered when he made the Trout Creek Pass. TheArkansaw is here flowing about S. S. E. The Continental Divide is directlyW., 15 to 20 m.; the mountains that make it are the Sawatch range, some ofwhose peaks along here are: Mt. Princeton, 14,190 feet, nearest Pike's camp;Mt. Antero, 14,245; Mt. Shavano, 14,230; Mt. Keyes, 13,700. Arnold's cr.falls in a little below Trout cr., on the same side; while from the Sawatch mts.come Chalk and Cottonwood creeks, respectively below and above camp. Pikeis going to descend the Arkansaw from this station to Ca�on City; but he firststarts his people in that direction, while with two men he makes a little reconnaissanceup river, in the narrow valley between the Sawatch and Park ranges.

[III-15] Pike stepped off the ties of the Col. Midl. R. R., if he went up the N. sideof the river, and those of the Denver and Rio Grande, if he passed on the otherside. His camp was between the station Fisher of the former railroad, andRiverside of the latter, below the mouth of Pine cr., which comes down fromMt. Harvard. To reach this point, he passed Buena Vista and the stationsDornick and Americus; also, the place where one Leonard had his ranch, andthere used to be a toll-gate?for an old mail route passed by here. Two streamshe passed were Cottonwood cr., on the left, coming down from between Mts.Princeton and Yale, latter 14,187 feet; and next Seven Mile or Sweetwater cr.,on the right, down a branch of which came the old California road. He isunder the shadow of Mt. Harvard, of the Sawatch range, 14,375 feet high,and Marmot Peak in the Park range.

[III-16] The highest point on the Arkansaw ever reached by the Expedition, andthat only by three of its members. This is the nearest Pike ever came toPacific waters; and it is close enough to have easily started the erroneous tradition.This has been given currency in General A. W. Greely's sketch, and verylately also supported by Governor Alva Adams, in his address, July 12th, 1894,p. 13, where we read: "He wandered west over routes we cannot identifyuntil he must have found the Tomichi, a tributary of the Gunnison, and theonly time Pike touched Pacific waters." But let us see about this. Assumingthe substantial accuracy of Pike's mileages for the 21st and 22d, or at any rate,that they were not understated, and taking the Trout Creek camp to have been6 m. below Buena Vista, his uttermost point may be fixed within a mile or twoof Twin Lakes station on the D. and R. G. R. R. This place takes namefrom the two beautiful lakes which lie from 2 to 5 m. westward. This determinationwould be more particularly acceptable, as the point indicated fallsalmost exactly on the boundary between Chaffee and Lake cos. I think, veryprobably, that the "large point of the mountain," on turning which Pike viewedthe further course of the Arkansaw, was that sharp spur which projects to theriver on the left, 3 m. above Granite station and Cache cr., and at the foot ofwhich falls in the discharge stream from the lakes. Pike could have seen upriver a good way from any elevation in this vicinity, though by no means "atleast 35 miles." I doubt that the course of any river in these parts is continuouslyvisible for this distance; besides, there is no 35 m. of the Arkansaw aboveTwin Lakes. The Arkansaw is composed from three branches which unitewest of Leadville?the middle, Tennessee fork, heading in the ContinentalDivide, in and near Tennessee Pass, in relation with heads of Eagle r., a tributaryof the Grand; the east fork, heading about Fr�mont Pass with Ten Milecr., a tributary of Blue r. and so of the Grand; which two, having joined, arejoined by the west or Lake fork. There is little to choose between the middleand east forks, as to which is the ultimate "source" of the Arkansaw. Bothare now meandered by the D. and R. G. R. R., the east one also by the Denver,Leadville and Gunnison division of the U. P.; while the Col. Midl. goes alongthe west fork. Below the junction of this fork the Arkansaw receives varioussmall tributaries, chiefly from the Park range on the east, as those from thegulches known as Iowa, Thompson, Empire, Union, Weston, and Granite; thecorresponding streams on the other side, from the Sawatch range, mostly fallinto the west fork, as Half Moon cr. and others; but one which gathers fromMt. Elbert falls into the main river 2 m. above the discharge of Twin Lakes.The lesser of these two is fed by Lake and other small streams, and dischargesinto the greater one, which in turn discharges into the Arkansaw. The lakesare about 1� and 2� m. in their respective diameters. Between the two is aplace called Interlaken, reminding one of the fact that Colorado is often styledthe Switzerland of America.

[III-17] We must guess as well as we can where this was. Pike, Miller, and Mountjoystarted early from their camp below Pine cr., about Riverside station, andmade a forced march well into the night. We may credit them with 25 m., andsuppose them to be below Nathrop (which is on Chalk cr.), and somewhere inthe vicinity of Brown's cr., which falls in from the left.

[III-18] It is specially desirable to fix this Christmas camp, if not for the sentimentof the thing, then because it is our initial point for the whole journey hencedown the Arkansaw to Ca�on City. From anything that has preceded we donot know where it was, within 10 m. But on the 26th Pike notes a "largestream" from the south, at 7� m. This is the South Arkansaw, which fallsin very near the well-known town of Salida. Salida is 7 m. by rail below astation called Brown Ca�on, which latter is a little above Squaw cr. BetweenSalida and Brown Ca�on the country is open and park-like among the mountains?justthe sort of a place where buffalo would herd in the winter. Theseasonable supply of eight beeves was got in consequence, and I have no doubtthat Christmas was spent in the immediate vicinity of Brown Ca�on. Themountain fastnesses about the headwaters of the Arkansaw long continued tobe wintering-grounds for the buffalo. Thus we find one of the most experiencedofficers of our army making the following remark: "Although generallyregarded as migratory in their habits, yet the buffalo often winter in thesnows of a high northern latitude. Early in the spring of 1858 I found them inthe Rocky mountains, at the head of the Arkansas and South Platte rivers, andthere was every indication that this was a permanent abiding place for them,"says Marcy, Pra. Trav. 1859, p. 234, half a century after Pike's fortunate find.The herd now preserved in Yellowstone Park has no trouble with the deepestsnows and coldest weather of that region.

[III-19] Down the Arkansaw, past Squaw cr., right, and some runs in the park hetraversed, also past the stations Bellevue and Salida, to the mouth of the SouthArkansaw r., where the so-called Arkansaw hills on the north close in againstthe Sangre de Cristo range on the south, thus straitening the valley. The S.Arkansaw heads about Mts. Shavano and Keyes; its principal branch isPoncho or Puncho cr. There was a good road up both these streams, whichare now meandered by railroads. Had Pike known it, he could have struckup the S. Arkansaw to Poncho cr., and up this by Poncho Pass into Homan'sPark. This is west of the great Sangre de Cristo range, and is in fact theupper part of the San Luis valley or basin of the Upper Rio Grande, whichPike only reaches by a roundabout way, after subjecting himself and hismen to almost incredible sufferings. But it is easy to be wise after the event.

[III-20] To a point on the Arkansaw about the mouth of Badger cr., from the N.;vicinity of station Wellsville or Badger.

[III-21] Camp in vicinity of that elbow which the river makes, nearly from S. E.to E. N. E., and near where there is a way up a creek from the S. over theS. de C. range by Hayden's Pass. The position is short of Bernard and evenof Oak Grove cr.

[III-22] Only to the vicinity of Bernard cr. (past Cotopaxi). Pike's mileages appearexcessive for the actual advance made, in comparison with modern schedules;but he has to step over much ground for comparatively little progress. All hisdistances to Jan. 5th require adjustment, or we should fetch him out a longway below Ca�on City.

[III-23] Camp about the mouth of Texas cr., a considerable stream from theS., which falls in three or four miles below the mouth of Corral or Carrollcr., another large one from the N.; Texas Creek station and a place calledFord in the vicinity.

[III-24] Camp in the vicinity of the station Spikebuck. The river here bearsnoticeably to the N. E. A little further along there is a sharp turn to theS. E., at Parkdale. This place is at the head of the Grand Ca�on proper, orRoyal Gorge, by rail 10 m. above Ca�on City, 22 below Cotopaxi, and 46below Salida; total, 56 m. from what is practically the same as Pike's campof Dec. 26th to that of Jan. 5th, when he reaches Ca�on City. These figuresmay be here compared with his mileages, which are: 12� + 16 + 5 + 8 + 10� +1 + 6 + 8 + 7 = 74�. Details aside, the routes are identical; and a discrepancyof 17 or 18 m. is not more than would be expected under the circumstances.

[III-25] For the past three days the party has been struggling with cumulativedifficulties that threaten to become insurmountable, and are already strungalong miles apart in the mountains. Yet Pike is only at the head of the RoyalGorge?that Grand Ca�on of the Arkansaw which he had before noted from itslower end and regarded as impassable for horses. Parkdale is the place whereCurrant cr. falls in on the N. or left. This is the large creek which heads inthe mountains about South Park, and which we have heard of before, when theOil Creek route to that park was in question: see back, note6, p. 464. Nowwe see more clearly than before that Pike never went up Currant cr. This hastwo principal branches, both from the W., one called Cottonwood and the otherTallahassee (Hayden), Tallahassa (Wheeler), or Talahsee (G. L. O., 1892,brought into the Arkansaw as a separate tributary).

[III-26] It should be noted here that not one of the eight straggling parties managedto get through the ca�on itself. Some came over the mountains on the N.,and the rest over those on the S. Pike alone essayed the gorge, but only gothalfway through. Next morning he escaped by scrambling up a small side ca�onwhich occurs on the N. side, and came down on the N. of Noonan's Peak.This is the mountain that overhangs Ca�on City, standing guard at the throatof the gorge. Dr. Robinson and his man came that way too. Vasquez and hismen brought the horses the other way, across Webster Park, and had an easiertime of it. It was three days before all the party got in.

[III-27] Pike's map shows "Yellow Stone River Branch of the Missouri," with histrail looped up to it. This of course is an egregious error, as the Yellowstoneis much further off, beyond anything that Pike sighted when he was highest onthe Arkansaw, Dec. 22d. Next N. of him there, and on the W. of the ContinentalDivide, was Grand r., which unites with the Green to form the Coloradoof the West. This arises in Middle Park. North of this again, in North Park,are the headwaters of the North Platte; and the southernmost heads of theYellowstone are still beyond these. The mountains which Pike legends "WhiteSnow" are the Sawatch range, continued southward by the Sangre de Cristorange. All this part of Pike's map is too defective to be of any use in tracingthe trip just ended, and I have not had occasion to adduce it in support of thetext since we started up Oil cr. The dotted trail loops up the Arkansaw farbeyond the point Pike reached, and a number of the camps he made areomitted. The best delineation of Pike's route in South Park and about theheadwaters of the Arkansaw is that traced on Josiah Gregg's map of the IndianTerritory, etc., in his Commerce of the Prairie, 1844. This loops Pike aroundthe Park, thence almost to the source of the Arkansaw, and back down thisriver?which is quite right. This case must be more accentuated, because traditionwill have it that Pike got over on Pacific waters?not a drop of which heever saw.

[III-28] Marked "? Block house" on Pike's map. Lewis and Clark's map of 1814letters "? Block House U. S. Factory in 1806" on the same spot on the "Riode Nanesi," i. e., the Arkansaw. The building stood on the N. bank of theArkansaw, doubtless within present limits of Ca�on City. All trace of thestructure seems to be gone, and I doubt that the precise spot will ever be recovered.My correspondence with several persons in Ca�on City and vicinityhas availed nothing. But the location at Ca�on City is unquestionable.

The terrible trip Pike now ventures to make should not have been attemptedin the dead of winter, with his miserable outfit. Pike was brave to excess, aswe know; that and the mysterious crux of the orders he had from Wilkinsonabout the Spanish business must excuse this particular piece of foolhardihood.A more experienced mountaineer, with any concern for his own life, to saynothing of the lives of his men, would not have bucked up against those mountainsunder such circumstances. If he had had to hunt for the unknown sourcesof a river which came eastward from there, he would have backed out of themountains, gone down the Arkansaw a piece, struck south at his convenience tillhe found his river, and then considered the chances of being able to follow itup to its source. That Red r. of which Pike is supposed to have gone in searchwas never found, for the simple reason that there is no such river in that part ofthe world?as probably Pike himself knew. He had a chip on each shoulderfor some Spaniard to please knock off; his coat-tails were dragging all overthe R. mts. for some Spaniard to please step on; and he would rather havebroken some Spanish heads than have discovered the head of any river.

[III-29] This "18" is a misprint for 12. There were but 16 persons all told, ofwhom 2 are left when Pike, Robinson, and 12 soldiers proceed to tempt fate.The 12 were: Sergeant Meek, Corporal Jackson, Privates Brown, Carter,Dougherty, Gorden, Menaugh, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy, Sparks, Stoute.

[III-30] The "South fork" of the Arkansaw, afterward sometimes called Pike'sfork, as for example on Gregg's map, 1844, and which he now proceeds to ascend,is Grape cr. This considerable stream arises on the eastern slopes of theSangre de Cristo range, waters the Wet Mountain valley, receives varioustributaries from the western slope of the Wet mts., and traverses a gorge inthe latter to fall into the Arkansaw from the S. W., about a mile above Ca�onCity. The general course is about N. from its uttermost head in the S. de C.range, in the vicinity of Music Pass. Here its watershed is separated, onthe E. side of the range, by a divide, on the other side of which are certainsources of the Huerfano r.; while on the west of the S. de C. range the connectionis with "Meadow" (qu. Medano?) cr., a tributary of San Luis cr., in thevalley of the latter name, and consequently in the basin of the Rio Grande?that"Red river" which Pike seeks in vain. To-day he strikes Grape cr.at or near present site of Williamsburg, a station on the railroad which oncemeandered Grape cr. to Silver Cliff, but was washed out and abandoned. Thisis a good way below the entrance of Pine cr., a branch which falls into Grape cr.from the W. This may seem short for the "13" m. of the text; but if anyoneshould think so, he has only to start from Ca�on City to change his mind by thetime he finds himself on Grape cr. by the present best trail. Besides, we shallsoon see that we have to shorten up all of Pike's mileages in this rough country.

[III-31] Past Pine cr., to some point on Grape cr. short of the boundary betweenFr�mont and Custer cos., probably in the vicinity of Soda Springs or the stationGrape. Pike is flanking a mountain as well as meandering a crooked creek;and, aside from any question of typographical error, we have to adjust his wholeset of ostensible mileages by the topography of the country. If we shouldapply the figures he gives to the flat face of the map, we should run him clearover into New Mexico before he reaches his camp on the Conejos in Colorado.

[III-32] Over the line from Fr�mont into Custer Co., past Grape and Blackburn, tocamp about the mouth of Silver cr. This heads about Mt. Tyndall and Mt.Herring, and by another branch N. of these; it runs N. W. and then N. tofall into Grape cr., between Blackburn and Gove. Camp is 6 or 8 m. (air-line)due N. of Round mt. and town of Silver Cliff; but much further by the meandersof the creek or either of the roads through the mountains.

[III-33] "White" and "Snow" are Pike's names for what he regarded as a continuouschain from as far N. as he knew anything about it, to the Sierra Blancaof New Mexico. That is to say, the names cover the whole Sawatch range,along the Continental Divide, and the Sangre de Cristo range; which latterseparates the Arkansaw from the Rio Grande basin, and ends on the S. withthe bold elevations of the Sierra Blanca, or White mts. of modern geography.In saying that the "great White mountain presented itself," Pike means thathe has reached a point in the Wet Mountain valley where he has the Sangrede Cristo range immediately before him, on the W. In this direction are theheads of the Texas cr., already mentioned (p. 475), and of Swift or Dutch cr.,draining eastern slopes of the mountains, two of the nearest points of which areElectric Peak and Monte Rito Alto, the latter 12,863 or 12,989 feet high, accordingto whether Lieut. Wheeler or Dr. Hayden made the most accuratedetermination.

[III-34] This is the most difficult itinerary of the whole trip, and much depends uponits correct recovery. It is out of the question to take "28 miles" at its face value;the difficulty must be adjusted. Pike's trail shows with substantial accuracyhis three camps of the 14th, 15th, and 16th, along Grape cr.; then a long loopS. E. and back S. W. to a point on Grape cr. again, above two creeks comingdown from the Sangre range. I think these creeks can be identified; thiswould fix to-day's camp with sufficient precision. I base my conclusions onPike's whole set of mileages for this trip, as applied to the topography of theroute. Thus we have, going up Grape cr., 13 + 19 + 18 = 50 m.; with 4 moremiles on the 17th, making 54 to the point where this creek is left. Further oncome (28 - 4 =) 24 + 0 + 0 + 0 + 0 + 8 + 8 + 9 + 0 + 0 + 14 = 63 m., which puts Pikeover the Sand Hill Pass on the 27th. Finally, we have 15 + 17 + 24 + 18 = 74m., in the San Luis valley to the stockade on the Rio Conejos; total, 191 m.The three sections of this route?the Grape Creek course, the Wet MountainValley course, the San Luis Valley course?are practically, therefore, in the ratioof 5 : 6 : 7; and such figures must be made to fit the known geography of theroute. I make the journey of the 17th as follows: Pike proceeds up Grapecr. a short distance, leaves it, flanks Round mt., and passes by or near thepresent site of Silver Cliff, seat of Custer Co.; continues S. E. across the valleyor prairie to the base of the Wet mts., in the vicinity, not immediate, of Mt.Robinson, Mt. Brinley, and Rosita, where the mines of the latter name were orare; where, not liking the place, as there was no fuel, he turns about S. W. andrepasses the valley at a right angle to his other course through it, recrosses Grapecr. a little below the confluence of Rosita cr., and camps under the Sangre deCristo range, somewhere about Spring cr. or Horse cr. This day was disastrous,as a culmination of misery already endured by the handful of half-naked andmore than half-starved adventurers, for whom still more acute suffering was instore. The wonder is not at any error in distances, but that any intelligibleitinerary of such a journey has reached us from the splendidly brave youngfellow, who so rashly led his companions into a death-trap. But for the buffalowhich were wintering in the Wet Mountain valley, not a man would haveescaped with his life. Whatever the exact spot, this is the place where poorSparks and Dougherty were abandoned with frozen feet. What they enduredmay be imagined from the mute messages Pike afterward received from them?apresent of some of the bones which came away from their gangrenous feetafter sphacelus had set in.

[III-35] By Pike's map, this should be the next to the last creek before Grape cr. isheaded?the first one above Horse cr. If so, the party are in the vicinity ofthe place now called Blumenau.

[III-36] About to the ultimate forks of Grape cr. The S. end of the Wet Mountainvalley is a sort of pocket where the Wet mts. connect with the Sangre rangeby intermediate elevations (as Promontory Bluffs, etc.). Creeks come intothe valley from the E., S., and W., converging to compose Grape cr., the ultimatetributary of which is now known as Cottonwood cr. The border of thispocket, on the S., is the boundary between Custer and Huerfano cos.?anirregular line continuing on the W. along the main ridge of the Sangre range,and on the E. along that ridge of the Wet mts. which divides sources ofHardscrabble cr. and St. Charles and Greenhorn rivers from those of theHuerfano.

[III-37] Taking the party over the low divide mentioned in the last note, fromCuster into Huerfano Co., and from the Grape Creek watershed to that of theHuerfano. The exact spot is perhaps not determinable, but it was not far fromBradford, a place on Muddy cr., one of the first two forks of the Huerfano.The map shows that Pike has headed Grape cr. and got into another basin,from which he starts a river running out on the prairie to the Arkansaw. Thisis by mistake made out to be his "3d Fork," i. e., the St. Charles and Greenhorn;it is really his "2d Fork," i. e., the Huerfano.

[III-38] If we call the roll to-day we find: Vasquez and Smith left at Ca�on Cityon the 14th; Sparks and Dougherty left at camp of the 22d; Menaugh left atcamp of the 26th; present on the 27th, Pike, Robinson, Meek, Jackson,Brown, Carter, Gorden, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy, Stoute = 11.

[III-39] The Expedition crosses the Sangre de Cristo range to the basin of the RioGrande, and is about to enter the San Luis valley. The matter of the pass bywhich they came has been much mooted and left in doubt. Thus we findMaguire saying in the preface to the Denver ed. of Pike, p. xi: "Whetherthis pass was the Mosca or the Medano (known also as 'Sandhill') or whetherit was one still farther to the north as thought by some, cannot be definitelyestablished." Governor Adams in his Address, p. 17, says "Medano orMusic Pass." I think it is certain that the Expedition made the Sand HillPass, and I hope to be able to settle the question. The three passes to whichMaguire refers, and the only ones to be considered for a moment, are the following,in order from N. to S.

1. A pass from Antelope cr., one of the heads of Grape cr., in Custer Co.,over to a tributary of San Luis r. in Saguache Co., not traversing any portionof Huerfano Co., or barely touching the extreme N. W. corner of this county?infact, Custer, Huerfano, and Saguache cos. meet in this pass, and Muddy aswell as Antelope cr. heads there. This is the "one still farther to the north"to which Maguire alludes. It is the one marked "Music Pass" on the G. L. O.and U. S. G. S. maps of 1892 (but not the Music Pass of Hayden's map).This seems to me so far N. as to be out of the question, if any reliance is to beplaced on either Pike's mileages or his map. Even after the utmost reductionof his distances that can be made with any regard to the topography of theregion, we fetch him out of the Grape Creek basin, into that of the Huerfano,and thus well along in Huerfano Co. His map bears this out completely.Observe that on the 24th he has crossed the head of Grape cr., left it a goodway behind him, and marked his camp near the head of the other stream?theHuerfano. Notice also that from this camp of the 24th-26th the trail makesa sharp elbow west, and goes through the Sangre range in a gap next below thatone in which he makes Grape cr. head. Again, if he had made this northernmostpass he would have come out N. of the Sand Dunes, and had these on hisleft as he went S. in the San Luis valley; whereas, we find them on his right ashe comes down from the mountains to the S. of them. Finally, the mileages ofthe San Luis Valley route do not fit so well from this pass as from the next one.These facts seem to me to prove that Pike made no pass N. of the sand-hills.

2. The Sand Hill Pass, also rightly Medano and wrongly Modenos Pass, calledMusic Pass by Hayden, and Williams' Pass by Gunnison and Beckwith, is thatwhich connects Navajo or Greaser cr. (br. of Muddy cr.) with a certain tributary(Medano or Sand cr.) of the San Luis r. This is on the boundary betweenHuerfano and Saguache cos., about 5 m. (air-line) S. of Music Pass. TheHuerfano gathers its waters in the valley called Huerfano Park. The threeprincipal tributaries, from the N. to N. W., are Turkey, Wilson's, and Muddycreeks. The place Bradford, already named as that to the vicinity of whichwe traced the Expedition, without reference to any question of a pass, is onMuddy cr., and a road goes direct from this place through this pass. Thatbranch of Muddy cr. by some called Navajo cr. drains from this pass, andGreaser cr. also heads in its immediate vicinity. Across the divide, which sinksto an altitude of about 9,800 feet at the pass, Medano or Sand cr. drains S. W.and then S. between the Sand Dunes and the mountains, in the San Luis basin(Saguache Co.). That Pike took this route I have no question. There seemsalso to have been no doubt in the minds of Captain Gunnison and LieutenantBeckwith, who quote Pike on their approach to this pass, Aug. 25th, 1853, andadd: "The course of Williams' Pass as we entered it [from the sand-hills] isN. 58� E., but it soon bends to the left to N. 27� E. We passed up it onlyabout three-fourths of a mile. Its width is about 250 yards, rising gradually asfar as we could see. Its walls of rock rise on either side to a height of somehundreds of feet, and are nearly vertical. Our guides represent it as continuingfor 14 miles, both in character and direction as here described; beyond that itis more abrupt, terminating at its summit less favorably for a road thanRoubideau's Pass. It is followed by a large Indian trail." (P. R. R. Rep. II.,1855, p. 43.)

3. Mosca or Musca Pass, also called Fly Pass by some, translating theSpanish, and by others Robideau's Pass, 6 or 8 m. in an air-line S. of the SandHill Pass, is a lower and better one. It connects the Bear Creek branch ofMay cr. (the latter a tributary to the Huerfano) with the branch of Mosca cr.on the other side of the divide. There is a place called Sharpsdale on Bear orMay cr., whence a road goes W. up to the pass, and others N. to Bradford,E. through Poison ca�on to Gardner on the Huerfano at the mouth of Muddycr., and also E. down May cr. and along the Huerfano to Point of Rocks andMalachite, and so on to Gardner. On the subject of Mosca Pass Maguire'sremarks seem to me judicious, and I transcribe them to express my concurrencein his decision: "In the early days of the settlement of the country the Moscawas well travelled by the Southern Utes on their journeys to the Plains, and their'hieroglyphics,' of which Pike speaks, were to be seen cut in the bark of theaspen trees; but from the fact that on reaching San Luis valley on January28th, 1807, the party marched some considerable distance on a course lyingbetween the sand dunes and the mountains, the evidence would seem to warrantthe belief that the pass used was north of the Mosca."

There are other passes of this range, as the one called Sangre de Cristo, andthe Veta Pass (which latter is now utilized by the D. and R. G. R. R.). Butthese are altogether too far S., and have never been brought in question. Thereseems to be no named or used pass from the head of the Huerfano itself. Theultimate heads of this river drain N. from Cerro Blanco and Baldy Peak, withcollateral sources thence along the line between Huerfano and Costello cos.to Grayback and Iron mts., etc., besides those from the W. on the linebetween Huerfano and Saguache cos. in the direction of Mosca Pass.

In view of the above considerations, we will proceed with Pike through Medanoor Sand Hill Pass into San Luis valley (or Park). This is a plain betweenthe Sangre de Cristo range on the E. and N. E., and on the W. and N. W.the San Juan and Sawatch ranges. It has a total length of about 110 m. fromPoncho Pass on the N. to Taos valley on the S., with a maximum breadth ofabout 45 m., and an area of upward of 3,000 square miles. The general elevationis between 7,500 and 8,000 feet. The Rio Grande enters this valley at aboutthe middle of its W. side, running E. and then sweeping in a long curve S.

[III-40] The billows of sand which Pike has on his right as he comes down Sand cr.from Sand Hill (Music, Medano) Pass are very remarkable formations, whichalone would fix his position in the lack of any other data. West of these Dunesare several streams of the San Luis system, flowing southward to form sinkscalled the San Luis lakes, though Pike's map runs them into the Rio Grande.His camp is on or near Sand cr., at about the point where this and Mosca cr.join, or perhaps a little further along. Mosca cr. is the one that comes downfrom Mosca Pass, and if Pike had made this pass he would have fetched out inthe valley at about the same spot?at or near Montville.

[III-41] About S., along the W. base of the Sierra Blanca, which is simply the continuationof the Sangre de Cristo range. Some of the summits Pike has on hisleft are: Grayback Peak, 12,387 feet; Bald, Baldy, or Old Baldy mt., 14,125feet; and Cerro Blanco itself, 14,431 feet, giving name to the group. Pikegoes from the vicinity of Montville past Zapato cr., probably on the presentroad through the town of the latter name on the creek, and camps in thevalley at the place where timber reaches furthest from the mountains. Apresent road curves S. E. from this point, around to the S. of the range, wherewas built Fort Garland, probably 12 or 15 m. S. E. of to-night's camp. Thiswas a sort of focal point to which roads converged from various points, andespecially was it on the most direct route from any place in the lower part of theSan Luis valley through Sangre de Cristo Pass to the Huerfano, and so on.Garland was on Ute cr., a branch of Trinchera cr., which latter falls into theRio Grande about 3 m. above the Rio Conejos.

[III-42] Pike reaches the Rio Grande on a S. W. course, about the present positionof the town of Alamosa, whence railroads now radiate in or converge from fourdirections. These branches of the Denver and Rio Grande system come fromthe E. through the Veta Pass, from the N. directly down the San Luis valley,from the N. W. down the Rio Grande, and from the S. up the sameriver. A few miles S. of Alamosa, Alamosa and La Jara creeks fall in closetogether, from the W. These are both indicated by a single unlettered traceon Pike's map. Next below Trinchera cr. falls in on the E. This is the onecalled Rio de la Culebra on Pike's map, which correctly brings it in above theone from the W. (Rio Conejos) on which he established himself. The RioCulebra is the next one, from the E., below Trinchera and Conejos, and aboveRio Costilla. Pike lays down the Costilla by its proper name, omits theCulebra, and calls the Trinchera by the name of the latter. In English, RioConejos would be Rabbit r.; Culebra, Snake r.; Costilla, Rib r.; and Trinchera,Cut-bank r. Alamosa should imply that the river so called were shadedwith elms, though cottonwood (Populus angustifolia) is the actual growth. LaJara is properly the rock-rose (Cistus creticus), but as a name of this creek itrefers to willow-brush.

[III-43] Of which about 13 (misprinted "18") was down the Rio Grande, the restup the Rio Conejos; Trinchera cr. (the one from the E., which Pike's mapletters "Rio de la Culebra") was passed a short distance above the Conejos.The latter is a large stream from the W. which arises in the San Juan range,in the vicinity of Conejos Peak (13,183 feet), leaves the mountains by the footof Prospect Peak (6,837 feet), is joined in the San Luis hills by San Antonio cr.(its principal branch), and then seeks the Rio Grande by winding about thenorthern ends of the hills just named. The data already given, with thosedetails which the text presently offers, serve to fix the present station with precision?about5 m. up the Conejos, on its N. bank, at a point where it was notfordable, and directly S. of which was a high hill. A sufficiently large map,such as Sheet X of the Hayden survey, shows exactly these topographicaldetails, and also marks two ranches in the immediate vicinity: see also Pike'sown map. Under these circumstances it seems to me wasted ingenuity to findPike's blockhouse in some other place; yet its locality has been disputed.Maguire puts the case well: "The exact locality of the site (a notable spot inWestern history) is in dispute, owing to the discovery many years ago of theremains of an ancient log structure further W. on the Conejos, which somesuppose to have been Pike's fortress; but everything in the narrative, as wellas in the Spanish records, indicates the prairie opposite the mineral springs andhigh hill on the S. bank of the Conejos as the spot where the flag of the UnitedStates is first recorded as floating above the soil of Colorado." Gregg's maplocates the place approximately, with the legend "? Pike's Stockade Whencetaken to Santa F�. Feb. 1807".

Concerning the exact location of Pike's post on the Conejos, I am favoredwith the following letter (cited in substance) from Mr. Maguire, an old residentof the San Luis valley:

"Denver, Colo., April 18th, 1894.

"My Dear Sir:

"... As to the disputed stockade on the Conejos: I am entirely familiarwith that country, and had fixed it as having been situated in the prairie on theN. bank of the stream due across from what is known as the Ojo Caliente.Before writing the preface to the Denver reprint of Pike, I had made up mymind to that, although it was contended in the neighborhood that the stockadehad been situated some 14 or 15 m. from the mouth of the stream. This suppositionwas due to the fact that Lafayette Head, the oldest American settler onthe Conejos, who came there early in the fifties, was lieutenant-governor of thisstate, and a man of high standing and much authority, had asserted that the forthad been built much further up the stream than the site I had accepted. In1890 I saw Mr. Head upon the subject, and he told me that when he first cameto the country there still existed on the Conejos the remains of a structure ofcottonwood logs laid horizontally, which he had seen, and which was so old thatthe logs would scarcely bear the weight of one's foot. Upon this evidence, withor without suggestion from some source, he concluded it was Pike's fort, and sogave out; whence the prevalent impression. That Mr. Head saw this structurethere is no question. I have no idea what it was, or when or by whom built;but it would be useless to pursue this matter, because Mr. Head is positive thatthe location was on the south side, and therefore the structure cannot have beenPike's. The Ojo Caliente above mentioned is on the property of Mr. A. W.McIntire, as is also the prairie opposite, on the north bank of the river. Mr.McIntire is a Pike enthusiast, very much interested in the case. When inDenver recently he startled me by stating that we had been in error as to theexact location, as he had become convinced it was about half a mile below theOjo Caliente. This half-mile bears a remarkable relation to the statement inyour letter to me: 'I have it probably within half a mile.' Mr. McIntire saysthat the depression caused by digging the moat is still visible. The place is onthe north bank of the Conejos, opposite some warm or mineral springs flowingout of the hill on the south side; and Mr. McIntire informs me that the spot isa little north of the center of Sect. 7, T. 35, R. 11.

"Very truly yours,
"W. M. Maguire."

Later correspondence on this subject with Mr. Maguire includes a letter andsketches from Gov. McIntire, who is satisfied that he has the exact site. Hemarks it on a township map which he transmits, as on the middle of the W.line of the N. W. � of the N. E. � of Sect. 7, T. 35, R. 11, just across theConejos, under a hill from out of which flows a mineral or thermal spring whichnever freezes, at a point so chosen that the current in the river would not cut theditch around the work. Gov. McIntire's sketch represents the ditch as 2�?3feet deep, 68 steps long (including an unbroken place of 13 steps), and of semi-circularfigure; the two ends of this figure against the river, in a small deepbend, so that the river and the ditch inclose an oval space 37 steps in thelongest diameter. This seems large for such a temporary work as Pike started,but he tells us that it was never finished, and Gov. McIntire is persuaded thatthe ditch is not a natural formation. I am therefore led to believe that he hasfound the right spot.

[III-44] That our friend Robinson was, in plain English, a spy, is incontestible. Ifhe had any other object in joining the Expedition, it is certain that he had noother in leaving it than to find out what he could about New Spain for thebenefit of his own country. Had it been in actual war times he could have beenhanged or shot by the Spaniards without violation of the customs of nations.As it was, Pike felt so apprehensive for Robinson's personal safety that whenthe two met in New Mexico Pike at first affected not to know Robinson, forfear of putting him in jeopardy, and he denied point-blank to the Spanishauthorities that Robinson was one of the party. They had parted on theConejos with a perfect understanding on such points; indeed, General Whitingcalls it "in pursuance of a previous scheme" that Robinson set out alone forSanta F�; meanwhile, Pike sat down on the Conejos to wait for the Spaniardsto come and catch him. The ostensible object of Robinson's visit to Mexicowas fictitious; Pike says himself that the commercial claim Robinson pretendedto have was worthless "in his hands." Whiting observes that "it wastransferred to Dr. Robinson, who was to make it a pretext for a visit to theplace, and a cover for observing its trade and resources, for the benefit of hiscountrymen. He regarded the excursion as a romantic adventure, and in thatmood detached himself from the protection of his friend and commandingofficer." (Life of Pike, p. 272.)

The ultima ratio of Pike's presence on the Rio Grande in Spanish territorywill probably always remain in question, unless some documentary evidence, notyet forthcoming, should turn up to show whether he came there by accident ordesign. Perhaps the safest ground to take would be to suppose it the particularaccident of a general design. His open and official instructions required himto "approximate" to the Spanish possessions; he was to spy out all the landand see how it lay, politically as well as geographically; hunt up the Comanches;and make a counter-demonstration to Malgares' spirited raid, involving areconnoissance in force as a military operation. This may all be true of thegeneral design of his expedition, but it may as easily be true that he lost his wayin searching for the Red river, and only found his way to the Rio Grande byaccident. This seems to be the view of his biographer, General Whiting, whowas a very competent critic of Pike's military career, and who wrote in comparativelyshort historical perspective, though he does not seem to have possessed,or at any rate to have utilized, any private sources of information.Whiting fully acquits Pike of intentional errancy, and gives no hint that he iskeeping anything back that would support any other view of the case than thatwhich he presents, without apparent reserve or arri�re-pens�e. Some of hisexpressions may be here cited. Speaking of Pike's seeing a Mexican newspaperwith an account of Burr's conspiracy, he remarks, p. 277: "This afforded aclew to the suspicions with which his movements on the Mexican frontier hadmost naturally been regarded. It was not surprising that he should have beenlooked upon as forming one of the ramifications of the revolutionary schemewhich that distinguished individual had projected.... It was true, that he hadbeen found, with a belligerent aspect, in the Mexican country; but his apologywas ready, and, no doubt, acceptable; while he knew that the Mexican authoritieshad lately violated, in a similar way, the soil of the United States, for whichno apology could be rendered.... His misapprehensions of the geography ofthe country, which led him to establish himself in such a suspicious manner,on a foreign river, were excusable, bewildered as he was among mountainsand streams that were likely to confuse all calculations. Still, it wasnatural for the Mexican authorities to regard his conduct, at first, as the resultof a design, rather than a mistake, particularly when taken in connection withColonel Burr's contemporaneous movements; and their treatment of him mustbe considered under the circumstances, as having been marked by much consideration."General Wilkinson also alludes to the assertion that had beenmade, that the expedition which resulted in the orders he had given Pike "wasa premeditated co�peration with Burr." The Mexicans, it seems, were not alonein their suspicions and expressions to that effect.

However the bottom facts of Pike's coming on the Rio Grande may turn outto be, it is certain that after he had been captured and taken to Mexico underthe diplomatic disguise of a polite invitation to visit the governor, who hadheard of his having lost his way, hastened to send to his rescue, etc., Piketurned spy and informer with great agility and signal success. He kept histemper well in hand, except on one or two occasions; and in several instancesshowed that art which diplomacy has been defined to be. He bore himself withcourage, dignity, and much fertility of resources; while that duplicity and prevaricationwhich he confesses his conscience condoned, if it did not justify, werenever indulged from personal considerations, but from his intense patriotism.His love of his country was the crucible in which he assayed his own motives;that was fervid enough to relax the rigidity of morals he professed andpracticed on all ordinary occasions, and induce a certain ethical elasticity, soto speak, if not actually to melt all scruples. Patriotism must sometimesshake hands with Jesuitism in this wicked world; and the majesty of the flag,like the glory of God, must be maintained by human means. Abstract questionsof the adaptation of means to ends are best left with casuistry. Pike'smethods, while he was the distinguished guest of a half-hostile foreign power,may be questioned by some, but his motives by none; and as for his ends, weknow that nothing succeeds like success. The results are well summed by hisbiographer, p. 282, in words which I will cite:

"At the time Captain Pike explored those regions of our wide-spread interior,almost nothing authentic was known of them. More satisfactory informationof the headwaters of the Mississippi than was in the possession of the publicwas highly desirable, and his narratives relating to them were read with interest.But his accounts of the Mexican territories were looked for with much moreinterest, and when they came out were received with avidity. The jealouspolicy of Spain had surrounded her provinces with guards and restraints, thatrendered them almost inaccessible. Their condition and prospects were veiledfrom all foreign observation; and at the time Captain Pike obtained, throughan unintentional aberration from his prescribed route, access to them, unusualattention was turned upon the Mexican country by the events of Burr's conspiracy.This extraordinary transaction had awakened an intense curiosityrespecting a region which was known to abound with gold, and which preciousmetal was supposed to have been its ultimate object. The trial of ColonelBurr was beginning, or in progress, when Captain Pike returned, and wasknown to have visited the El Dorado, on which this individual was said tohave fixed an eye of cupidity and ambition. Scarcely anything had been heardof Mexico since the conquest of Cortes, excepting vague reports of the unboundedwealth that flowed from its mines into the public and private coffers ofSpain. It is not strange, then, that Captain Pike's tour through some of itsprovinces should have been regarded as a rare and most opportune work. Hisstatements were of course founded on hasty and imperfect observations, itbeing obvious from his journal, that, from the time he left Santa Fe, until hereached the United States, he was under a surveillance, and could only takenotes by stealth. He could neither survey attentively what passed beneath hiseye, nor inquire about that which he did not see, without exciting suspicion andprovoking a rebuke. Still, with an acute eye, and a retentive memory, heappears to have gathered up many new and interesting facts, that were wellreceived at the time."

[III-45] It is uncertain to what work we are here referred. There may be someold military treatise, well known in Pike's time, to which he thus alludes; butI think it most likely that he means his own Observations on New Spain, whichformed a part of the App. to Pt. 3 of the orig. ed. of this work, and whichincluded a considerable account of the military establishment of that country.If so, the "Essai Militaire" in question will be found beyond.

[III-46] My editorial function becomes extremely distasteful, with Pike's reiteratedinsistence upon affecting to believe himself upon the Red r., and expecting usto believe him. See note44, and imagine Dr. Robinson starting off alone towalk from the Red r. into Santa F�! I have blinked the business thus far, butI cannot keep my eyes shut to the end of this chapter, as there is worse to comein the miserable straits to which Captain Pike reduces himself through hisawkwardness and inexperience in telling lies. He bluffs the thing through, tobe sure; but at the present juncture he catches himself in the meshes of hisown falsification. For, supposing he had really been on the Red r., as hedeclared he believed; he had crossed that river, and gone 5 m. up a stream onthe other side of it; so he was absolutely in Spanish territory, and this he musthave known perfectly well. On the 22d he says, p. 507, that he "began tothink it was time we received a visit from the Spaniards or their emissaries,"which shows that he was expecting to be caught. When they come, he makesa show of resistance by blustering a little, then hauls down his flag and goeswith them peaceably enough?probably not only a willing captive, but one whohad all along intended and desired to be taken into the enemy's country forpurposes of his own. And back of this sorry scene there looms the sinistershadow of General James Wilkinson, the traitor and conspirator with AaronBurr?let the curtain fall.

[III-47] Doubtless the more eligible Mosca Pass instead of the Sand Hill Pass: seenote39, p. 492. A clause in Pike's next sentence is so singularly constructedas to leave the sense obscure; he simply means to call attention to the fact thatMeek and Miller had asked him to order them on that trip.

[III-48] Rio Culebra of present maps?next below Trinchera cr.

[III-49] Escopets or escopettes: the carbine or short rifle used by Spanish-Americans.

[III-50] The roll-call now is:

1. Interpreter Vasquez and Private Smith on the Arkansaw. (2.)

2. Privates Dougherty and Sparks in the mountains, with frozen feet. (2.)

3. Sergeant Meek and Private Miller gone to the relief of the foregoing. (2.)

4. Corporal Jackson and one man (Private Carter) left on the Rio Conejos toawait the coming of the foregoing six. (2.)

5. Dr. Robinson gone ahead to Santa F�. (1.)

6. Pike therefore sallies forth under escort of the Spanish dragoons with thefollowing: Privates Brown, Gorden, Menaugh, Mountjoy, Roy, Stoute. (7.)

Total 16, present or accounted for.

[IV-1] Chapter IV consists of an article which came first in the App. to Pt. 2of the orig. ed., pp. 1-18. This had no number among the various pieces ofwhich that Appendix was made up; but as it came first, and the next piece wasNo. 2, the lack of numeration was a mere inadvertence, and it is to be takenpro form� as No. 1. It was lengthily entitled: "A Dissertation On the Soil,Rivers, Productions, Animal and Vegetable, with General Notes on the InternalParts of Louisiana, compiled from observations made by Capt. Z. M. Pike, in alate tour from the mouth of the Missouri, to the Head Waters of the Arkansawand Rio del Norte, in the years 1806 and 1807; including Observations on theAborigines of the Country." Such notes as I should otherwise have to offer onthe substance of this Dissertation are for the most part already made in theforegoing three chapters of the Itinerary. The present chapter may thereforebe passed without remark, excepting in so far as concerns some new pointsthat come up for notice.

[IV-2] Read Missouri?"Mississippi" being the slip of a pen which had so oftenwritten the latter word. The clause means that muddy backwater from theMissouri ran some way into the Gasconade.

[IV-3] The river which the Expedition crossed was of course the Neosho, whichWilkinson was correct in stating to fall into the Arkansaw a short distancebelow the Vermilion or Verdigris?"a quarter of a mile," his Report says.Pike's wrong conclusion is not here animadverted upon, as it has been set rightbefore; but I wish to note that the "White river of the Mississippi" has givenrise to much confusion, from the very simple circumstance that it is a branchboth of the Mississippi and of the Arkansaw. It runs into the very crotchbetween these two, and has a sort of a delta of its own, as well as a doubledebouchment. Various maps consulted on this point, as I have never been onthe spot, differ in that some run White r. into the Arkansaw, some into theMississippi, and some into both these rivers. The latter seems to be thepresent arrangement; but this may have repeatedly altered in former times.

[IV-4] The route from the Missouri, at or near the mouth of the Kansas?thatis, from old Westport (now Kansas City), Mo., and Independence, Mo.?to thegreat bend of the Arkansaw, near the mouth of Walnut cr., was established asan overland highway during the '20's, when it began to be regularly taken bythe traders' caravans en route to Santa F�. The trade attained such proportionsthat some years merchandise of the value of $250,000 and $450,000 was hauledover this road: see Gregg's statistics for 1822-43, Comm. Pra., II. 1844, p. 160.Pack-animals or wagons were used, 1822-25, but after that wagons only; andthese soon wore a road as plain as a turnpike. It will be interesting to go overthis road, and identify the camping-grounds of those hardy pioneers by themodern names of the places on and near their route; especially as no railroadnow follows this primitive trace exactly. It held a pretty straight westwardcourse, bearing all the while southward; the distance from the usual startingplace (Independence, Mo.) was called 300 m. roundly, but is somewhat lessthan this. The most noted point on the route was Council Grove, so calledsince 1825, when the U. S. Commissioners Reeves, Sibley, and Mathers, whothere treated with the Osages, gave the place its present name. In the mostgeneral terms, the road followed the divide between Kansan waters on the N.,or right hand going W., and on the other, first those of the Osage (a branch ofthe Missouri), then those of the Neosho (a branch of the Arkansaw), and finallythose of the Arkansaw itself. But the route was nearly everywhere in thelatter water-shed; after the first few miles, every stream crossed ran to theleft. In some places, the divide between the two sets of streams had littlebreadth; one place was called The Narrows, the approximation was so close.The wagon-train that started from Independence usually left "the States" thefirst day out, and entered "the Indian territory"?that is, it went from thepresent State of Missouri into the present State of Kansas; and all the rest ofthe way to Great Bend was through the latter. Let us look up some mapsand itineraries of half a century ago?say Gregg's, pub. 1844; Wislizenus', of1846; and Beckwith's, 1853?to see what sign-posts they set up. These pointto such places as the following, in regular order from E. to W.: Independenceand Westport, Mo.?Big Blue camp?Round Grove, Lone Elm, The Glen?Bullcr., Black Jack cr. and pt., Willow springs, and The Narrows?two Rockcreeks in succession?One Hundred and Ten Mile cr.?Bridge cr.?Dwissler's orSwitzler's cr.?five creeks to which the names First Dragoon, Second Dragoon,Soldier, Prairie Chicken, Elm, and One Hundred and Forty-two Mile attach insome itineraries and are to be collated with Fish and Pool, or Fish and PleasantValley, of others?Bluff cr.?Big Rock cr.?Big John spring and cr.?CouncilGrove, on its own cr.?another Elm cr.?Diamond spring and cr.?Lost springand Lost or Willow cr.?Cottonwood cr.?two or three Turkey creeks in succession?LittleArkansaw r.?several Little Cow creeks, among them one calledChavez or Charez and Owl?Big Cow cr.?approach to the Arkansaw r. at CampOsage?up the Arkansaw to Walnut cr. and thus to Great Bend. From suchindicia as these it may not be difficult to reopen the road in terms of moderngeography. 1. Independence maintains its independence as the seat of JacksonCo., Mo., 2 or 3 m. S. of the Missouri r., and about the same E. of BigBlue cr.; but Westport is practically absorbed in the suburbs of Kansas City,Mo. Starting from Independence, the first halt on the prairie, after crossingBig Blue r., was likely to be "Big Blue camp." This was about the heads ofBrush cr., a small tributary of the Big Blue from the W., and in the vicinity ofpresent Glenn. Being nearly on the present inter-State boundary, it was the"jumping-off place" from "the States," where the traveler entered "the Indianterritory." The military road between Forts Towson (on Red r.) and Leavenworthpassed by. A little to the N. W. was the Shawnee agency and mission,on a branch of Turkey cr., the first tributary of the Kansas from the S.;Shawnee is there now, and other places on Turkey cr. are called Merriam,South Park, and Rosedale; the Kansas City, Fort Scott, and Gulf R. R.meanders Turkey cr. into Kansas City. The position is about lat. 38� 59� N.and long. 94� 35� W. 2. About 5 m. further S. W. the road passed by Lenexa,Johnson Co., and a camp could be made on a head of Indian cr., which isa small stream joined by Tomahawk cr. before it reaches the Big Blue. Theroad continued S. W., approximately by the present S. Kan. R. R., and thuspast Olathe, now seat of Johnson Co., where six tracks diverge in variousdirections. This is in the center of the county, near the head of Indian cr., onthe head of Mill cr., a tributary of the Kansas, and near the head of a branchof Cedar cr., another Kansan affluent. 3. "Round Grove," "Lone Elm," or"The Glen" was a camping-place on one of the heads of Cedar cr., betweenOlathe and the village of Gardner; it was reckoned 15 m. from Big Blue camp,and 22 m. from Westport. Thus far the Santa F� route coincided with the evenmore celebrated "Oregon trail." But at a point beyond Gardner, in thedirection of Edgerton, and 6 or 8 m. from Round Grove, the road forked?thatis, the Oregon trail struck off to the right in the N. W. direction of theKansas, while the Santa F� trail kept on the left-hand fork westward. 4. Bullcr. is still so called, or specified as Big Bull cr. to distinguish it from LittleBull cr. which, with other tributaries, such as Rock, Ten Mile, and Wea, itreceives before it falls into Marais des Cygnes (main Osage) r. This is thecreek on which is Paola, seat of Miami Co., near the junction of Wea cr., and itwas the first of the Osage waters which the road crossed. The crossing was highup on its main course, between Gardner and Edgerton, whence the road continuedW. from Johnson into Douglas Co. 5. From the crossing of Bull cr. itis 9 m. to Black Jack cr. and pt., so called from the kind of oak (Quercusnigra) which grows there. Black Jack is still the name of a place between theheads of Captain cr. (tributary of the Kansas) and Rock cr. (a branch of Bullcr.); it is 3 m. due E. of Baldwin City. 6. "Willow springs" was a notedcamping place W. of Baldwin City, on one of the heads of Ottawa cr., whichflows southward into the Marais des Cygnes r., a little below Ottawa, countyseat of Franklin. The distance of Willow springs from the crossing of BlackJack cr. is 10� m. Willow springs seems to be the same place that was calledWakarusa pt., or was at any rate very near it. Here the approximation ofKansan and Osage waters is very close, and this is the place which consequentlybecame known as "The Narrows." The interlocking is between several headsof the Ottawa cr. just said and some tributaries of Cole cr., a branch of theWakarusa. Camp could also be made at a place called Hickory pt., short ofWillow springs by 3 or 4 m. 7. Two "Rock" creeks were passed at distancesgiven as 9 and 12 m. from Willow springs by some writers, and quite differentlyby others; some also mention but one "Rock" cr. Eight Mile cr. washeaded if not crossed by the road; and beyond this the road crossed one or bothheads of Appanoose cr. These creeks are tributaries of the Marais des Cygnes,falling in a mile apart at Ottawa and just beyond. Part of the uncertaintyabout these "Rock" creeks arose from the fact that they often ran dry, werewoodless, and thus ineligible for camping-grounds; hence they would often bepassed without remark. The names seem to me to apply rather to the twoforks of the Appanoose than to the main fork of the latter and to Eight Mile cr.8. One Hundred and Ten Mile cr., which still floats its long name, was socalled because it was taken to be 110 m. from Fort Osage, our earliest establishmentof the kind on the Missouri. This was built in Sept., 1808, at FortPoint (present Sibley: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 30), and was sometimes calledFort Clark. The creek in mention was crossed at a point taken to be 24 m. fromWillow springs, and thus in the vicinity of present Scranton, Osage Co. It isa branch of the Dragoon cr. we have next to consider. 9. Continuing nearlydue W., the road crossed several heads of present Dragoon cr., in the vicinityof Burlingame, Osage Co. This is a comparatively large creek, which runssoutheastward to fall into the Marais des Cygnes near Quenemo. That one ofthe several heads of Dragoon cr. on which Burlingame is situated is now calledSwitzler's cr.; the next beyond is the main source of Dragoon cr., into whicha branch called Soldier's cr. falls, about 2 m. W. of Burlingame. But none ofthe older itineraries I have consulted speak of either "Dragoon" or "Soldier's"cr.; instead of which, they give a certain Bridge cr., as crossed 8 m. W. of OneHundred and Ten Mile cr. This is precisely the distance given by Beckwithfor his "Dwissler's" cr. No doubt "Switzler" and "Dwissler" are the sameperson's names; but whether this has always been applied to the same creekmay well be doubted. The "First Dragoon" cr. is now Dragoon cr.; the"Second Dragoon" cr. is now Soldier's cr.; these were passed near their confluence.10. In the next few miles the road crossed in rapid succession severalheads of the Marais des Cygnes itself, thus finishing with the Osage water-shed.Three of these are now known as Onion, Chicken or Prairie Chicken, andElm; the latter is the main head, and seems to be the one which appears as"Fish" cr. in the early narratives?the name by which it is mapped both byGregg and by Wislizenus. A fourth head of the Marais des Cygnes which theroad crossed is that now known as One Hundred and Forty-two Mile cr., whichjoins the main stream much lower down than the other three. This is mappedby Gregg as Pool cr. and by Wislizenus as Pleasant Valley cr. All four ofthese streams are crossed in Lyon Co., the boundary between this and OsageCo. having been passed at long. 95� 50� 57�� W. nearly. 11. The road continuedacross Big Rock cr., having first passed its branch, Bluff cr. This is a tributaryof the Neosho. It is probable that the Bluff cr. of early writers refers to themain Big Rock rather than to the branch now called Bluff, as it is the last onethey give before coming to?12. Big John cr., another tributary of the Neosho,which was crossed immediately before Council Grove was reached; on whichaccount, as well as for its beautiful spring and eligible camping-ground, it earlybecame noted under the name it still bears. 13. Council Grove, now the seatof Morris Co. This was always the most marked place on the route?a sort ofhalfway station between the Missouri settlements and the great bend of theArkansaw. Its area was indefinitely extensive along the wooded bottom-land ofthe Neosho, or, as it was called here, Council Grove cr.; but as the situationbecame peopled, settlement was made chiefly on the W. or right bank of thestream, at the mouth of Elm cr., a tributary from the W. This is not far fromthe center of a tract about 45 m. square known as the Kansas Trust Lands, ofwhich the Kansas Diminished Reserve is a southwestern portion. CouncilGrove is only some 8 m. from the boundary between Lyon and Morris Co.,which runs on a meridian close by the course of Big Rock cr. 14. The roadcontinued W. up the left or N. bank of Elm cr. for about 8 m., crossed it at ornear present station Milton of the Topeka, Salina, and Western R. R., andwent on S. W. to Diamond spring, about 8 m. further. This was a campingplace high up on the waters of Diamond or, as it is also called, Six Mile cr.,a branch of the Cottonwood. 15. Hence W. about 16 m. to Lost spring, onLost or Clear cr.?that branch of the Cottonwood which falls in at Marion.This place is a little over the border of Marion Co., and a town or station LostSpring perpetuates the name, at the point where the Chicago, Kansas, andNebraska R. R. crosses a branch of the A., T., and S. F. R. R. 16. FromLost spring the route turned S. W. 17 m. to the Cottonwood, approximately bythe present railroad line, and struck that river at or near Durham, Marion Co.17. Continuing S. W. and then bearing more nearly W., the road passed by ornear Canton and thence to McPherson, both in the county of the latter name.Both are situated among the heads of Turkey cr., a branch of the LittleArkansaw; two or three of these were crossed. When two were noted, it usedto be by the names of Little and Big Turkey creeks; map names are nowRunning Turkey, Turkey, and West Turkey; McPherson is on the last ofthese, some 25 m. from the crossing of the Cottonwood. The Turkey creeksvary very much in character with season and the weather. 18. The road continuedabout 20 m. to the crossing of the Little Arkansaw, in the vicinity of theplace now called Little River. 19. In 10 m. the road reached one of thetributaries of Cow cr., and it was 10 more before all of these were passed; thereare five or six of them, and some hardly ever run water. One of them is nowcalled "Jarvis" cr.: see note10, p. 424. Another is known as Long Branch;between this and Little Cow cr. is Lyons, seat of Rice Co., and beyond thisBig Cow cr. is crossed. 20. The road now makes for the Arkansaw on a dueW. course, and comes on to that river at a place which was known as CampOsage, in the vicinity of present Ellinwood, Barton Co. This town is only3 m. from the mouth of Walnut cr., and the city of Great Bend is a mile ortwo beyond that.

[IV-5] This wild notion was a pet of Pike's, which he indulged to the extent ofembodying it in the title of his book, and making his map fit it. No man cango, afoot or on horseback, in anything like one day, from any possible position,to the sources of all those rivers. It can be taken as an indication of the reallyclose approximation of certain pairs of rivers, which drain from opposite sides ofthe same range, or made elastic enough to suit the situation about Mt. Lincoln,where some heads of the Grand, the Arkansaw, and the South Platte approximate;but the other rivers are entirely out of the question. Owing to Pike'signorance of the existence of the North Platte, all that he says in various placesof his hypothetical Yellowstone comes nearer the facts in the case of the Platte."La Platte" he only knew from the sources of the South Platte.

[IV-6] This "Mr. M'Cartie" was Le Chevalier Macarty, Makarty, etc., who in1751 succeeded Le Sieur de St. Clair as major-commandant of the Illinois. Hewas by birth an Irishman, became a major of engineers, and served about nineyears in the position indicated. The far-famed Fort Chartres is called by Wallace"the only great architectural work of the French in the entire basin of theMississippi, over which, in succession, had proudly floated the flags of two powerfulnations." Old Fort Chartres, or De Chartres, supposed to have been sonamed for the Duc de Chartres, son of the then Regent of France, was built in1719 and 1720, under the direction of Pierre Duqu� de Boisbriant, the king'slieutenant for France, at the expense of the Company of the West; it at oncebecame military headquarters and the center of authority, and was long prominentin the French history of Illinois. It was rebuilt in 1753-56 duringMajor Macarty's incumbency, upon the plans of the French engineer Saucier, atan estimated cost of 5,000,000 livres; and this "new Chartres" is describedas a "huge structure of masonry, an object of wonder and curiosity to all whoever beheld it"?some of these being antiquarians of the present day. The historicfortress suffered encroachments of the Mississippi for several years; it wasfinally dilapidated during a freshet in 1772, then evacuated by the British garrison,which removed to Fort Gage, and never reoccupied. We have manymemorials of the progress of its decay, as well as of the period of its greatness:see Wallace's Illinois and Louisiana under French rule, 1893, pp. 270, 271,313-318, which include various important references, notably to Pittman, whosedescription of the fort as it was in 1766 is transcribed, and to Beck's Gazetteer,giving a plan of the fort from observations made in 1820. The name stands fora steamboat landing near Prairie du Rocher, Randolph Co., Ill.

[V-1] The following Report was written by Lieutenant Wilkinson at a time whenit was expected I had been cut off by the savages. It consequently alluded totransactions relative to the Expedition previous to our separation, which I havesince corrected. But the adventures of his party, after our separation, are givenin his own words.?Z. M. P.

The above explanatory note by Pike stood alone on p. 19 of the App. toPt. 2 of the orig. ed. Wilkinson's Report, of which Chapter V. now consists,formed Doc. No. 2 of that Appendix, running pp. 20-32. It rehearses themovements of Pike's party to Oct. 28th, 1806, when the two officers separatedat Great Bend, and Wilkinson started down the Arkansaw. It thus serves tosome extent to check Pike's narrative, but is chiefly notable in this respect forsome discrepancies which I have been unable to adjust. Lieutenant Wilkinson'shealth was not good during his descent of the Arkansaw, and he enduredmuch hardship; to which causes is doubtless due in part the lack of anythingvery notable in his Report. James Biddle Wilkinson was the son of GeneralJames Wilkinson of Maryland. He entered the army as a second lieutenant ofthe 4th Infantry, Feb. 16th, 1801; was transferred to the 2d Infantry, Apr.1st, 1802; became first lieutenant Sept. 30th, 1803, and captain Oct. 8th, 1808,and died Sept. 7th, 1813.

[V-2] The toise is an old French measure of length equal to six French feet or1.949 meter, and therefore to about 6.4 English feet.

[V-3] The party reached and crossed the Neosho Sept. 9th, and struck the SmokyHill fork of the Kansas r. on the morning of the 16th: see those dates inPike's itinerary, and notes there.

[V-4] There are material discrepancies between Wilkinson's and Pike's accountsof the 11th, 12th, 13th, and 14th, not easy to reconcile, even supposing the twoofficers were separated a part of the time. Pike comes first to what he calls"Little Saline" r., and then to Great Saline on the 11th; Smoky Hill r.,12th; 7 m. beyond it to head of a branch of it, 13th; over the divide, 14th,to Cow cr.; and is lost on Walnut cr., 15th. His map puts a camp-mark onLittle Saline, date uncertain; one on Great Saline, 11th; one on SmokyHill r., 12th; and none for 13th, 14th, or 15th. Wilkinson comes first to GrandSaline, 11th; "Second or Small Saline," 12th; Smoky Hill, 13th; over divideand on to a branch of the Arkansaw, also on the 13th; reaches Arkansaw 14th,about midnight. We have here a day miscounted; reverse sequence of the twoSaline rivers; and several camp-marks misplaced or missing. All this addsto the trouble we found in trying to follow Pike's itinerary, and I do not seehow the difficulty can be adjusted. What seems certain is: 1. Great Saline r.reached or crossed on the 11th; Smoky Hill r. reached or crossed on the 12th;divide crossed and camp on Cow cr., 13th, 14th; Wilkinson on the Arkansawat midnight of the 15th, when Pike and Robinson were lost on Walnut cr.

[V-5] Again a discrepancy from Pike. According to his diary he left the party at5 p. m., 15th, with Dr. Robinson; was lost, 16th and 17th; found and broughtto Wilkinson's camp on the Arkansaw, 18th; so Wilkinson could have remainedbut two days in suspense, which was relieved on the third day. As Pike himselfinforms us that he "corrected" Wilkinson's Report for the time they weretogether, yet evidently failed to make it fit his own, we may be excused if wedo not succeed in the attempt. On some points I suspect Wilkinson came nearestthe facts. He did not lose his notes and supplement from memory, as Pike wasforced to do; he was not hunting for the Spanish trail, nor for buffalo; and hedid not get bewildered on Walnut cr.

[V-6] Both accounts fortunately agree on this notable date?the day on which Pikestarted up the Arkansaw and Wilkinson down the same river. The distancemade by the latter on the 28th sets him about the mouth of Antelope cr., asmall run that makes in on the right or south a mile above the mouth of Walnutcr. Here he remained on the 29th and 30th. There is obviously nopossibility of following him closely through his benumbed voyage; we can onlycheck his course at the most notable points.

Wilkinson's, "bold running stream" and his "large creek" are probablyidentifiable by the above data; but in my ignorance of these details I canonly presume, without knowing, that he means Cow cr. and the Little Arkansaw,these being the two principal tributaries of the Arkansaw in Kansas belowGreat Bend. Cow cr. is the same stream whose headwaters Pike and Wilkinsoncame upon before they reached Great Bend: see note10, p. 424; but it fallsin much lower, at Hutchinson, Reno Co., Kas. The Little Arkansaw is thatriver at whose mouth is Wichita, seat of Sedgwick Co., Kas. Both thesestreams course very obliquely to the Arkansaw, from the N. W., and fall in onthe left bank.

[V-9] "Negracka" is here an error; Wilkinson means the Ninnescah, Nenescah,or Nenesquaw r., which falls in from the W. on the right hand; town of Whitman,Sumner Co., Kas., at its mouth. This is the only instance I have everknown of the misapplication of the name Negracka, which belongs absolutely to,and was long the current name of, the Salt fork of the Arkansaw: see nextnote. Thus, we read in Morse's Gazetteer, 1821, p. 499: "Negracka River... falls into the Arkansaw from the N. W. It is 100 yards wide." TheNenescah is a smaller stream than this. It is lettered "Ne-ne-sesh, or GoodRiv." on a map of the Indian Terr., etc., Engineer Bureau, War Dept., Oct.,1866. Between his Negracka or the Nenescah r., and his Neskalonska or theSalt fork of the Arkansaw, Wilkinson passes the following streams: 1. Slatecr., from the N. W., traversing Sumner Co. obliquely; 2. Walnut cr. (formerlyWhitewater r.), from the N., with an average course nearly due S., throughButler and Cowley cos., Kas., to fall in at Arkansaw City; 3. Grouse cr., fromthe N. E., in Cowley Co., its mouth nearly on the boundary between Kansasand Oklahoma; 4. Chilockey or Chilocco cr., over the Oklahoma line, schoolreservation there; 5. Deer cr., from the W., very small; 6. Beaver cr., fromthe N. E., whose mouth is at the Kaw or Kansas Agency; 7. South Coon cr.,from the N., but falling in on the right, very small; 8. Turkey cr., from theN., but mouth on the right, between Cross and Ponca stations of the Arkansawbranch of the A., T., and S. F. R. R.

[V-10] "Neskalonska" is a name I have failed to find elsewhere, but fortunatelythere is no question of the river to which Wilkinson applies it. This is Saltfork, the third largest branch of the Arkansaw from the W.?the Cimarronbeing second, and the Canadian first in size. Wilkinson's "Neskalonska" andhis "Grand Saline or Newsewtonga" are respectively Salt fork and Cimarron r.of present nomenclature. Notwithstanding their great size and importance,and the fact that they fall into the Arkansaw about a degree of latitude andof longitude apart, they have been completely confused by geographers, on whosemaps almost every name of each has been misapplied to the other. Salt fork isthe upper and smaller one of the two, which falls in through the Ponca Reservation,at or near Ponca P. O. and Ponca Agency, in Oklahoma. Cimarron r. isthe lower and larger one of the two, which falls in through the Indian Territoryat a point on the boundary of Oklahoma. Salt fork has been called:Salt fork; Salt r.; Salt cr.; Saline fork; Saline r.; Saline cr.; Red fork; Redr.; Little Arkansaw r. (duplicating a name: see note8, p. 548); Nescutango r.;Negracka r. (its usual name for many years); Semerone, Cimarone, Cimmaron,Cimarron r.?the last four variants of the same word, and like Nescutango,properly belonging only to the next, viz.: Cimarron r. This has been called:Red fork; Saline r.; Grand Saline r.; Jefferson r.; Nesuketong, Nesuketonga,Nesuhetonga, Nescutanga, Newsewketonga r.; Cimmaron, Cimarron r. Onanalyzing the comparative applicability of these names, I find that "Salt" or"Saline" belongs most properly to the upper and smaller stream, for which wenow use it, and when applied to the lower is usually qualified as Grand Saline;that "Red" is misapplied to both indifferently; that "Little Arkansas" isonly applied to the upper, and "Jefferson" only to the lower stream; that"Negracka" is absolutely the name of the upper one alone; that "Nesuketonga"and its variants are almost entirely confined to the lower one; andfinally that "Cimarron" in its variations is equally common to both, though inpresent usage it is absolutely restricted to the lower one.

These data rest upon the examination of a large lot of old maps withspecial reference to the points involved, with the assistance of Mr. Robert F.Thompson of the Indian Bureau at Washington. These maps show a curiousreversal in the size of the two rivers, the earlier and poorer ones making theupper stream the larger of the two, and conversely. Furthermore, the tendencyhas always been to call the larger one "Cimarron" and "Red," no matterwhich its position. Aside from this, the most sharply contrasted pairs ofnames are "Salt" and "Negracka" for the upper stream, and "Red" and"Nesuketonga" for the lower one. Thus, to be more specific: 1. John Melish'smap of the U. S., engr. by J. Vallance and H. S. Tanner, pub. Philada., 1820,has Negracka, upper, larger; Jefferson, lower, smaller. 2. H. S. Tanner'smap of N. Amer., in the New American Atlas, pub. Philada., 1823, map dated1822, has Negracka or Red r., upper, larger; and Nesuhetonga or Gr. Saline,lower, smaller. 3. The American Atlas, pub. Philada., H. C. Carey and I.Lea, 1823, has a map of the U. S., with Negracka or Red Fork, upper, larger,and Grand Saline, lower, smaller; also, a map of the Arkansaw, etc., drawn byMajor S. H. Long, with Negracka or Red Fork, upper, larger; and Nesuketongaor Grand Saline, lower, smaller; also, a map of Mexico, etc., based onHumboldt, etc., by J. Finlayson, with these very same names. 4. A. Finlay'smap of North America, pub. Philada., 1826, has upper larger stream Negrackaor Semerone R.; lower one, very small, Grand Saline. 5. A map of Mexico inAnthony Finlay's Atlas, pub. Philada., 1830, has Negracka, upper and larger;the lower smaller one unnamed. 6. A map of North America in Tanner'sAtlas, pub. Philada., Carey and Hart, 1843, has Negracka, upper and larger;Gr. Saline, lower and smaller; the map of Mexico and Guatemala, in this atlas,represents the two as Red Br. and Saline. 7. On Josiah Gregg's map of theIndian Territory, etc., in Morse's N. A. Atlas, pub. N. Y., Harper and Brothers,1844, also accompanying Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, the two rivers arerepresented of about the same size, the upper one being lettered Cimarron R.and Salt Fork; the lower, Red Fork of the Arkansas R. This is a notablygood map for its date, and in the matter now under examination may be takenas the turning-point to a better understanding of the facts in the case. 8. Ona map of Texas, etc., pub. Philada., S. Augustus Mitchell, 1846, the upper andstill larger river appears as Cimarone or Salt Fork; the lower, as Red Fork.9. On a map of Mexico issued by H. S. Tanner, 3d ed., 1846, the upper,larger stream is given as Semerone, Negracka, or Red River; the lower, asSaline. 10. On a map of the U. S. in Harper's Statistical Gazetteer of the World,by J. Calvin Smith, pub. N. Y., Harper and Brothers, 1855, the upper streamis called Cimarron or Salt Fork; the lower, Red Fork of Arkansas. 11.Emory's beautiful map of the Western U. S., pub. 1857-58, has Salt Forkfor the upper and much smaller stream, and Red Fork of the Arkansas forthe other. 12. A map of Kansas, etc., in Mitchell's Atlas of 1861, represents theupper stream as Cimarron River, the lower as Red Fork of the Arkansas.13. The map of N. A. in Johnston's Family Atlas, pub. N. Y., Johnston andWard, 1864, shows the two in a peculiar manner, and calls the upper oneSemerone, the lower one Nesuketong. 14. The Office of Indian Affairs hason file a very fine map of the Indian Territory, drawn by Ado Hunnius fromthe reconnoissance of Lieutenant J. C. Woodruff in 1852, and from a WarDept. map of 1866, on which the upper and now smaller river appears as SaltCreek or Nescutanga, or Salt Fork of the Arkansas, and the much larger lowerone as Cimarron River or Red Fork of the Arkansas. 15. The War Dept.map of the Indian Territory, Engineer Bureau, Oct., 1866, letters for thesmaller upper stream Nescutango R. and Little Arkansas R.; for the other,Cimarron River and Red Fork of Arkansas River. 16. A manuscript map byJohn C. McCoy, on file in the Office of Indian Affairs, has Red Fork for theupper, and Ne se ke tonga for the lower one. 17. On a cabinet map of theU. S., pub. Chicago, Rufus Blanchard, 1868, the upper one is called LittleArkansas River, the lower one being styled Red Fork of Arkansas River.18. A map of the U. S. in Mitchell's Atlas of 1874 shows the upper and largerstream as Cimmaron or Salt Fork, and the smaller lower one as Red Fork;the map of Texas in the same atlas shows only the latter, given as Red Forkof Arkansas. 19. The General Land Office map of the Indian Territory, 1879,letters for the upper river Salt Fork of Arkansas R., and for the other Red Forkof the Arkansas or Cimarron River; the same Office's map of Oklahoma, 1894,has Salt Fork of Arkansas River for the one, and Cimarron River for the other.

The consensus of the above, aside from the eccentricities and errors involved,is reducible to Salt fork or Negracka r. for the upper one, and Red fork,Nesuketonga, or Cimarron r. for the other one, of these two important streams.One of the curiosities in the matter is the constancy of the form of the wordNegracka, as well as its restriction to a single river.

[V-11] The Verdigris, Vermilion, or Wasetihoge r. has been already noticed, whenPike's party reached its headwaters in Kansas: see note58, p. 400. The presentnomenclature of its principal branches is: 1. Hominy cr., in the Osage andCherokee countries of the Indian Territory, with a main fork, Bird cr., site ofthe Osage Agency; 2. Caney r., or the Little Verdigris, falling in by the BlueMounds in the Cherokee country, and formed of two main forks known as Bigand Little Caney creeks, both of which head in Kansas; 3. Elk r., heading inthe Kansan county of that name, and falling in above Independence, in MontgomeryCo., Kas.; 4. Fall r., one of the terminal forks of the Verdigris, and onwhich is Fredonia, Wilson Co.

[V-12] See note10 for synonymy. The Cimarron is a very large river, whichdrains from the eastern slopes of the great mountains in New Mexico and runsthence through southwestern portions of Kansas, loops into Oklahoma Territoryfrom Meade Co., Kas., loops back into Kansas in Clarke Co., and thencethrough the S. W. corner of Comanche Co. into Oklahoma again, traverses thisTerritory, and joins the Arkansaw between the Osage and Creek countries, ata certain point on the line between Oklahoma and the Indian Territory.

In passing from Salt fork to the Cimarron, we have first, Red or Red Rockcr., a sizable stream from the W. or right; places called Redrock and Otoe onit; second, Buck cr., left, from the N., once known as Suicide cr.; third, GrayHorse cr., small, left, from the N. E.; fourth, Black Bear cr., large, from theW., on the right. The Pawnee Agency is on this stream, which some mapswrongly run into the Cimarron instead of the Arkansaw.

[V-13] This is not easily determined, as there are several small streams of similarcharacter between the Cimarron and the Verdigris, among them those calledPolecat, Snake, Cane, and Caney (or Pocan) creeks.

[V-14] For these two rivers, see back, notes53, 55, pp. 397, 398, and following top. 402; also, note11, p. 555.

[V-15] This was the so-called "Arkansaw band" of Osages, the circumstances ofwhose secession from the Osage village on the Little Osage r. are mentionedby Pike elsewhere, as well as by Wilkinson in the present instance. Thefaction seems to have been fomented by Chouteau through jealousy of Lisa'sexclusive right to trade on the Osage r. The affair must have been notoriousat the time, as various authors speak of the settlement of this Osage band on theVerdigris or, as it was also called, Vermilion r. Among them are Lewis andClark: see ed. 1893, p. 12.

[V-16] This Illinois r., still so called, heads in Washington and Benton cos., Ark.,crosses the W. border of the State N. of 36�, and runs through the Cherokeecountry in the Indian Territory, to fall into the Arkansaw a short distanceabove the mouth of the Canadian. Between the Illinois and Canadian rivers,on the E. side of the Arkansaw, opposite the mouth of Elk cr., is a placecalled Webber's Falls, with reference to the falls of which Wilkinson speaks.

[V-17] The main fork of the Arkansaw, and scarcely a lesser stream. This is oneof the six or seven large rivers which have shared the name "Red" or itsequivalent, though less frequently than some of the others. This is because theMexicans called it Rio Colorado at its headwaters, which they knew very well;and because, down to 1820, these were supposed to be those of the true "Redriver of Natchitoches," a branch of the Mississippi. The discovery that thisRio Colorado or Red r. was the source of the Canadian was made by MajorLong, who followed it down, thinking he was on the Red r. of Natchitoches,and was not undeceived till he found its confluence with the Arkansaw. Thisis noted in 1844 by Gregg, and in 1855 by Warren; it was the third attemptmade by the United States Government to discover the sources of the true Redr., Captain Sparks having been first, in 1806, and Pike second. "Canadian," asapplied to the main fork of the Arkansaw, has no more to do with the Dominionof Canada in history or politics than it has in geography, and many have wonderedhow this river came to be called the Canadian. The word is from theSpanish Rio Ca�ada, or Rio Ca�adiano, through such a form as Rio Ca�adian,whence directly "Canadian" r., meaning "Ca�on" r., and referring to theway in which the stream is boxed up or shut in by precipitous walls near itsheadwaters. These drain from E. slopes of the Raton and other great mountainsin New Mexico E. of Taos and Santa F�, by such streams as the Vermijo(Bermejo), Little Cimarron, Pou�el or Po�i, Rayado, and Ocat�, which joinabove the ca�ada, and the Moro, which falls in further down. Leaving NewMexico the great river courses eastward through Texas, enters Oklahoma atlong. 100� W. (near lat. 36� N., vicinity of Antelope hills), traverses this territoryto about long. 98� W., separates it from the Indian Territory to beyondlong. 97� W., and runs in the latter to join the Arkansaw near long. 95� W., inthe vicinity of Webber's falls, at a point on the boundary between the Cherokeeand Chocktaw countries, about 40 m. E. of the Arkansaw State line. Its principalbranch is the North fork, which as far as it goes is a parallel stream, skirtingthe Canadian for hundreds of miles at no great distance northward of themain stream.

[V-18] Poteau or Potteau r. marks a notable point in this barren itinerary, as itfalls in on the boundary between the Indian Territory and Arkansas, immediatelyabove the important and well-known Fort Smith. This is situated on theright bank of the Arkansaw, in Sebastian Co., which the river divides fromCrawford Co. Poteau is F. for post, and the name may refer to some earlylandmark of that sort: see note33, p. 378. Small tributaries of the Arkansawbetween the Canadian and Poteau rivers are Vine cr., left; Sans Bois and Cachecreeks, right; Sallison and Skin creeks, left?in the order here named.

[V-19] Wilkinson's "river au Millieu" is apparently that now called Lee or Lee'scr., which makes in between Fort Smith and Van Buren, seat of Crawford Co.It courses mostly in Arkansaw, but loops into and out of the Indian Territory.Four of its branches are called Cove, Brushy, Webber, and Garrison. The F.phrase Rivi�re au Milieu, equivalent to "Middle" or "Half-way" r., does notseem to have been much used anywhere in the U. S., though it is a still currentvoyageurs' designation of several different streams in British America.

[V-20] For the Quapaw or Kwapa Indians, see L. and C., ed. 1893, pp. 12 and98, notes. Together with the Kansas, Osages, Omahas, and Poncas, they constitutea division of the Siouan stock called Dhegiha?a word equivalent to"autochthon." Dr. Sibley gives the names of the three Kwapa villages asTawanima, Oufotu, and Ocapa: London ed. 1807, p. 53. Quapaw, Kwapa,Ocapa, Oguoppa, Quappa, Kappa, Ukaqpa, etc., are all forms of their nameof themselves, meaning "those who went down river." Our knowledge of thevillage is traced back to Joliet and Marquette, July, 1673; the name Akansa,adopted in some form by the French, is what the Kwapas were called by theIllinois Indians, and the origin of our Arkansas or Arkansaw. The formAcanza is found on Vaugondy's map, 1783. About 230 Kwapas still live inOklahoma and the Indian Territory.

[V-21] Arkansas Post perpetuates the name of the oldest establishment of whitesin the lower Mississippi valley. The present village is on the N. bank of theArkansaw r., in the county and State of Arkansas, 73 m. S. E. of Little Rock,the capital. Though never a locality of much importance, its place in historyis secure and permanent. Early in the year 1685, Henri de Tonti, the famoustrusty lieutenant of La Salle, was reinstated in command of Fort St. Louis ofthe Illinois, with titles of captain and governor, by order of the French kingLouis XIV. Tonti learned that La Salle was in trouble somewhere in NewSpain (Texas), and organized an expedition for his relief. On Feb. 16th, 1686,he left Fort St. Louis, with 30 Frenchmen and 5 Indians, descended the Illinoisand Miss. rivers to the Gulf, and scoured the coast for miles, but saw nosign of his great chief. He wrote a letter for La Salle, which he committed tothe care of a chief of the Quinipissas for delivery, should opportunity offer, andretraced his way up the Miss. r. to the mouth of the Arkansaw, which latterriver he ascended to the village of the Arkensa Indians. There, on landswhich La Salle had already granted him, he stationed six of his men, who volunteeredto remain in hopes of hearing from the distant commander. This wasthe origin of the Poste aux Arkansas. La Salle was murdered by the traitorDuhaut, one of several ruffians among his own men who conspired to hisfoul assassination, some say on one of the tributaries of the Brazos, at a spotwhich has been supposed to be perhaps 40-50 m. N. of present town of Washington,Tex.; the date is Mar. 19th or 20th, 1687. Seven of the survivors ofLa Salle's ill-starred colony at Fort St. Louis of Texas, reached ArkansasPost after a journey computed at the time to have been 250 leagues, in thesummer of 1687, and found Couture and De Launay, two of the six whomTonti had stationed there the year before. (See Wallace, Hist. Ill. and La.,etc., 1893.) This Tonti (or Tonty), b. about 1650, died at Mobile, 1704, wasthe son of Lorenzo Tonti, who devised the Tontine scheme or policy of lifeinsurance. Arkansas Post was the scene of Laclede's death, June 20th, 1778.The place was taken by the Unionists from the Confederates, Jan. 11th, 1863.

[VI-1] General Wilkinson's instructions to Lieutenant Pike were conveyed in theform of two letters, of June 24th and July 12th, respectively, made in the orig.ed. pp. 107-110 of main text of Pt. 2, though they were set in smaller type asa sort of preface or introduction. But as no such preliminary is observed in theother two parts of the book, and as these orders are in the form of letters fromthe general to his lieutenant, I think they are preferably brought in here. Bythis single transposition the whole of the correspondence relating to the Arkansawexpedition is brought together in chronological order to form the presentChapter VI.

[VI-2] On the subject of our then strained relations with New Spain I have examinedmuch unpublished manuscript in the Archives of the Government at Washington,but most of it has become a matter of well-known history, needless tobring up here. It is well understood that Pike had secret instructions from thetraitor, General Wilkinson, over and beyond those which were ostensible; andno doubt the main purpose of his Expedition was to open the way to SantaF�, with reference to such military operations as then seemed probable. It iscertain that General Wilkinson contemplated the possibility if not the probabilityof invading New Mexico. Take as evidence the following extract of aletter he wrote to the Secretary of War, dated St. Louis, Nov. 26th, 1805:

" ... Our situation at New Orleans is a defenceless one, & Colonel Freeman'sremoval of two Companies from Fort Adams to that city leaves us withoutthe means of offence above Batton Rouge, which I do [not] like, but Freemanfelt himself too feeble to stand alone without those Companies?I mostardently implore we may not be forced to War, because I seek repose &we are not indeed prepared for it, that is against European troops?yet if wemust draw the sword, the whole of the troops destined to operate West of theMississippi should be mounted, whether Gun-men or sword-men, because everyMan of the Enemy will be found on Horse Back, and the composition should besuch as I have described in a former Letter?If any thing should be done fromthis Quarter direct, and I might be indulged to recommend my officers, to plan& Lead the expedition. If I do not reduce New Mexico, at least, in one Campaign,I will forfeit my Head."

[VI-3] Art. 3 bears the same number that this piece had in the orig. ed., and thesame is the case with all the following articles of the present chapter, with oneexception, where transposition of Orig. Nos. 8 and 9 to make Arts. 9 and 8 isrequired to preserve the chronological order. All these letters are from Pike toWilkinson, excepting my Art. 8, Orig. No. 9, which is from Wilkinson to Pike,and one to General Dearborn. Pike's letters are in the nature of reports ofprogress to his commanding general and the Secretary of War. They ceased, ofcourse, upon his separation from Lieutenant Wilkinson, and nothing further washeard of or from him till his return from Mexico, in July, 1807.

[VI-4] There is no allusion to this matter in the letter as originally printed, wherea long row of asterisks indicates the elision of what it was not thought prudentto publish at that time.

[VI-5] There were two Bissells, both of Connecticut, and of the same or similarrank in the army, often confused in records of the time, unless their first namesare given, as in this instance; 1. Daniel Bissell became an ensign in the 1stInfantry, Apr. 11th, 1792; was arranged to the 1st sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792;promoted to a lieutenancy Jan. 3d, 1794; assigned to the 1st Infantry Nov. 1st,1796; made a captain Jan. 1st, 1799; lieutenant-colonel, 1st Infantry, Aug.18th, 1808; colonel, 5th Infantry, Aug. 15th, 1812; brigadier-general, Mar.9th, 1814; honorably discharged June 1st, 1821, and died Dec. 14th, 1833.2. Russell Bissell became a lieutenant of the 2d Infantry Mar. 4th, 1791; wasarranged to the 2d sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792; made captain Feb. 19th, 1793;assigned to the 2d Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; transferred to the 1st InfantryApr. 1st, 1802; promoted to be major of the 2d Infantry Dec. 9th, 1807, anddied Dec. 18th, 1807. Two other Connecticut Bissells who became armyofficers a little later were Lieutenant Hezekiah W., who entered in 1801 anddied in 1802; and Captain Lewis, who entered as an ensign in 1808 andresigned in 1817. One Daniel Bissell of Vermont served as a first lieutenantfor about a year, 1799-1800, and in still later years there have been severalother army officers of the same surname.

[VI-6] The above is such an important paragraph that I reproduce it verbatimfrom the original, though it is so badly constructed as to be very obscure. Theobscurity, however, is simply bad grammar, not intentional veiling of anything;and as the sentences cannot be conveniently reconstructed in the text, I wouldread as follows:

"With respect to the Ietans, the general may rest assured that I shall bevery cautious about trusting them. I feel more at a loss how to conduct myselfwith the Spaniards, for my instructions send me to the Comanche country, partof which is no doubt claimed by Spain, though the boundaries between Louisianaand New Spain have never been settled. Consequently, should I meet aSpanish party from the villages near Santa F�, I think it would be good policyto give them to understand (1) that my party was going to join our troops nearNatchitoches, but had mistaken the Rio Grande for Red river; (2) that if itwould be agreeable to the Spanish commandant, some or all of us would payhim a polite visit; and (3) that if he did not wish us to do this, we would godirect to Natchitoches. In any event, I flatter myself that I shall get out of thescrape somehow. But if Spanish jealousy of Americans, and the Aaron Burrconspiracy, cause us to be made prisoners of war (in time of peace), I trust thatyou will see that we are released, and they are punished for the insult. Moreover,if I do not feel assured they will treat us well in Mexico, I will fightthem, no matter how many there are, before I will let them take us there."

This sort of talk is not that mixture of youthful enthusiasm with prudencefor which Pike begs Wilkinson's pardon in the next paragraph; but the determinationof a resolute young fellow to obey orders to the best of his ability, andaccomplish if possible the purpose of the secret instructions given him by GeneralWilkinson. It is also what boys call a "dead give away"; for here, at theoutset of his Expedition, Pike is talking about going to New Mexico, intendingto deceive the Spaniards he expected to meet there, and weighing the chancesof their good or bad treatment of himself and party. I forbear to characterizethe ethics of the situation; the discerning reader will be able to look throughthis hole in a grindstone, and form his own conclusions: see also note46 p. 504</