Off. — Druminond Lights. — Stearn Harbor-boats. — Enfilade or Masked Battery.—Mr. Chew.—His Message to General Beauregard.—Secretary of "War Apprised of Same.—His Answer to Telegram.—Blakely Rifled Gun. —By Whom Sent.—General Beauregard Demands the Surrender of Fort Sumter. — Major Anderson Declines.— Fire Opened on the Fort April 12th. Page 31
CHAPTER IV.
General Beauregard Makes no Material Changes in the Distribution of Forces in Charleston.—Brigadier-General Simons in Command of Morris Island. —Brigadier-General Dunovant of Sullivan's Island.—Tone of Troops.— The First Shell Fired from Fort Johnson.—The Only Motive Actuating the South.—At 5 A. jr., April 12th, every Battery in Full Play.—Sumter Responds at 7 o'clock.—How our Guns were Served.—Engagement Con tinued until Nightfall.—Firing Kept up all Night by our Batteries.— No Response from Sumter.—Conduct of the Federal Fleet.—Fort Re-opens Fire on the Morning of the 13th.—Burning of Barracks.—Sumter still Firing.—Our Troops Cheer the Garrison.—General Beauregard Offers As sistance to Major Anderson, who Declines.—Hoisting of the White Flag. —Terms of Surrender.—Accident during the Salute of the Flag.—Evac uation.—Our Troops Enter the Fort, April 14th.—Hoisting of Confederate and Palmetto Flags , 41
CHAPTER V.
Condition of Fort Sumter after the Bombardment.—Repairs Begun at Once.— Mustering of South Carolina Volunteers.—Bonham's Brigade.—General Beauregard makes a Reconnoissance of the South Carolina Coast.—Rec ommends Works at Stono, the Two Edistos, and Georgetown.—Declines Ad vising Plan of Defence for Port Royal Harbor.—Yields under Pressure, but Predicts the Result.—Receives Congratulations upon the Reduction of Sumter.—Vote of Thanks of Congress.—Resolutions of the General Assembly of South Carolina.—General Beauregard is Called to Montgom ery.—The President Wishes him to Assist General Bragg atPensacola.—He Declines.—His Reasons therefor.—Deputation from New Orleans Asking his Transfer to Louisiana.—The President Sends him Back to Charleston. —Propositions of the House of John Frazer & Co., relative to Purchase of Steamers. — Comments thereon.—General Beauregard Advocates the Plan. — Government Declines Moving in the Matter. — Silence of Mr. Davis's Book about it.—General Beauregard Ordered to Richmond.—Re grets of Carolinians at his Departure.—Letter of Governor Pickens.... 49
CHAPTER VI.
Secession of Virginia.—Confederate Troops Sent to her Assistance.—Arrival of General Beauregard in Richmond.—He Assumes Command at Manassas.—
CONTENTS. i^-Position of our Forces.—His Proclamation and the Reasons for it.—Site of " Camp Pickens."—His Letter to President Davis. — Our Deficiencies.— Mismanagement in Quartermaster's and Commissary's Departments.—How he could have Procured Transportation.—Manufacture of Cartridges.—Se cret Service with Washington Page 63
CHAPTER VII.
Position of Troops in Northern Virginia. — General Beauregard Advocates Concentration, June 12th.—Letter to that Effect to President Davis.—An swer Declining.—General Beauregard Suggests a Junction with General Holmes.—Again Refused.—Division of General Beauregard's Forces into Brigades, 20th June.—Begins Forward Movement.—Instructions to Brig ade Commanders.—Reconnoissanccs Made at the End of June.—McDow ell's Strength.—General Beauregard's Anxieties.—His Letter to Senator Wigfall. — Submits another Plan of Operations to the President, July llth... . 70
CHAPTER VIII.
General Beauregard again Urging Concentration.—Colonels Preston and Chest nut sent to Richmond, to Explain Plan.—Report of Colonel Chestnut.— The President Disapproves the Proposed Campaign.—Letter of General Beauregard to General Johnston.—Comments upon Mr. Davis's Refusal.— General McDowell Ordered to Advance.—Strong Demonstration against General Bonham.—General Beauregard's Telegram to the President.— General Johnston Ordered to Make Junction if Practicable.—Action of Bull Run.—What Major Barnard, U. S. E., Says of It.—Repulse of the Enemy.—War Department Inclined to Withdraw Order to General John ston.—General Beauregard Disregards the Suggestion 84
CHAPTER IX.
Battle of Manassas.—General J. E. Johnston Assumes Command, but General Beauregard Directs Operations and Fights the Battle.—Superiority of Numbers Against us.—Deeds of Heroism.—Enemy Completely Routed.— Ordnance and Supplies Captured.—Ours and Enemy's Losses.—Strength of General McDowell's Armv.—The Verdict of History... .. 96
CHAPTER X.
President Davis and Generals Johnston and Beauregard Discuss the Propriety of Pursuing the Enemy during the Night following the Battle.—Error of Mr. Davis as to the Order he Wrote.—On the 22d General Beauregard As signs his Troops to New Positions.—The President Confers the Rank of General on General Beauregard, subject to the Approval of Congress.—On
CONTENTS.
the 25th, Address Issued to Troops by Generals Johnston and Beauregard. —Organization of General Beauregard's Army into Brigades.—Impossi bility of any Military Movement of Importance, and Why.—Army With out Transportation and Without Subsistence.—Colonel Northrop Appoints Major W. B. Blair as Chief Commissary of the Army.—General Beauregard Informs the President of the Actual State of Affairs.—Colonel Lee to the President.—General Beauregard to Colonels Chestnut and Miles.—His Telegram to Colonel Myers.—Answer of President Davis.—General Beau-regard's Reply.—Colonel Myers alleges Ignorance of Want of Transporta tion in the Army of the Potomac.—General Beaurcgard's Answer.—Cause of the Failure of the Campaign.—Effect of General Beauregard's Letter upon Congress.—An Apparent Improvement in Commissary and Quarter master Departments.—General Beauregard Complains again on the 23d of August.—No Action Taken.—Suggests Removal of Colonel Northrop. —The President believes in his Efficiency, and Upholds him.—Fifteen and Twenty Days' Rations asked for by General Beauregard Page 114
CHAPTER XI.
General Beauregard Suggests a Forward Movement.—Not Approved by Gen eral Johnston.—Sanitary Measures.—Deficiency in Light Artillery.—In structions to Colonel Stuart. — Mason's and Munson's Hills. — General Beauregard Proposes to Hold Them.—General Johnston of a Different Opinion.—Popularity of General Beauregard.—He Establishes His Head quarters at Fairfax Court-House.—Proposes Another Plan Involving De cisive Battle. — General Johnston Deems it Better not to Hazard the Movement.—Organization of the Forces into Divisions.—General Beaure gard Advises that the Army be Placed Under One Head.—President Davis Invited to a Conference at Fairfax Court-Housc.—Scheme of Oper ations Submitted. — Generals Johnston and G. W. Smith Approve it.— Troops in Splendid Fighting Condition.—The President Objects. — No Reinforcements can be Furnished, and no Arms in the Country.—Review of Mr. Davis's Remarks on the Subject.—He Proposes a Plan for Opera tions Across the Potomac.—The Commanding Generals do not Consider it Feasible... . 131
CHAPTER XII.
Signal Rockets and Signal Telegraph.—General Beauregard Advises Coast Defenses at New Orleans, Mobile, Galvcston, and Berwick Bay, and Calls Attention to the Exposure of Port Royal.—Counsels General Lovell Con cerning River Obstructions between Forts St. Philip and Jackson.—General Johnston Orders the Troops into Winter Quarters.—Our Lines Formed at Centreville.—Drainsville and Ball's Bluff.—General Beauregard Proposes to Intercept General Stone's Retreat, and also Suggests Resolute Attack against McClellan's Right.—Unfriendly Correspondence Between War
Department and General Beauregard. — Uncourteous Language of Mr. Benjamin.—General Beauregard Exposes the Ignorance of the Acting Secretary of War.—Controversy in the Press about General Beauregard's Report of Battle of Manassas.—His Letter to the Editors of Richmond "Whig. —The President Accuses General Beauregard of Attempting to Ex alt Himself at His Expense.—He Upholds Mr. Benjamin and Condemns General Beauregard.—Dignity and Forbearance of the Latter.. ..Page 152
CHAPTER XIII.
Creation of the Department of Northern Virginia.—Distribution of New Confederate Battle Flags.—Debate in Congress about the Action of the President with Regard to General Beauregard's Report of the Battle of Manassas.—Telegram of the lion. James L. Kemper Concerning it.— General Beauregard's Answer.—Letter of Colonel Pryor on the Same Subject.—Commentaries on the Executive Endorsement.—Governor Moore Forwards Resolutions of Louisiana Legislature, Congratulating General Beauregard.—Circular to Division Commanders about Leaves of Absence. —Congress Passes an Act in Regard to the Matter.—Its Effect.—General Beauregard's Plan of Recruitment 170
CHAPTER XIV.
The Part taken by General Johnston in the Battle of Manassas.—He Assumes no Direct Responsibility, and, though Superior in Rank, desires General Beauregard to Exercise Full Command.—President Davis did not Plan the Campaign; Ordered Concentration at the Last Moment; Arrived on the Battle-field after the Enemy had been Routed.—Pursuit Ordered and Begun, but Checked in Consequence of False Alarm.—Advance on Wash ington made Impossible by Want of Transportation and Subsistence.. 191
CHAPTER XV.
Colonel Pryor, of the Military Committee of Congress, Visits General Beaure gard at Centreville, to Propose his Transfer to the West.—General Beau-regard finally Yields to the Wishes of Congress and the Executive.— He Parts with his Army on the 2d of February, and on the 4th Arrives at Bowling Green.—Interview with General A. S. Johnston.—Succinct Review of the Latter's Situation.—Ignorance of the War Department with Reference to his Forces.—General Beauregard Desires to go Back to his Army in Virginia.—General Johnston urges Him to Stay and Assume Command at Columbus.—Inspection of the Works at Bowling Green.— What General Beauregard Thinks of Them.—He Suggests Concentration at Henry and Donelson to Force a Battle upon Grant.—General Johnston Fears the Kisk of such a Movement, and Adheres to his own Plan of Op erations.—Fall of Fort Henry.—Conference at Bowling Green.—Memo randum of General Johnston's Plan of the Campaign.—His and General
Folk's Army to Operate on Divergent Lines.—Evacuation of Bowling Green.—General Beauregard Asks for Specific Instructions.—Letter to Colonel Pryor.—Fall of Fort Donelson.—Its Effect upon the Country.— Criticism of General Johnston's Strategy Page 210
CHAPTER XVI.
General Beauregard Telegraphs for Instructions after the Fall of Donelson.— General Johnston's Answer.—Colonel Jordan's Report of the Situation at Columbus.—General Beauregard Calls General Polk to Jackson, Tennessee, for Conference.—Opinion of the Latter as to the Strength of Columbus.— He Concurs, however, in General Beauregard's Views.—Evacuation of Co lumbus Authorized by the War Department.—General Beauregard's De tailed Instructions to that Effect.—Defects in River Defences at Columbus. —Governor Harris of Tennessee.—General Johnston Retreating towards Stevenson, along the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad.—His Letter of February 18th to the War Department.—Depression of the People.—Gent-eral Beauregard Resolves to Replenish the Army.—Makes Use of the Dis cretion given him by General Johnston.—His Plan of Operations.—Be lieves Success Depends upon Offensive Movement on Our Part.—Calls upon the Governors of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee; and also upon Generals Van Dora, Bragg, and Lovell, for Immediate As sistance. — Sixty and Ninety Days Troops. — The War Department not Favorable to the Method Proposed, but Finally Gives its Assent.—General Johnston Requested by General Beauregard to Change his Line of Retreat and Turn towards Decatur, so as to Co-operate with him.—General John ston Accedes to his Request 232
CHAPTER XVII.
Evacuation of Columbus.—How the Enemy Discovered It.—Loss of Ordnance Stores, Anchors, and Torpedoes.—Island No. 10.—Difficulty in Placing Guns in Position.—Federal Gunboats might have Passed Unhindered.— Small Garrison under Colonel Gantt Reinforced by General McCown with Part of the Garrison of Columbus.—Defences at New Madrid to be held un til the Completion of the Works at Fort Pillow.—Remainder of General Polk's Forces Assembled upon Humboldt.—Preparations for an Offensive Movement by the Enemy.—Danger of Isolation for General Johnston.— General Beauregard's Letter to him.—The Great Battle of the Controversy to be Fought at or near Corinth.—General Johnston accedes to General Beauregard's request, and Begins a Movement to Join him.—General Beauregard Assumes Command.—Arrival of General Bragg's Forces at Corinth.—Corinth the Chief Point of Concentration, as Originally De cided upon.—General Beauregard Appeals to the War Department for the General Officers Promised him.—Their Services Greatly Needed.— Unwillingness and Apathy of the War Department 245
CHAPTER XVIIL
General Beauregard Orders the Collection of Grain and Provisions, and Es tablishes Depots of Supplies.—His Appeal to the People to Procure Met al for the Casting of Cannon.—Warning Preparations of the Enemy.— Arrival of Federal Divisions at Savannah.—General Sherman's Attempt ed Raid to Destroy the Railroad.—Burning of Small Bridge near Bethel Station.—General Pope Before New Madrid.—The Place Abandoned.— General Beauregard's Instructions to General McCown.—General Mackall Relieves him.—Bombardment of Island Xo. 10.—What might have been the Result had the Enemy Disembarked at once at Pittsburg Landing.— The Troops we had to Oppose Them.—What General Johnston Thought of Bolivar as a Base of Operation. — Recommends it as more Advanta geous than Corinth.—Why General Beauregard Preferred Corinth.—He Presses Concentration there, as soon as the Intentions of the Enemy be come Sufficiently Developed.—Success of his Plan.—Co-operation of the Governors of Adjacent States.—Troops Poorly Armed and Equipped.— The Enemy begins Lauding at Pittsburg.—Arrival of Hurlbut's, Prcntiss's, McClernand's, and the Two Wallaces' Divisions.—Force of the Army Op posing us.—General Buell.—His Slow Advance on Nashville.—Is at Last Aroused by Order to Unite his Forces with those of General Grant.— Aggregate of Buell's Forces in Tennessee and Kentucky.—Our only Hope for Success was to Strike a Sudden Blow before the Junction of Bucll and Grant Page 254
CHAPTER XIX.
Arrival of General Johnston at Corinth.—Position of his Troops on the 27th of March.—Offers to Turn Over Command of the Army to General Beau-regard, who Declines. — General Beauregard L'rges an Early Offensive Movement against the Enemy, and Gives his Views as to Plan of Organ izing the Forces.—General Johnston Authorizes him to Complete the Organization already Begun.—General Orders of March 29th.—Reasons why the Army was Formed into Small Corps.—General Beauregard De sirous of Moving against the Enemy on the 1st of April.—Why it was not clone. — On the 2d, General Cheatham Reports a Strong Federal Force Threatening his Front,—General Beauregard Advises an Immedi ate Advance.—General Johnston Yields.—General Jordan's Statement of his Interview with General Johnston on that Occasion.—Special Orders No. 8, otherwise called "Order of March and Battle.''—By Whom Sug gested and by Whom Written.—General Beauregard Explains the Order to Corps Commanders.—Tardiness of the First Corps in Marching from Corinth.—Our Forces in Position for Battle on the Afternoon of the 5th; Too Late to Commence Action on that Day.—Generals Hardec and Bragg Request General Beauregard to Ride in Front of their Lines.—General Johnston Calls General Beauregard and the Corps Commanders in an In formal Council.—General Beauregard Believes the Object of the Movement
Foiled by the Tardiness of Troops in Arriving on the Battle-field.—Al ludes to Noisy Demonstrations on the March, and to the Probability of Buell's Junction, and Advises to Change Aggressive Movement into a Re-connoissance in Force.—General Johnston Decides Otherwise, and Orders Preparations for an Attack at Dawn next Day.—Description of the Field of Shiloh.—Strength of the Federal Forces.—What General Sherman Tes tified to.—We Form into Three Lines of Battle.—Our Effective Strength. —Carelessness and Oversight of the Federal Commanders.—They are not Aroused by the many Sounds in their Front, and are Taken by Sur prise Page 265
CHAPTER XX.
Battle of Shiloh.— Varied Incidents and Events of the First Day.— Enemy Taken by Surprise.—His Lines Driven in.—Entire Forces Engaged on Both Sides.—Triumphant Advance of our Troops.—General Johnston in Com mand of the Right and Centre.—General Beauregard of the Left and Re serves.—Allurements of the Enemy's Camps.—Straggling Begins among our Troops.—Death of the Commander-in-Chief.—General Beauregard As sumes Command and Renews the Attack all along the Line.—Enemy again Forced to Fall Back and Abandon other Camps.—Evidence of Exhaustion among the Troops.—Straggling Increasing.—General Beauregard's Efforts to Check it.—Collects Stragglers and Pushes them Forward.—Battle still Raging.—Capture of General Prentiss and of his Command.—Our Troops Reach the Tennessee River.— Colonel Webster's Batteries.— Arrival of Ammen's Brigade, Nelson's Division, of BuelVs Army.—Its Inspiriting Effect upon the Enemy.—The Gunboats.—Intrepidity of our Troops.— Their Brilliant but Ineffectual Charges.—Firing Gradually Slackens, as the Day Declines.—At Dusk General Beauregard Orders Arrest of Conflict. — Troops Ordered to Bivouac for the Night, and be in Readiness for Offensive Movement next Day.—Storm during the Night.—Arrival of the Whole of Buell's Army.—Gunboats Keep up an Incessant Shelling.... 283
CHAPTER XXI.
Difficulty of Collecting and Organizing Commands during Night of the 6th.— Firing Resumed Early next Morning.—Nelson's Brigades Cross the Ten nessee.—Positions Taken by the Federals.—Chalmers's Brigade and a Mixed Command Force Back Nelson's Advance.—At 8 A. M. the Confed erates are Driven Back with the Loss of a Battery.—They Regain the Position and Battery at 9. — Critical Situation of* Ammen's Brigade.— New Position Assumed by the Confederates.—Crittenden's Division En gaged.—Absence of General Polk from the Field.—His Timely Arrival at 10.30.—His Charge with Cheatham's Brigade.—Organization of Federal Army during the Night of the 6th.—Inaction of General Sherman on the Morning of the 7th.—General Breckinridge Ordered Forward.—Enemy Driven Back on our Whole Line.—Advance of Federal Right Wing.—
Its Repulse.—At 1 r. M. Euemy on our Left Reinforced.—General Bragg Calls for Assistance. — General Bcauregard in Person Leads the 18th Louisiana and Other Troops to his Aid.—Predetermination of General Bcauregard to Withdraw from the Battle-field.—Couriers sent to Corinth to Inquire about General Van Dora.—Preparations for Retreat.—Guns and Colors Captured by Confederates on the Gth.—Slow and Orderly With drawal of Confederate Forces.—Inability of the Enemy to Follow.— Rcconuoissance of General Sherman on the Morning of the 8th.—Con federates not Disorganized.—Their Loss During the Battle.—Computa tion of Numbers Engaged on Both Sides.—Federal Loss Page 308
CHAPTER XXII.
Commentaries on the Battle of Shiloli: I. Why Generals Johnston and Beau-regard did not Sooner Move the Army from Corinth.—II. Their Reasons for Forming their Lines of Battle as they did. — III. Why the Con federate Attack was Made Chiefly on the Enemy's Right, and not on his Entire Front.— IV. Demonstration of the Fact that the Confederate-Attack took the Enemy Completely by Surprise.—V. General Beau-regard's Opinion and Criticism of General Sherman's Tactics during the Battle.—VL Refutation of the Charge that the Confederate Troops were Withdrawn too soon from the Battle-field on the Evening of the Gth.— Comparison Drawn by Mr. Davis between General A. S. Johnston and Marshal Turcnrie.—VII. General Bcauregard's Opinion as to the Fight ing of the Confederates during the Battle of the 7th.—VIII. Correction of the Absurd Story that General Bcauregard did not Leave his Am bulance during the First Day of the Battle, and, when Informed of Gen eral Johnston's Death, " Quietly Remained where he was, Waiting the Issue of Events'' :&<;
CHAPTER XXIII.
General Bcauregard's Insistancc on the Evacuation of Columbus.—Docu ments Relating to the Matter.—General McCown to be put in Command of Madrid Bend.—He is Called by General Bcaurcgard to Jackson for Instructions.—He Repairs to Madrid Bend. — Dispositions Made for its Defence. — Commodore Hollins to Co-operate with Land Forces.— Number of Troops under General McCown.—Arrival of General Pope on the 28th of February in Front of New Madrid.—Colonel Plummcr Estab lishes a Battery on the River.—Apprehensions of General McCown.—Gen eral Beauregard's Despatch to General Cooper.—General McCown Exhib its still Greater Anxiety.—General Beauregard Doubts General McCown's Capacity.—Successful Evacuation of Columbus.—Attack Commenced on New Madrid March 12th.—Conference of General McCown with Commo dore Hollins on the 13th, and Evacuation of Forts.—General Beauregard Applies for General Mackall.—Garrison of New Madrid Transferred to Opposite Bank of River and Island No. 10.—General Bcauregard Orders
all Surplus Guns, Supplies, and Boats to Fort Pillow.—Fall of Island No. 10 on the 7th of April.—General Pope's Forces Transported to Vicinity of Fort Pillow.—General Pope Ordered to Pittsburg Landing.—Want of Capacity of Commodore Hollins. — General Beauregard's Various Tele grams and Orders.—He Detains General Villepigue in Command of Fort Pillow.—Instructions to Captain Harris.—Surrender of New Orleans.— Bombardment of Fort Pillow.—The Montgomery Hams.—General Beau-regard has Steam Rani Arkansas Completed, Equipped, and Manned.— History of the Arkansas. —Tribute to Captain Isaac Brown and Crew.— Prisoners with Smallpox Sent to Fort Pillow.—What Became of Them.— Letter to General Villepigue, May 28th.—He is Directed by General Beauregard to Prepare for Withdrawing his Troops from Fort Pillow.— Fort Evacuated 1st of June.—Responsibility of Various Movements Left to General Beauregard Page 352
CHAPTER XXIV.
Troops Resume their Former Positions after the Battle of Shiloh.—General Breckinridge Forms the Rear Guard.—General Beauregard Recommends General Bragg for Promotion.—Preliminary Report Sent by General Beau-regard, April llth, to the War Department,—Difficulty of Obtaining Re ports of Corps Commanders.—Their Reports sent Directly to the War De partment.—Inaccuracies Resulting Therefrom.—General Beauregard Pro poses an Exchange of Prisoners.—General Pope Gives no Satisfactory An swer.—General Van Dorn's Forces Reach Memphis on the llth.—Despatch of the 12th to General Smith.—A Diversion Movement Determined upon by General Beauregard.—Captain John Morgan.—He is Sent by General Beauregard into Middle Tennessee and Kentucky.— Efforts to Force Buell's Return to those States.—Location of General Van Dorn's Forces at Corinth; of Generals Bragg's, Polk's, and Breckinridge's.—Bad Wa ter.—Mismanagement of Commissary Department.—Necessity of With drawing from Corinth.—Tupelo Selected for next Defensive Position.— General Beauregard Resolves to Construct Defensive Works Around Vicksburg.—General Pope Takes Farmington.—Confederate Attack.— Federal Retreat.—On the 25th General Beauregard Calls a Council of War.—Evacuation of Corinth Resolved Upon.—General Beauregard's In structions to his Corps Commanders.—Dispositions Taken to Deceive the Enemy.—Retreat Successfully Accomplished.—False Despatches of the Enemy. — Correct Account by Correspondents. — General Force in Error.—Retreat Considered Masterly.—Dissatisfaction of the War Depart ment.—Interrogatories Sent by President Davis.—'General Beauregard's Answer.... .. 376
CHAPTER XXV.
General Beauregard is at Tupelo on the 7th of June.—The Main Body of his Army Arrives on the 9th.—Telegrams Sent by him to Various Points.—His
Communication to General Cooper.—He Places Colonel Forrest in Com mand of the Cavalry Regiments in Middle Tennessee.—General Beaure gard's Ill-health.—He is urged by his Physicians to Take a Short Rest.—He Finally Consents.—Order Sent to General Bragg from Richmond.—General Beauregard's Despatch to General Cooper, June 14th.—His Letter to the AVar Department, June 15th.—General Beauregard gives Temporary Com mand of his Department to General Bragg, and Leaves Tupelo on the 17th.—General Bragg Notifies the Government of the Fact.—President Davis Removes General Beauregard, and Gives Permanent Command of his Army and Department to General Bragg.—Comments on President Davis.—General Bragg's Despatch to General Beauregard.—His Reply.— Mr. Randolph's Telegram.—General Beauregard's Letter to General Coop er. —Misstatements Contained in President Davis's Book.—Public Sympa thy with General Beauregard.—General Bragg's Letter to Mr. Forsyth.— His Letter to General Beauregard.—Answer to the Same.—General Beau-regard's Plan of Operations in Tennessee and Kentucky.—Interview of the Hon. Thomas J. Semmes and Edward Sparrow with President Davis, September 13th.—Petition of Senators and Representatives for General Beauregard's Restoration to his Command.—President Davis's Refusal.— Notes of the Interview, by Mr. Semmes.—Comments upon President Davis in Connection with these Events.—Successful Result of Military Opera tions from Bowling Green to the Retreat to Tupelo Page 400
APPENDICES 421
I.-B
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
OF
GENERAL BEAUREGARD
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
OP
GENERAL BEAUREGARD.
THE greatest boon that can be bestowed upon a people is the adequate setting forth of the history of their illustrious men. The achievements of these, duly recorded, stand forth as beacon-lights to guide coming generations; and as a just appreciation of greatness indicates worth in a people, and points to future ad vancement on their part, so surely does indifference to merited renown denote popular degeneracy and decay.
We therefore welcome every honestly meant publication con cerning the struggle of the South for independence—a struggle replete with acts of heroic valor, and resplendent with examples of self-sacrifice, fortitude, and virtue.
Few, even now, are the remaining leaders of the great contest through which we have passed; and, as time goes on, gradually diminishing their number, the day approaches when nothing will be left of them except a memory. They must die, but the grand principles they strove, at so great cost, to maintain must not be buried with them. The Southern people, shackled by years of poverty and political helplessness, and circumscribed as they are in their sphere of action, cannot forget the teachings which, to them and to their posterity, embody the true meaning of our institutions.
In recording the causes for which the South armed and sent to the field her manhood and her youth, and in holding up before the public mind the great ability of some of her leaders, the devotion of all, we not only perform a sacred duty to our coun try and those who will come after us, but mark out the way for them to that peace, liberty, and prosperity which we failed to at tain for ourselves. L—1
It is in furtherance of these views that the following biograph ical sketch is offered, of one of the most patriotic, skilful, far-seeing and heroic chieftains of the Confederate army; whose military career and successes have called forth the admiration of Europe as well as of America, and of whom Louisiana, his native State, is—and well may be—fondly proud.
Pierre Gustavo Ton taut-Beau regard was born in the parish of St. Bernard, near the city of New Orleans, State of Louisiana, on theSSth of May, 1818."
The earliest authentic records of his family, one of the oldest and most illustrious of Louisiana, go back to the year 1290, or about that time, when Tider, surnamed the Young, at the early age of eighteen, headed a party of Welsh in revolt against Edward L. then King of England. Overcome, and his followers dispersed, Tider took refuge in France, where he was presented to Philip IV., surnamed the Fair, and cordially welcomed to his court. He there married Mademoiselle de Lafayette, maid of honor to Ma dame Marguerite, sister of Philip.
War was then raging between France and England, and was only appeased by the marriage of King Edward with Marguerite of France.
Tider and his wife followed the new queen to England; but never were the suspicions and animosity of Edward against his former rebellious subject allayed. By the queen's entreaties Ed ward was induced to assign Tider to a government post in Sain-tonge, then part of the British possessions on the Continent; but soon afterwards he revoked his royal favor, and Tider was again compelled to seek shelter in France, where he lived, with his wife and children, on a pension left them by the dead queen. lie died in the neighborhood of Tours, at the age of forty-one.
His eldest son, Marc, returned to Saintonge, and there endeav ored to recover some of his father's property, in which he only partially succeeded. Having, through powerful influences, ob tained a position under the English crown, and being desirous of propitiating the king, to whom the name of Tider was still odious, he changed it into Toutank. Gradually the letter "k" was dropped, and the letter "t" substituted in its place; thus transforming the old Celtic "Toutank" into the Gallic "Toutant,"
During three centuries, the family bore, unaltered, the name of Toutant.
Towards the close of the sixteenth century the last male de scendant of the Toutants died, leaving an only daughter, who married Sienr Paix de Beauregard — hence the family name of Toutant de Beauregard.* At what time the particle "de" was abandoned and the hyphen resorted to instead, is not known.
Jacques Tontant-Beauregard was the first of the name who came from France to Louisiana, under Louis XIV., as " Com mandant" of a flotilla, the purpose of which was to bring assist ance to the colony, and carry back timber for naval constructions. So thoroughly did he succeed in his enterprise in this connection that he was, on his return to France, decorated with the Cross of Saint Louis.
He finally settled in Louisiana; and there married Miss Mag-deleine Cartier. Three sons were born to them, one of whom, Louis Toutant-Bcauregard, was, in his turn, united to Miss Vic-toire Ducros, the daughter of a respected planter of the parish of St. Bernard, near New Orleans, who had honorably filled several offices of trust under the French and Spanish governments of Louisiana. They had one daughter and two sons, the younger of whom, Jacques Toutant-Beauregard, married, in 1808, Miss Ilelenc Judith de Reggio. Several children were the issue of their union; the third being Pierre Gustavo Toutant-Beaure gard, the Confederate general and Southern patriot, whose biog raphy forms the subject of this memoir.
General Beanregard's maternal ancestry is even more illustri ous, he being a descendant of the Dukes of Eeggio and Modena, and, consequently, of the House of Este. His great-grandfather, Francois Marie, Chevalier de Reggio (akin to the reigning duke) accompanied his friend, the Duke of Richelieu, to the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom, and there so distinguished himself that he was given a captaincy in the French army by Louis XV., and was, shortly thereafter, sent to the colony of Louisiana, with his com mand. When Louisiana became part of the Spanish possessions, the Chevalier de Reggio was made Alfcrcz Heal, or, in other words, Royal Standard-bearer, and First Justiciary of the estates and property of the crown. He was nearly related to the Mar quis de Vaudrenil, seventh Colonial Governor of Louisiana. Of his marriage with Miss Fleuriau, two sons were born, the younger
* From records still extant in the Beauregard family.
of whom, Louis Emmanuel, Chevalier de Reggio, married Miss Louise Judith Olivier de Yezin. The mother of General Beau-regard—Ilelene Judith de Eeggio—was the issue of this last mar riage.
When scarcely more than eight years of age, young Beauregard was sent to a primary school kept by Mr. Y. Deboucliel, near New Orleans, where could then be found many of the sons of the best families of Louisiana. Being of studious habits, modest in his demeanor, ever fair in his dealings with comrades as well as with teachers, he soon became very popular with both, and always merited and obtained the highest marks of approbation. He was of a retiring disposition, but, withal, of great firmness and decision of character. His dominant trait, even at that early age, was a passion for all that pertained to the military life—a forecast of his future career. The sight of a passing soldier, the beating of a drum, would so excite and carry him away, that for the pleasure of following either or both he would forget everything —parental admonitions, boyish playmates, and even hunger; and many a long day was thus spent, to the great anxiety of all at home.
Several curious anecdotes of his childhood, illustrative of his independent daring, are preserved in his family, and are well worth recording. We mention two of them.
When a little boy about nine years old, he was spending a day at the house of one of his aunts, in the neighborhood of his fa ther's estate, where had assembled several relatives and many com rades of his own age. Among the gentlemen present was one noted for his raillery and love of teasing. On that occasion he had taken young Beauregard to task, and was attempting to make a target of him for the amusement of the others. While this gen tleman was in the full enjoyment of his practical jokes, young Beauregard, his patience being thoroughly exhausted, suddenly seized a stick that lay near at hand, and so violently and rapidly assaulted his tormentor, that he forced him in self-defence to make an inglorious retreat to an outhouse close by. His little enemy at once mounted guard over the building, refusing to release his prisoner until the latter had fully apologized to him.
The other incident is still more peculiar, and relates to Beaure-gard's uncommon — perhaps uncontrollable — taste for military things.
A resident teacher of the household, attracted by the boy's steady, orderly habits, and most earnest attention during family prayers, had taken charge of his spiritual training, and had so well succeeded in her pleasing task, that, at the early age of ten and a half years, he was considered sufficiently prepared to go through that most beautiful and touching ceremony, in the Catholic Church, the children's First Communion. The appointed day had arrived. Young Beauregard, his mother, his elder brother, and the teacher were seated in one of the front pews of the old St. Louis Cathe dral, awaiting the solemn moment when the young communicant was to approach and kneel at the altar. That moment at last came. His mother touched him on the shoulder, to admonish him that it was time to walk up the aisle. The child obediently rose, deeply imbued with the solemnity of the scene, and stepped reverently forward as directed. Just then, and when he had already walked half-way to the altar, the roll of a drum, as a perverse fate would have it, resounded through the cathedral. Young Beauregard stopped, hesitated, looked toward the family pew, where anxious eyes kept urging him forward. Again the roll of the drum was heard, more distinct and prolonged. Hesitation vanished at once. The little boy, fairly turning his back on the altar, dashed through the church and disappeared at the door, to the utter horror and dismay of his loving relatives. Xo stronger proof than this could be given of the bent of his character. His calling for a military career was there clearly manifested. It may not be considered out of place to add that he made his First Communion two years later, no drum then beating to interrupt the ceremony.
At the age of eleven he was taken to the city of New York, where he remained four years, under the firm and wise tuition of the Messieurs Peugnct, retired oflicers of the French army, who had both seen service under Napoleon I.—the elder as Captain of Cavalry, the younger as Captain of Engineers. They were ex iles from France, on account of the active part taken by them in the " Carbonari" trouble, so much commented upon at the time. Then and there it was that, under quasi-military training, his taste for a soldier's career was confirmed, and that, living amidst an English-speaking population, he grew so thoroughly familiar with the English language as to make of it, so to speak, his adop ted mother-tongue.
Though he knows the French language and speaks it perfectly,
as do all Louisiairians of liis origin and time of life, still, most of his correspondence is conducted, and all his private as well as official writings are made, in English.
At sixteen he entered, as a cadet, the United States Military Academy at West Point. His parents, who had for several years persistently opposed his wish to obtain an appointment there, had finally yielded, overcome by his pertinacious entreaties. Here really began his brilliant career. Highly impressed with the no bleness and importance of the profession he had embraced, he de voted himself with ardent zeal and untiring perseverance to his multitudinous studies, and went through his four years' course with no less distinction than success. He was graduated July 1st, 1838, being second in a class of forty-five, and on July 7th of the same year was appointed Second Lieutenant in the United States Engineers. Generals Hardee, Wayne, Ed. Johnson, Reynolds, Stevenson, Trapier, and Sibley, of the Confederate army, and Mc Dowell, A. T. Smith, Granger, Barney, and McKinstry, of the Fed eral army, were classmates of his, and were graduated at the same time.
His life was uneventful from that date to the year 1846-47, when, according to plans drawn up by Captain J. G. Barnard, U. S. En gineers, and himself, he directed the fortification works at the city of Tampico. In the month of March, 1847, he joined the expedi tion under Major-General Scott, against the city of Mexico. He distinguished himself at the siege of Yera Cruz, in several bold reconnoissances before the battle of Cerro Gordo, and also in most of the engagements in the valley of Mexico.
The strongest proof of his merit—one that gave a forecast of his great strategic and engineering powers—was exhibited during the Mexican war, at a council of general officers, held at Piedad, September llth, 1847, after the disastrous assault on the fortified positions of Molino del Key. The attack on the city of Mexico, and the best mode of effecting its capture, were the main subjects under discussion. Lieutenant Beauregard, in opposition to most of the general officers there present, and contrary to the views of all his comrades of the engineer corps, advocated an attack by the western approaches of Mexico. His suggestion, though very much combated at first and nearly discarded, was finally adopted, with what successful result is now a matter of history. Soon after this episode—on September 13th—Beauregard was twice
wounded in the brilliant assault on the Garita de Belen, where so much dash was displayed by the American troops.
On the expiration of the Mexican war, when Major Beauregard returned to his home in Kew Orleans, General Totten, as chief of the Engineer Department, forwarded him the following copy of Gen eral Orders, publishing the brevets he had won on the field of battle :
1. " For gallant and meritorious behavior in the battles of Contreras and Churulusco, Mexico, August 20th, 1847, to be Captain by brevet. To date from August 20th, 1847."
2. " For gallant and meritorious conduct in the battle of Chapultepcc, Mex^ ico, September 13th, 1847, to be Major by brevet. To date from September 13th, 1847."
And General Totten added :
• ; It affords the department high satisfaction to communicate to you the well-earned reward of your efforts on the fields of Mexico."
In order to show the high estimation in which Major Beaure gard was held, and the impression his eminent services had pro duced upon his superior officers and comrades in arms, we here insert the following letters, written with a view to dissuade him from his reported intention of resigning from the service, in the year 1S5G, during the lull in military allairs which followed the close of the Mexican war :
" NEW YORK, Dec. 9/7*, 185G. " Major G. T. BEAUREGARD, U. S. Engineers:
" My dear Sir, —I am much concerned to learn that you think of leaving the army, after acquiring, at an early age, so much distinction in it, for sci ence and high gallantry in the field. Your brilliant services in Mexico, no body who witnessed them can ever forget. They bind the affections of the army to you, and ought, perhaps, to bind you to us. If you go abroad, you give up that connection at some hazard. My best wishes, however, will ever accompany my gallant young friend wherever he may go.
u "WIXFIELD SCOTT."
The second letter is from General Pcrsifer F. Smith, under whom Major Beauregard had often served in Mexico. We extract from it the following passage :
" I assure you, my dear Beauregard, that I look upon your quitting our ser vice as the greatest calamity that can befall the army and the country. Let me assure you with sincerity, that I know no officer left behind who can re place you if we get into an important war."
"Whether it was owing to these remonstrances, or for some other cause, that Major Beauregard altered his determination, we are un-
able to state; but lie did not leave the service ; and from 1853 to the latter part of 1861 remained in charge of what was then called " the Mississippi and Lake Defences in Louisiana." He was also at that time superintending' the building of the United States cus tom-house at New Orleans.
On the 20th of November, 1860, he was appointed to the high position of Superintendent of the Military Academy at West Point, but, owing to complicated events then darkening more and more our political horizon, and of which it is not now our purpose to speak, he only filled the position during a few days. He resigned his commission in the army of the United States in February, 1861; and on the 1st of March of that year entered the Confed erate service, with the rank of brigadier-general.
From that eventful period to the close of the war he was ever in the van—active, self-sacrificing, vigilant, and bold. He displayed great forethought in his extensive views. He was masterly in his manner of handling troops and of leading them on to victory on the battle-field; and his record of strategic ability and engineering skill has made him immortal in the annals of war. Had more of his farsighted suggestions been heeded, the cause for which he fought would not, perhaps, be known to-day under the mournful —though, to us, erroneous—appellation of " the Lost Cause."
His defense of the city and harbor of Charleston—unquestion ably the most scientific, complete, and perfect of all defences de vised during the war—has been partially comprehended and ap preciated among military engineers in Europe and at the North.
When we consider with what scant and utterly inadequate re sources General Bcauregard held, for nearly two years, over three hundred miles of most vulnerable coast, against formidable and always menacing land and naval forces ; when we bear in mind the repulse from Charleston on April 7th, 1863, of Admiral Du-pont's fleet of ironclads and monitors, supported by General Hunt er's army; when we mark the prolonged resistance made by a handful of men, in the works on Morris Island, against the com bined land and naval batteries of General Gillmore and Admiral Dahlgren ; the assault and repulse of June 10th, 1863 ; the defeat of the former's forces in an attack on the lines of James Island, on July 16th, 1863; the masterly and really wonderful evacuation of Battery Wagner and Morris Island, after the enemy's approaches had reached the ditch of the former work; when we remember
GENERAL BEAUREGARD. <)
the holding of Fort Sumtcr, in Augnst, 1863, under the most ter rible bombardment on record, while its guns were all dismounted and the work was battered into a mass of ruins; the successful re moval during that period of all the heavy artillery, of 30,000 pounds of powder, and hundreds of loaded shells, from the endan gered magazines; then the permanent holding of the dismantled wreck with an infantry guard, and the guns of James' and Sulli van's Islands covering the approach by boats; the defiant, un-huslicd boom, morning and evening, of the gallant little gun—the only one—purposely left in the fort to salute its unconquered flag ; we are struck with wonder and admiration, and we cannot but rec ognize the rare ability of the commander, the unsurpassed forti tude and gallantry of the troops under him.
Our object is not, at present, to mention at any length General Beauregard's many military services and victories. This interest ing, important, and instructive part of the history of his military career is contained in the following pages, written from authen ticated notes and documents, vouched for and furnished by General Beauregard himself, and to which this is but an intro duction.
When, after voluntarily assisting General J. E. Johnston, dur ing the last days of the war, he surrendered with that distinguished officer, in April, 1805, at Greensboro', North Carolina, he addressed the following touching note to the members of his staff:
" HEADQUARTERS, etc., etc., GREENSBORO', X. C., April 27M, 13G5.
"To my Personal and General Staff, —Events having brought to an end the struggle for the independence of our country, in which we have been engaged together, now for four years, my relations with niy staff must also terminate. The hour is at hand when I must bid each and all of you farewell, and a God speed to your homes.
'•The day was, when I was confident that this parting would be under far different and the most auspicious circumstances—at a moment when a happv and independent people would be ready, on all sides, to welcome you to your respective communities — but circumstances, which neither the courage, the endurance, nor the patriotism of our armies could overcome, have turned my brightest anticipations, my highest hopes, into bitter disappointment, in which you must all share.
"You have served me, personally, with unvarying zeal, and, officially, with intelligence, and advantage to the public service.
"I go from among you with profound regret. My good wishes will ever attend you, and your future careers will always be of interest to me/ 1
Iii 1866, war being imminent between Turkey and the Danu-bian principalities, the chief command of the Roumanian Army was offered to General Beauregard; and in 1869, a similar position in the army of the Khedive of Egypt was also tendered him. He declined both offers.
Since the war he has resided permanently in his native State, where he has been the president of two important railroad com panies, lie is now Adjutant-General of the State of Louisiana.
Wherever met—in the streets of New Orleans or elsewhere, in his native State or out of it — General Beauregard is always greeted with great cordiality and marks of the highest regard. Louisiana, as we have said, is proud of him. She knows that none of her sons has loved her more, or has done so much to protect her from the far-reaching grasp of centralized despotism which at one time seemed to threaten her. lie is now the identical con stitutional State-rights Democrat he was before the war, and though he takes no active part in politics, never neglects the per formance of any of his civic duties when circumstances require it.
General Beauregard has been twice married. By his first wife, Miss Laure Marie Yillere, great-granddaughter of the Chevalier de Yillere, he had two sons and one daughter—all three living and residing with or near him in the State of Louisiana. He was but shortly married to his second wife, Miss Caroline Deslondes, daughter of one of the prominent planters of the state, when he was unexpectedly ordered to the command of Charleston, South Carolina, at the very outbreak of the war. On his return home, in 1865, he was for the second time a widower, and had been for more than a year. He had borne his affliction not only like a Christian but with all the fortitude of a soldier, none but his own military family being able to detect any sign of grief in the countenance of the bereaved husband.
General Beauregard is now (1883) sixty-five years of age, but few men of forty are so active as he, so alert, so full of life and vigor. Those who note his elastic military step, upright bearing, and quick yet thoughtful eye, feel well assured that, should occa sion require it, he could again serve his country with energy and capacity equal, if not superior, to that displayed in the past. The only effect upon him of additional years since the war seems to have been further to develop and strengthen his powers by bring ing to him additional knowledge and experience.
GENERAL BEAUREGARD. H
lie appears to us now to be precisely the same as when, on the second day of the battle of Shiloh, he led, flag in hand, one of the charges of the 18th Louisiana regiment. A hail-storm of minie- balls was then pouring into that gallant corps. One of his staff, expostulating with him, and almost rebuking his too-rash exposure of his person, he said: " At such moments as these, the order must not be ' go? but 'follow!'' And he still tightly grasped the battle-flag. The whole man is portrayed in this brief sentence. His words were ever few at headquarters or on the field, but terse and to the point. One could read, by the flash of his eyes, that he meant what he said.
If, as we firmly believe, traits of character, scope of mind, even tastes and prejudices, can be transmitted from generation to gene ration, we can understand how and why Pierre Gustavo Toutant Beauregard displayed the capacity for command and the inspiring influence which so distinguished him during our four years' war, when we glance back over the long line of his ancestors, where love of liberty and soldierly qualities were so conspicuous. We very much mistake, or there is still a goodly current of the Celtic Tider's blood running through General Beauregard's veins, and the high-toned chivalric courtesy, coupled with irreproachable in tegrity, so remarkable in him, must certainly be derived from the stately old Dukes of Reggio and Modena, the heads of the House of Este.
MILITARY OPERATIONS
OF
GENERAL BEAUREGARD
MILITARY OPERATIONS
OF
GENERAL BEAUEEGARD.
CHAPTER I.
Major Beaurcgard appointed Superintendent of the United States Military Academy.—His Determination to Resign should Louisiana Withdraw from the Union.—Takes Command at West Point, but is immediately Re lieved.—Returns to New Orleans.—Is Offered the Rank of Colonel of Engineers and Artillery in the Louisiana State Forces.—Declines.—Plan to Obstruct River near Forts.—Floating Booms.—Is Summoned to Mont gomery by President Davis.—Ordered to Charleston, S. C., to Assume Command and Direct Operations against Fort Sumter.
WHILE in charge of the military defences of Louisiana, and of the construction of the New Orleans custom-bouse, in the fall of 1SCO, General Beaurcgard, then brevet Major of United States Engineers, received the following order from Washington :
" Special Order. No. 238.
'- WAR DEPARTMENT, ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,
WASHINGTON, November 8th, 18GO.
" By direction of the President, brevet Major Peter G. T. Beaurcgard, Corps of Engineers, is appointed superintendent of the Military Academy, and will relieve the present superintendent at the close of the approaching semi-annual examination of cadets. " By order of the Secretary of War.
" S. COOPER, Adjutant-General."'
This was not only an honorable position, much coveted, and justly so, in the army, but it was also a highly responsible one, to which none but officers of the Engineer Corps of acknowledged merit had, up to that time, been appointed. Yet, under existing circumstances, to Major Beauregard it had more than one objec tion. Mr. Lincoln had just been elected President of the United
States, and would, four months later, be duly inaugurated as such. Rumors and speculations as to the inevitable disruption of the Union and its probable consequences prevailed everywhere, and kept the public mind in a state of feverish suspense and anxiety. Flattering, therefore, as was to Major Beauregard the appointment thus tendered him by the War Department, it was with no feigned reluctance that he began closing his official accounts, preparatory to transferring the works under him to his successor in office. Though never taking a very active part in politics, he was strongly imbued witli the constitutional doctrine of States' Eights and State Sovereignty, and considered, as did the great mass of his Southern countrymen, that his allegiance was primarily due to his own State. With these views, and under such circumstances, it was but natural he should feel anxious in leaving Louisiana, while public opinion had not yet established its level, and the South was still uncertain as to the proper step to pursue in vin dication of its imperilled rights. However — and happen what might—there was but one course open to him, and his deter mination was taken at once: to stand by his State, and share its destiny, for weal or woe.
Towards the latter part of December of that year he left New Orleans for West Point, stopping on his way in Washington, to ascertain, if he could, what shape future events would probably assume.
Several Southern States had already called their people in con ventions, to determine what measures should be adopted in view •of the exigencies of the hour. South Carolina had passed her Or dinance of Secession. Mississippi soon followed. So did Florida and Alabama. Louisiana, it was thought by her congressional delegation, would not hesitate much longer. Deeply convinced that such would be the result, Major Beauregard made it a point at once to apprise General Totten, chief of the Engineer Corps at Washington, of his resolution to resign his commission in the United States army should his State retire from the Union, thus giving the department full opportunity to rescind the order as signing him to West Point, and to take such other step in the mat ter as might be thought proper. He repaired to General Totten's office, and, by a strange coincidence, found him busily engaged in examining fortification drawings, which were no other than those of the defences of Charleston. He was studying and endeavoring
to describe the circles of fire of Forts Sumter and Moultric. At Major Beauregard's avowal, General Totten expressed both sur prise and pain, and used every endeavor to dissuade him—we need not add, without success. Major Beatiregard then went to the headquarters of General Scott, to inform him also of his intended resignation ; but failed to find the general, as he was temporarily absent from Washington.
Major Beauregard had been authorized by General Totten, so anxious was the latter to retain him in the service, to defer assum ing command at West Point until after the close of the January examinations ; and, in the meantime, having nothing to detain him in Washington, he left for Xew York, to await further devel opments.
In New York he met several army friends, among others, Cap tain G. W. Smith, ex-officer of Engineers, then acting as Street Commissioner of the great northern metropolis, and Captain Mansfield Lovell. The absorbing topic of the day was necessarily brought forward and earnestly discussed. Major Beauregard in formed them of his intention to follow his State should it secede. They approved of his proposed course, and declared that they would act in the same manner, were they similarly situated.
Major Beauregard had been only a few days in command at West Point, when the new Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, through animosity to Mr. Slidell, it was said, and perhaps because he had no faith in Major Beauregard's Union sympathies, peremptorily remanded him to his former station in New Orleans. Xo order could have been more acceptable to him, and he hastened to obey it.
Passing through the city of Xcw York, on his way South, he received a telegram from Governor Moore, of Louisiana, inform ing him of the withdrawal of the State from the Union, and re questing his immediate return. He readily complied, and took passage on a steamer leaving the next da} r for Xew Orleans. Upon reaching her wharf he found it crowded with people, very much excited, who had collected there to see the steamer Star of the West, just returned from off Charleston, with two or three shot-holes in her hull and chimney-stack. He went on board and was entertained by her captain with a graphic account of the hot re ception the South Carolina authorities had given him. Major Beauregard had little idea, then, that in less than two months he would be constructing additional batteries in the harbor of
Charleston, to protect it more effectually from access by vessels at tempting to carry reinforcements and supplies to Fort Sumter.
Upon his arrival at New Orleans, Governor Moore furnished him with a copy of the Ordinance of Secession, and informed him that his services were required to complete the defences to the ap proaches of the city, which were already in full possession of the State authorities. His answer was that he could not do so until he had formally resigned his commission in the United States service. This he did that day, and then joined, as a private, the battalion of Or leans Guards, composed of the elite of the Creole population of the city of New Orleans. This command had just been organized by Colonel Numa Augustin, than whom no better citizen soldier was known, in the volunteer service of the State.
The excitement and enthusiasm of the people of Louisiana and of New Orleans, especially, were intense. The shrill sound of the fife, the beating of drums, squad drills at street corners and in pub lic avenues, and an ever-increasing military spirit greeted one at every step. New Orleans had been transformed into a garrison town.
All who met Major Beauregard on the streets, friends and even strangers, would shake him warmly by the hand, expressing the hope that he would be with them in the hour of trial, should such hour ever come.
The general impression appeared to be that the ruling party of the Northern States would not oppose the peaceable withdrawal of the Southern States from the Union, by making war on them. During his short sojourn at the North Major Beauregard had seen and heard enough to make him doubt that such would be the result, and it became a matter of conscience for him to dispel the illusions of his too-hopeful fellow-citizens.
The people of the State of Louisiana, in convention assembled, after full discussion by their ablest and best men, reached the con clusion that secession had become a necessity and was the only course to be pursued. The State called upon her sons for assist ance, and, as one of them, Major Beauregard responded; though, after having been twenty-two years in the United States arai}^ two of these spent in a short but glorious foreign war, where friendships had been created and cemented with blood, it was not to be ex pected that he should, without reluctance, dissever ties that had thus lasted through youth to mature manhood.
Shortly after his return to Xew Orleans, the General Assembly passed a law organizing the Louisiana State forces. General Brax-ton Bragg was appointed Brigadier-General, and Major Beaure-gard was offered the position of Colonel of Engineers and Artil lery. This he declined, notwithstanding urgent appeals from many friends. He felt—and rightly so—that some injustice had been done him in assigning him to a secondary position. He was a native of the State, who had just resigned an important position in the United States army, while General Bragg had been out of the service for several years, and had but recently become a resi dent of Louisiana. His object, however, being to aid in the de fence of his country, he openly declared his readiness to serve with or under General Bragg, and to put at his disposal whatever of professional knowledge and experience he might possess. But he refused all military rank in the State army.
Major Beauregard was convinced that the most important of all the avenues of approach to New Orleans was the Mississippi River; and that, to guard it properly against invasion, must be the one grand object in view on the part of the State authorities. lie therefore advised Governor Moore and the Military Board to arm Forts Jackson and St. Philip with the heaviest guns procura ble, and suggested the following plan for so doing: 1st, to remove the largest pieces already there, from the rear to the front or river faces of the forts; 2d, to transfer to them the heavy guns of both Fort Pike, on the Ivigolets, and Fort Macomb, on the Chef Men-teur—which were works of inferior order, not likely to be put in action at all against a fleet threatening the city.
Major Beauregard also drew up, and furnished to the State au thorities, the plans and estimates for two distinct river obstruc tions, to be placed between Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and to be there used, together or separately, according to the exigency of the case. The first was a floating boom consisting of two parts, formed of long timbers twelve inches square, solidly bound together in sections of four timbers, each section to be connected with another by means of strong iron chains. One half of the boom was to be well anchored in the river, from the shore at Fort Jackson, and in clined downward as it reached the middle of the stream. The other half was to be anchored from the opposite bank of the river near Fort St. Philip, and in such a manner as to have its shore ex tremity made fast. To its outer and movable end was to be at-L—2
tacbed a strong wire rope connected with a steam-engine, rendered secure by a bombproof, on the Fort Jackson side. The rope, worked by the engine, would close or open the boom, as circum stances might require, for the passage of friendly vessels or of ac cumulated drift-wood.
The second boom was to consist of about five barges or flat-boats, properly constructed so as to support one or more heavy chains or wire-ropes, stretched from shore to shore, between the two forts, and above the floating boom. The estimate for this obstruction was about §90,000, and for the other about one half less. Both were to be illuminated at night with Drummond lights, placed in bombproofs on each side of the river, and the stream was to be patrolled by boats as far down as prudence would permit.
Had these floating booms been constructed and kept in work ing order until required for effectual use it is beyond all doubt that they would have obstructed the passage of the Federal fleet in April, 1SG2. Detaining the vessels under the fire of the forts, they would have afforded sufficient time to them to do their work, and to the city to prepare for a vigorous defence, if not for a triumphant resistance.
Somewhat later, Major Beauregard had occasion to offer a few suggestions to the Military Board, in a short memoir, wherein, after giving his general views as to the defence of the different ap proaches to New Orleans, he again directed attention to the para mount necessity of the floating booms already spoken of. He received the thanks of Governor Moore for his valuable infor mation, of the importance of which the governor was well aware, but the Military Board, to whom all such matters were specially referred, and on whose knowledge of them the State Executive so fully relied, failed to see the extent of the result aimed at, and, as was often the case during the war, the opportunity was allowed to slip by; and the consequences, which might have been averted, advanced unhindered to their calamitous end.
On the 22d of February, 1861, Major Beauregard received a despatch from the Hon. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War of the Confederate government, informing him that his immediate presence at Montgomery was requested by President Davis. He made all possible haste to leave ]S r ew Orleans, thinking he might be away for two or three weeks at the utmost—he was absent
more tlian four years. The hope of Major Beauregard was, that he might be permanently stationed in Louisiana, with all the sea-coast of which, and the approaches to the city of New Orleans, he was known to be so thoroughly familiar; irrespective of his very natural wish to be able, in case of need, to fight in and for his native State.
It must be admitted, however, that, just at that time, few per sons in either section of the country really believed that the issues would be settled by force of arms. The South " will not be rash enough to attempt to retire from the Union," was the general opinion entertained at the North. The North " will not make war to drag the Southern States unwillingly back," was the prevailing sentiment in the South.
This delusion is easily accounted for when we consider, not merely the principles set forth in the Declaration of Indepen dence, and the voluntary formation of the Union, by the States, but also the views expressed by many of the most prominent men of the North. We do not allude to the extravagant expressions repeated for many years by leaders in the abolition phalanx, pro fessing hatred of the Union; nor even to the sentiments of dis regard for it, uttered, during the same period, by influential mem bers in the Republican party, even on the floor of Congress; but to the immediate declarations of that time, such as the sober statement in the New York Tribune, then the principal organ of the dominant party at the North, that the revolution of the Colonies was a precedent for the secession of the States, and that both stood equally on the same principle of the right of a people to self-government. Even General Scott, as one of the alterna tives of action, had counselled the mild measure of allowing "the erring sisters " to " go in peace."
It was not surprising, therefore, that many persons could not be made to believe in such a war, until, after their eyes had seen the flashes and their ears had heard the sounds of the guns fired at Sumter. the United States government called for 75,000 troops with which to reduce the Southern people to obedience.
Major Beauregard arrived at Montgomery on the 2Cth of Feb ruary, and on the same day called on the Secretary of War. "Just in time,' 1 said the latter, while courteously extending his hand, " to assist me out of a great dilemma." lie was estimating the weight and cost of pieces of ordnance of different calibers,
Major Beau regard cheerfully gave him what assistance he could, and took the liberty to suggest the advisability of procuring, as soon as possible, the different heads of bureaus whom the secre tary needed, to relieve him of all such annoying details. Mr. Walker thereupon authorized Major Beauregard to telegraph at once to several of his friends of the old service, who in his opin ion might be fitted for these positions. Thus it was that the as sistance of Colonel Gorgas, as Chief of Ordnance, was eventually procured. Though a Northern man by birth, Colonel Gorgas had married in the South, and was entirely identified in feeling and interest with that section. He proved to be a meritorious officer, whose services \vere of value to the cause. Messages were also sent to Captains G. W. Smith and Mansfield Lovell, then in New York, advising them to repair immediately to Montgomery, where their presence was needed. Owing to circumstances beyond their control, those officers did not arrive and report for duty until after the battle of Manassas.
Major Beauregard then presented himself to Mr. Davis, who received him with great kindness, and asked him many questions as to the temper of the people and the condition of affairs, at New Orleans and Mobile. His answer was, that now that seces sion was an accomplished fact on the part of Louisiana as well as of Alabama, their people were fast becoming unanimous as to the measure, which, at first, had been looked upon with hesitation and apprehension; that business was mostly suspended in the cities of New Orleans and Mobile, but that everybody seemed hopeful of the future, whether we should remain permanently separated, or should re-enter the Union with sufficient guarantees against further encroachments on our rights.
The President then asked him what knowledge he had of the defences around Charleston, and of the best mode of taking Fort Sumter, in the event of its being necessary to resort to force against it. He read to Major Beauregard a letter he had just received from Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, describing the condition of affairs there, and asking that an officer of experi ence should be sent to take charge of the operations then going on, and, if necessary, to assume command of the State troops there assembled. The president showed him also a communica tion from Major W. H. C. Whiting, an ex-officer of United States Engineers, then in the service of the State of Georgia, who had
been sent to Charleston to inspect the works being constructed against Fort Sumter, and advise such changes and improvements as his professional experience might suggest. Major Whiting, in this paper, expressed his disapproval of almost all that had been done in the way of locating and constructing batteries, and gave an alarming description of the condition of affairs there.
Major Beauregard having with him a map of Charleston, given him that day by Major W. II. Chase, ex-officer of Engineers, ex plained to the President what should, in his opinion, be done to prevent assistance by sea to Fort Sumter, and to force its sur render, if necessary. The matter was thoroughly examined and discussed until a late hour in the night.
The next afternoon Major Beauregard was accosted by some members of the convention from South Carolina and Georgia, who informed him that he had just been appointed first Brigadier-General in the provisional army of the Confederate States; and that he would be sent to assume command at Charleston, and di rect operations there against Fort Sumter. This news took Ma jor Beauregard completely by surprise. lie neither desired nor expected such an honor. He feared it might keep him away for an indefinite period from Xew Orleans, whither he was anxious to return, for private as well as public reasons. lie knew little of the defences of Charleston, and was not familiar with its peo ple ; whereas he was thoroughly acquainted with those of !Xew Orleans; and, although perfectly willing to serve the Confeder acy to the utmost of his ability, wherever sent, he thought his services were first due to the defence and protection of his own State. There was another impediment, though, under the circum stances, of much less gravity. His resignation from the United States army, dated and forwarded February Sth, 1SG1, had not yet been, to his knowledge, accepted ; and still regardful of the strict observance of rules and regulations to which he had been trained, he was disinclined to take up arms against the United States flag until officially relieved from his fealty to it. This he explained to President Davis, who, after urging his acceptance of the po sition offered, and promising that he should if necessary, be sent back to Xew Orleans, suggested that he should at once telegraph to the War Department in Washington, and be set at rest on this point. He did so—for communications between all sections of the country were still free—and the next day received formal in-
formation of the acceptance of his resignation by President Bu chanan.
Upon his informing Mr. Davis of the fact, the latter instructed him to repair at once to Charleston, there to report to Governor Pickens, and to take command of the State troops, should the South Carolina authorities so desire—the troops then assembled at or near Charleston not having yet regularly entered the Confed erate service.
CHAPTER II.
Description of Charleston.—General BcaurcgarcVs Arrival.—Cursory Sketch of the Condition of the Public Mind in the South.—The Hon. Robert Barn-Tvell Ilhctt.—One Sentiment and One Resolve animating South Carolin ians. —South Carolina Commissioners to Washington.—Failure of Nego tiations.—Major Anderson Evacuates Fort Moultrie and Occupies Fort Sumtcr.—Hoisting of Palmetto Flags.—Steamer Star of the West. —Gov ernor Pickens Summons Major Anderson to Surrender the Fort.—He De clines, but Refers the Matter to Washington.—Mr. Buchanan Refuses to Withdraw Federal Garrison.—All Eyes Centred on South Carolina.— System and Plan of Operations Adopted by General Bcaurcgard.—More Troops Volunteer than are Needed.
SEVEN miles from the Atlantic Ocean, and looking out upon it to the southeast, stands the city of Charleston, built at the conflu ence of the Ashley and Cooper rivers. It is on a tongue of tin-mainland, consisting of gray sandy soil, and extends southward, tapering in width from two miles to half a mile. Here the Ash ley turns from the west and sweeps around, to mingle its waters •with those of the Cooper, whose principal current passes close along the east or sea-front of the city. A marshy mud-flat, called Shutc's Folly Island, rises east of Charleston on the further side of this branch of Cooper River, and beyond it is the sand-strip and beach of Sullivan's Island. The lesser stream of Cooper River, flowing to the north and east of Shute's Folly, passes the main land at Haddrell's Point and Mount Pleasant, and off the western extremity of Sullivan's Island unites with the other waters of the bay. South of Charleston, across the water, lies James Island, with its uplands extending about two and a half miles down the harbor. It is separated by a marsh and creek from the low white sand-bank of Morris Island. On account of the flatness of the country, the waters ebb and flow r many miles up the Ashley and Cooper rivers, with a mean tide of seven feet at the city. Thus constituted, the harbor of Charleston averages two miles in width, and forms a beautiful sheet of water.
Out in the bay, three miles from the city, stands Fort Sumter. It is built on a shoal just south of the main channel, which it is
intended to command, and is a mile from Fort Moultrie, which lies to the northeast, across the entrance, on Sullivan's Island. It is thirteen hundred yards from Morris Island, which lies to the south-southeast; iifteen hundred yards from Fort Johnson, which stands to the southwest, on James Island, and two miles from Castle Pinckney, on Shute's Folly, which lies to the northwest. Fort Sumter is—or was, at the time of which we are writing—a pentagonal work of formidable strength, built for mounting one hundred and forty pieces. The height of its walls, from the water's edge to the parapets, is sixty feet; the fort is divided into three tiers, two of which—the lower ones—were casemated, and the upper en barbette. With its commodious officers' quarters, its barracks, mess-rooms, magazines, and hot-shot furnaces, it had been considered one of the best-built forts under the control of the United States government, and did honor to the ability of the engineers who designed and executed its construction.
Fort Moultrie was a low brick work, without casemates, but with terre-pleins for batteries en barbette, the principal of which were "the sea battery," facing southeast, and "the Sumter bat tery," facing southwest.
Fort Johnson was an antiquated and dilapidated work, that had been abandoned. Castle Pinckney, opposite the city, across Coop er River, was an old-fashioned, half-moon fortification of brick, with one row of casemates for small ordnance and a terre-plein above.
In 1860, Charleston contained about fifty thousand inhabitants. Besides its commercial importance, it was the residence of many intelligent and educated planters, cultivating rice in the malarial tide-swamps, and sea-island cotton along the rich coast region of the "low country." It was the centre of the factorage business of the State, of the supply market, of banking and exchange. It was also headquarters in matters of church and school, society and politics. The town was old and respectable-looking, evidently; built for personal convenience, not for show; and its people spent their money in substantial good-living within doors, rather than in outward display. With many churches and public schools, no private palaces and few brown-stone fronts were visible; but its' separate dwellings of brick and of wood, with their enclosed gardens and luxuriant shrubbery, unique rows of rooms accessible to the sea breeze, with tiers of spacious piazzas, gave it an air of exclusive individuality and solid comfort.
General Beauregard arrived in Charleston on the 1st of March, 1S61, and immediately repaired to Governor Pickens's headquar ters, which were then established at the Charleston Hotel. Gover nor Pickens was found in earnest consultation with eminent citizens of the Palmetto State. A hearty welcome was extended to the Confederate commander, whose arrival from Montgomery had been announced in advance of time, and was anxiously awaited by all.
Governor Pickens proposed to put General Beauregard in com mand without delay, but his offer was declined ; General Beaure gard preferring first to acquaint himself thoroughly with the forces collected in and around Charleston, the sites of the various batteries then in course of erection, and the available resources in ordnance.
A retrospective glance over the causes which induced the course adopted by South Carolina and the Southern States, and a cursory sketch of the condition of the public mind at that juncture, can not fail to be of interest to the reader.
The State of South Carolina was the first to dissever the ties that bound her to the Union. She was actuated, in so doing, not by motives of profit, of ambition, or love of strife, but by princi ple, and a sense of right to control her own destiny, and escape the ruin she foresaw in falling under the rule of a hostile sectional party, regardless of the limitations of the Constitution, which alone gave security to the minority in the South.
Time and again had the South, in a spirit of unwise concilia tion, yielded to unconstitutional encroachments, knowing them to be such, but with no better result than to increase this aggression upon her rights.
The bond of union — namely, the Constitution—was virtually broken. The antagonistic relations of the two sections had culmi nated in the election of a President believed to be unfriendly to the States of the South. It was thought that, as a speedy sequel, the South would be excluded from the common territory; that the guarantees of the Constitution would no longer exist; that the Southern States would lose the power of self-government, and Fed eral authority predominate over all.
To have acquiesced passively in such a new order of things, whereby the Government of the United States was no longer the government of confederated republics, but of a consolidated De-
mocracy, would have been lending a hand to despotism. This, South Carolina would not do. By such an act she would have be lied her past history, and condemned that noble struggle for lib erty, as a result of which the American colonies had been acknowl edged by Great Britain and the world to be " free, sovereign, and independent States."
Whatever may have been the hopes of South Carolina, when, on the 20th of December, 1860, she dissolved her connection with the Union, she had no certainty that her Southern sister States would follow the course she had thought proper to adopt. She acted alone, impelled by her own sense of duty, of independence and self-respect, as a sovereign.
Her example, and the tone of her leading men, foremost among whom stood that profound statesman, the late Robert Barn well Rhett—the friend and successor of John C. Calhoun—had no small influence in determining the subsequent withdrawal of the other States of the South. The weight of Northern hostility had been felt by each and all; and the decisive action of any one of them was more than sufficient to kindle the latent fires of self-preserva tion by disunion.
At the time of which we are now writing, and no matter what may have been the previous divergence of opinions among the leaders of that gallant State, there was but one feeling, one senti ment, and one resolve animating every South Carolina heart: to retake possession, at any cost, of the arsenals, forts, and other pub lic property then in the hands of the Federal authorities, and to assume and exercise all the rights appertaining to a free and inde pendent commonwealth.
The object of her Commissioners in "Washington, as shown by their official correspondence with President Buchanan, was to ob tain a just, honorable, and peaceable settlement of the question at issue between South Carolina and the Federal Government.
" We have the honor to transmit to you," wrote these Commis sioners to the President, "a copy of the full powers from the con vention of the people of South Carolina, under which we are au thorized to treat with the government of the United States for the delivery of the forts, magazines, lighthouses, and other real estate, with their appurtenances, within the limits of South Carolina, and also for the apportionment of the public debt, and for a division of all other property held by the government of the United States
as agent of the confederated States, of which South Carolina was recently a member; and generally to negotiate as to all other measures and arrangements proper to be made and adopted in the existing relation of the parties, and for the continuance of peace and amity between this commonwealth and the government at Washington." *
These negotiations failed.
The removal of the United States garrison, on the 25th of De cember, I860, from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter—the gun car riages of the former work having been fired and the guns injured by the retiring troops—whatever may have been its cause, or by whomsoever suggested, was the h'rst overt act of war, and the real beirinninir of hostilities between the two sections. That it was
o o
due to the action of a United States officer and representative of the Federal government, is beyond doubt. The question, whether he obeyed orders or acted on his own responsibility, in nowise af fects the fact.
All hesitation and all illusions, on the part of the South' Carolina authorities, were, from that moment, swept aside; and, as a logical sequence, on the day following, the Palmetto State flag was raised over smoking Moultrie, and over the other defences of the harbor, Sumter excepted. The South Carolina Commissioners retired from Washington and returned home, having had the full assurance from President Buchanan that he would not remand Major An derson to Fort Moultrie, withdraw the United States troops from Fort Sumter, or give up the latter to the State authorities.
Vigorous preparations for the coming struggle were now begun by the State of South Carolina, with entire unanimity and a most admirable spirit among her people. Works were thrown up, and batteries constructed, at various points of the harbor, where it was thought they could best defend the city, and cut off outside com munications with Fort Sumter.
These precautionary measures were taken none too soon. At dawn on the 9th of January, the steamer Star of the West, with a reinforcement of several hundred men, and supplies of food and ammunition for Sumter, appeared off the bar of Charleston
* Sec letter dated Washington, Dec. 28th, I860, of Messrs. R. "W. Barnwcll, J. II. Adams, and James L. Orr, South Carolina Commissioners, to President Buchanan.
harbor. She entered Ship Channel, and was rapidly approaching when a shot was fired across her bow from a battery on Morris Island, as a signal to heave to. Disregarding this warning, she hoisted the United States flag and boldly continued her course. Five rounds were then fired at her in quick succession, two of which took effect. At the sixth discharge she rounded to, low ered her flag, and steamed out of the harbor. Fort Moultrie had also opened fire on her.
Events now followed one another in rapid succession. Major Anderson, demanding to know of Governor Pickens whether or not he had authorized the firing on a transport bearing the United States flag, was answered in the affirmative. Soon afterwards Gov ernor Pickens formally summoned Major Anderson to surrender Fort Sumter to the State authorities. This Major Anderson re fused to do, but offered to refer the matter to his government, at Washington.
As a proof of the conciliatory spirit still animating both the peo ple and the authorities of South Carolina, Governor Pickens ac ceded to this request, and the Honorable Isaac W. Hayne was ac cordingly sent to Washington, with power to act in the premises. Protracted negotiations ensued, but brought about no satisfactory result, the answer of Mr. Holt, the new Secretary of War, leaving but little hope of an amicable settlement.
Thus, under these perplexing circumstances, with an earnest desire for peace, but with insufficient courage to avow and pro mote it, Mr. Buchanan's administration came to a close. Congress had been as irresolute as the President himself, and had taken no step to avoid the impending danger of collision.
In the meantime, other Southern States, to wit, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas, had severed their connection with the Federal Government, and linking their des tinies with that of South Carolina, had regularly organized, at Montgomery, the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America.
All eyes were now fixed upon the Palmetto State, the pivot around which turned the fortunes of the South, in this grand ef fort for constitutional liberty which was about to be made. To her honor be it said, she proved worthy of the leadership which fate had confided to her hands. Her State troops and volunteers answered with more than alacrity to the call of the constituted
authorities, and poured in from every district, eager to be counted among the first to strike a blow in defence of the cause in which their lives—and more than their lives—were now enlisted. The difficulty among the officers was, not to elevate the morale of these patriotic freemen, or prepare them for the dangers they were about to encounter, but to restrain their ardor, and maintain them within the bounds of prudence and moderation.
Such was the condition of affairs in South Carolina, and such the tone of the public mind in the city of Charleston, when General Beauregard arrived there.
Having made a thorough inspection of all the works, he came to the conclusion that a great deal still remained to be done by way of preparation for active measures against Fort Sumter.
The system and plan of operations which had been adopted seemed to be to concentrate all the available guns and mortars at two points, namely : Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island, and Cumming's Point, on Morris Island, where a few guns and about half a dozen mortars of heavy caliber were being put in position. Battery "Star of the West"—so called, from its repulse of the steamer of that name—contained four 24-pounders, which enfiladed the main south channel, known as the Morris Island Channel.
General Beauregard determined to alter that system, but gradu ally and cautiously, so as not to dampen the ardor, or touch the pride, of the gallant and sensitive gentlemen who had left their comfortable homes, at the call of their State, to vindicate its honor and assert its rights. They had endured, for weeks, the privations and exposures of a soldier's life, on bleak islands, where it was impossible, at times, to see objects at a greater distance than a few yards, because of the sand drifts created by the northers, prevalent on the coast at that season of the year.
General Beauregard noted, with feelings of admiration, an old gentleman, standing sentry at one of the camps on the island, who had organized, armed, and equipped a whole company of infantry at his own expense, and had placed it under the command of his youngest brother. This had been his contribution to his country's cause ; and, deeming it insufficient, he had also offered his services and his life, as a private in his own company.
Among the privates there assembled for duty were planters and sons of planters, some of them the wealthiest men of South Caro lina, diligently working, side by side with their slaves. Not a
word of complaint from any of them did General Beauregard hear during his inspection tour, except, perhaps, against the long delay in attacking Fort Sumter. Numerous were the plans—each " infal lible "—suggested by these high-spirited gentlemen, for taking the formidable work which loomed tip majestic and defiant in the dis tance, like a mountain risen from the sea, its barbette guns grimly crowning its summit.
CHAPTER III.
The Confederate States Commissioners.—Their Correspondence \vith Mr. Sew-ard.—How they were Deceived.—Mr. Lincoln's Sectional Views.—Letter of Miijor Anderson to the Adjutant-General of the United States Army.— On Whom must Rest the Responsibility for the War.—Mr. Buchanan's Wavering Policy.—General Beaurcgard Distrusts the Good Faith of the Federal Authorities.—His Plan to Reduce Fort Sumter.—Detached Bat teries.—Floating and Iron-clad Batteries.—Fort Sumter's Supplies Cut Off. — Drummond Lights. — Steam Harbor-boats. — Enfilade or Masked Battery.—Mr. Chew.—His Message to General Beaurcgard.—Secretary of War Apprised of Same.—His Answer to Telegram.—Blakely Rifled Gun. —By Whom Sent.—General Bcauregard Demands the Surrender of Fort Sumter.—Major Anderson Declines.—Fire Opened on the Fort April 12th.
THE Confederate States Commissioners—Messrs. John Forsyth of Alabama, M. J. Crawford of Georgia, and A. 13. Koinan of Lou isiana—with proposals from their government, were sent to "Wash ington after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln as President. They were instructed " to make to the government of the United States overtures for the opening of negotiations, assuring that govern ment that the President, Congress, and people of the Confederate States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great questions, and that it is neither their interest nor their wish to make any de mand that is not founded in strictest justice, nor to do any act to injure their late confederates.""
It was hoped that these commissioners, representing an organ ized government, perfect in all its parts, and clothed with powers by seven sovereign States, would be deemed entitled to greater consideration, and might accomplish more than the commissioners sent by South Carolina alone had been able to do.
13ut Mr. Lincoln and his advisers assumed very formal ground, and declined all official intercourse with representatives of " rebel lious States." They would have nothing to do with " irregular
* Sec letter of Southern Commissioners to Mr. Lincoln, " Rebellion Record/' vol. i. p. 42.
negotiations, having in view new and untried relations with agen cies unknown to, and acting in derogation of, the Constitution and the laws."*
The correspondence of the Southern Commissioners with Mr. Seward attests this. The interesting particulars added thereto by the Honorable John A. Campbell, late Associate-Justice of the Su preme Court of the United States, show that not only were the conciliatory proposals tendered to the Federal government by the Confederate States treated with uncourteous disregard, but that a covert attempt at provisioning and reinforcing Fort Sumter was being made, pending the delay to which our commissioners were subjected in Washington, while unofficial but positive assurances were given them of an early evacuation of that fort.
So many despatches and letters, public and private, had been forwarded to the South by influential Southern statesmen then in Washington, to the effect that, despite heavy outside pressure, the President could be induced to settle the question at issue with out a resort to arms, if sufficient time were allowed him, that up to the very last hour the Confederate authorities at Montgomery, and many high officials in Charleston, really hoped that the Fed eral troops would yet be withdrawn from Sumter, and the im pending danger of war be averted. General Crawford, United States Army, in his essay, " The First Shot Against the Flag," speaking of this impression, says distinctly, "and they had at one time reason for the belief."f General Doubleday expresses him self with no less certainty when he states that "Anderson now had no doubt that we would be withdrawn, and the papers all gave out the same idea."$
"Not until Captain G. V. Fox, of the United States Navy, had obtained introduction into Sumter, under the plea of "pacific pur poses," though in reality to concert a plan for its reinforcement; not until Colonel Lamon, representing himself as a confidential agent of President Lincoln, had gained access to the fort, under the pretence of arranging matters for the removal of the troops, but "in reality to confer with Major Anderson, and ascertain the amount of provisions on hand ;"§ not until, on the 8th of April,
* Mr. Scward's reply to the Southern Commissioners.
t "Annals of the War," p. 324.
J General Doubleday's " Reminiscences of Suinter and Moultrie," p. 133.
§ Ibid. p. 134.
Mr. Chew, from the State Department at Washington, had noti fied both Governor Pickens and General Beauregard "that the government intended to provision Fort Sumter peaceably, if pos sible, forcibly, if necessary;" not until then was the last expecta tion of an amicable settlement of our difficulties dismissed from the minds of those who, though vigorously preparing for war, cherished none the less the delusive hope of peace.
It was rumored at the time, and has been repeated since by General Crawford, that Mr. Chew, after delivering his message to the South Carolina authorities, " barely escaped from the city of Charleston without molestation." This is an error. Mr. Chew, who was an intelligent man, no doubt felt the very equivocal nat ure of his mission at such a juncture, and did manifest symptoms of anxiety for his personal safety; but General Beauregard and Governor Pickens gave him at once most positive assurances that he had no reason to fear any act of violence from the people of Charleston. " The crowd you see around this building,'' General Beauregard told him, " shows the eagerness of the people to be informed of the news you bear us, and nothing more. You may go among them, repeat what you have here said, and not a word of insult will be offered you." To make assurance doubly sure, however, and to appease the apparent nervousness of Mr. Lincoln's messenger, he was escorted to the railroad depot by aids of Gen eral Beauregard and Governor Pickens, and left Charleston un molested, and as freely as he had entered it. The only thing he could have complained of—though we have no evidence that he ever did—is, that his telegrams to Mr. Lincoln never reached their destination, and that his return journey was unusually pro tracted. The explanation of these facts is that General Beau-regard, who considered himself justified in making use of every rightful stratagem of war, arrested Mr. Chew's telegrams, and purposely delayed some of the trains that took him back to Wash ington.
Major Anderson's letter to Colonel L. Thomas, Adjutant-Gen eral United States Army, dated April Sth, 1SG1, and the telegrams from Messrs. Crawford, Roman, and Forsyth, from Washington, establish the fact that the object of the Federal government in delaying its final answer to the Southern Commissioners was to gain time for the reinforcement of Sumter before it could be re duced by the South Carolina troops under General Beauregard. L—3
The following is an extract from Major Anderson's letter. It explains itself, and clears him from all participation in that act of duplicity:
"FORT SUMTER, S. C., April 8th, 1801. " To Colonel L. THOMAS, etc.:
" Colonel,—* * * * * * *
I had the honor to receive by yesterday's mail the letter of the Honorable Secretary of War, dated April 4th, and confess that what he here states sur prises me very greatly, following, as it does, and contradicting so positively, the assurance Mr. Crawford telegraphed he was ' authorized' to make. I trust that this matter will be at once put in a correct light, as a movement made now, when the South has been erroneously informed that none such would be attempted, would produce most disastrous results throughout our country. It is, of course, now too late for me to give any advice in reference to the pro posed scheme of Captain Fox. I fear that its result cannot fail to be disas trous to all concerned. Even with his boat at our walls, the loss of life (as I think I mentioned to Mr. Fox) in unloading her will more than pay for the good to be accomplished by the expedition, which keeps us, if I can maintain possession of this work, out of position, surrounded by strong works, which must be carried to make this fort of the least value to the United States gov ernment.
" We have not oil enough to keep a light in the lantern for one night. The boats will have to, therefore, rely at night entirely upon other marks. I ought to have been informed that this expedition was to come. Colonel Lamou's remark convinced me that the idea, merely hinted at to me by Captain Fox, would not be carried out.
" We shall strive to do our duty, though I frankly say that my heart is not in this war, which, I see, is to be thus commenced. That God will still avert it, and cause us to resort to pacific means to maintain our rights, is my ardent prayer.
" I am, Colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" EGBERT ANDERSON, Major 1st Artillery commanding/'
These three most significant telegrams are from our commis sioners :
1. " WASHINGTON, April 5th, 1861.
"Hon. ROBERT TOOMBS, etc.,Montgomery, Ala.:
" The movement of troops and preparation on board of vessels of war, of which you have already been apprised, are continued with the greatest activ ity. An important move, requiring a formidable military and naval force, is certainly on foot. The statement that this armament is intended for St. Do-rningo may be a mere ruse.
"We are, however, credibly informed that Commodore Stringham, who takes charge of the squadron, sails for St. Domingo.
" Having no confidence in the administration, we say, be ever on your guard.
Glad to hear that you are ready. The notice promised us will come at the last moment, if the fleet be intended for our waters.
" CRAWFORD.
" ROMAN.
" FORSYTH.''
2. "AprilGtJi,l8Gl. " Hon. ROBERT TOOMBS, Secretary, etc., Montgomery, Ala.:
" No change in the activity of the warlike armaments mentioned yesterday. The rumor that they are destined against Pickcns, and perhaps Sumter, is getting every day stronger. We know nothing positive on the subject, but advise equal activity on your part to receive them if they come. "We have not yet been notified of the movement, but the notification may come when they are ready to start.
" CRAWFORD.
" FORSYTH.
"ROMAN."
3. " WASHINGTON, April lltli, 1SG1. " General G. T. BEAFREGARD :
"The Tribune of to-day declares the main object of the expedition to be the. 1 relief of Sumter, and that a force will be landed which will overcome all op position. " ROMAN.
" CRAWFORD.
" FORSYTII."
The correspondence between General Scott and Captain Fox, the communication of Secretary Cameron to the latter, the letters of President Lincoln to the same and to Lieutenant D. D. Porter, come as corroborating evidence of the preconcerted determination of the Federal authorities to dupe the Southern people and their representatives in Washington.
The justice and impartial logic of history will establish, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the Southern Commissioners, in their parting communication to Mr. Seward, dated April 9th, 1861, were fully justified in using the following dignified and truthful language:
O e7>
" Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the active naval and military preparations of this government, and a formal notice to the commanding general of the Confederate forces in the harbor of Charleston, that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by forcible means, if nec essary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can only be received by the world, as a declaration of war against the Confederate States; for the President of the United States knows that Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned without the effusion of blood.''
Among the few persons, in Charleston and elsewhere, who, from the first, doubted the purpose of the Federal authorities, and never believed in any good coming from the unaccountable delays in the negotiations at Washington, was General Beauregard, Charleston's popular commander. t
He had lost no time in pushing forward, as rapidly as possible, the plan of attack he had adopted immediately after his arrival. That plan was to form a circle of fire, by distributing all his avail able guns and mortars around a circumference of which Fort Sumter should be the centre. To accomplish this he had three of the six mortars about to be put in position at Cummings's Point removed to the Trapier Battery on Morris Island. They were 10-inch mortars. The three others (8-inch) he left where they had been originally mounted. "With his usual prompt decision and remarkable activity, he asked and obtained from Savan nah and Pensacola other mortars which he knew were there, and distributed them as follows: three in Fort Johnson, on James Island; one in Castle Pinckney, an inner defence in the harbor; two in Christ Church parish, near Mount Pleasant; and three on Sullivan's Island, in the vicinity of Fort Moultrie.
All his mortars were now placed in proper positions, and in accord with the principles of gunnery ; that is to say, near enough to Fort Sumter to do it the greatest possible damage, and yet far enough away to be almost beyond range of its fire, with the ex ception of the three 8-inch mortars at Cummings's Point, already referred to, winch were of but slight value or importance.
The merlons and traverses at Fort Moultrie and the batteries near it, as originally constructed by the officers in charge, were to tally inadequate to the purpose for which they were intended. lie had them rebuilt of a much larger size and greater solidity. He also located his gun-batteries with the utmost care, endeav oring to enfilade the barbette guns of Sumter, so as to disable them, should the emergency arise.
It was on the Morris Island shore that General Beauregard first applied his plan of detached batteries for the defence of channels and rivers. Close observation had shown him that batteries thus constructed and armed with a few guns each, well protected by heavy traverses and merlons, were much more efficacious than would be a single large work, having all the guns concentrated in it, without these protections. When a fort is attacked by a fieet,
its exposed barbette guns are soon disabled and tlie gunners driven to cover; whereas, in detached batteries, which mutually support each other, those not immediately under lire can be worked at leisure and with accuracy. One gun ashore, well protected, is equivalent to many guns afloat, and the advantage is certain to be on the side of the fire of the detached batteries, especially when guarded against a land attack by a proper supporting force.
Captain John Randolph Hamilton, of Charleston, an ex-officer of the United States navy, had constructed a floating battery, originally of rough materials, and so clumpy and ungainly in ap pearance as to be criticised by those who first examined it. General Beauregard being directly applied to by the inventor, and approving of his design, procured for him the iron plating necessary for the completion of his work. Early in April it was ready for use, and was removed to the western extremity of Sullivan's Island, where it was placed in position, so as to deliver a destructive fire upon the postern entrance of the fort facing the city, a point which could not be effectively bombarded from any other battery.
An iron-clad land battery was also constructed, at that time, by C. H. Stevens, of Charleston, who afterwards became a briga dier-general in the Confederate army, and was killed at the battle of Chickamauga. It consisted of heavy timbers overlaid with railroad iron, so fitted together as to present a smooth inclined surface, to be properly greased when ready for action. Its heavy guns, three in number, were fired through embrasures supplied with strong iron shutters. General Beauregard likewise approved of Mr. Stevens's plan, and added to it such suggestions as his engineering experience justified. This battery was erected at Cummings's Point, only thirteen hundred yards from Fort Sumter.
Both Captain Hamilton's and Mr. Steven's batteries proved the wisdom of their inventors, and fully met General Beaure-gard's expectations. They were, in fact, the first experiments from which sprang all iron-clad war vessels and land batteries in the United States, and to them may be attributed most of the important changes and improvements since made in naval archi tecture and armaments.
" On the Gth of April," says General Donbleday, in his " Remi niscences," " Beauregard restricted our marketing to two days in the week. On the 7th it was wholly cut off, and we noticed
gangs of negroes hard at work strengthening the defences on Morris Island. . . . Anderson was greatly troubled at the failure of all his plans to keep the peace. . . . The rebels knew, and per haps he knew, that on the 6th and 7th of April a number of naval vessels had left New York and Norfolk under sealed orders. Their destination could hardly 'be doubted."
The orders cutting off the supplies, alluded to by General Dou-bleday, were issued and rigidly enforced by General Beauregard, whose object was not only to prevent the fort from receiving supplies of provisions, but also to prevent the purchase of oil, without which no signals could be made to the expected fleet; moreover, without oil, the wheels and chassis of Major Anderson's guns, then clogged by the sand drifts in the work, could not be kept in proper order for immediate effective use.
To guard further against the entrance of the Federal fleet, which might be effected during; a dark ni^ht, despite the vigilance
O O O s X o
of our channel batteries, General Beauregard determined to use two large Drurnmond lights, one on Morris Island, the other on Sullivan's Island, at points specially selected, in order to illumi nate the channels leading to Fort Sumter, and thereby facilitate the firing of the Morris Island beach batteries and other works bearing; on the outer harbor. He had ordered and received these
O
valuable lights from ]S r ew York, and having placed them in bomb-proofs, so constructed as to insure their usefulness and safety, intrusted them to the care of Professor Lewis li. Gibbes, of the Charleston College.
In connection with these two Drummond lights, and as an ad ditional safeguard, Captain Ilartsteiri, a distinguished ex-officer of the United States navy, was placed in command of the steam harbor boats, and detailed to watch the various channel entrances, with orders, should he discover vessels attempting to approach Fort Sumter, to throw up signal rockets, as a warning to the batteries and the Drummond lights, and then to steam slowly in, after hoisting a light of special color, by which his vessels could be distinguished from those of the enemy. This duty, at times very harassing, was performed by him and his officers and men, with unremitting zeal and energy.
Another object—and an important one—still remained to bo accomplished: some of the barbette guns of Sumter, on the land-face fronting the city, could not be effectively reached by the
batteries thus far erected. General Beauregard, therefore, in order to perfect his line of attack and also to prevent a landing of any reinforcement at the postern gate of the fort, constructed a masked battery of four guns at the west end of Sullivan's Island, in rear of a small summer residence abandoned by its owners. It proved to be, says General Doubleday, in his " Remi niscences," page 140, a formidable work " which effectually en-iiladed two rows of our upper tier of guns en ~barbettc, and took a third tier in reverse. It was a sad surprise to us, for we had our heaviest metal there."
Immediately after the delivery of Mr. Lincoln's message by Mr. Chew, General Beauregard sent the following despatch to the Secretary of A\ r ar, at Montgomery :
" CHARLESTON, April 8th, 18G1. " To L. P. WALKER :
"Dear /SVr,—An authorized messenger from Mr. Lincoln has just informed Governor Pickcus and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter, ' peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must.'
" G. T. BEAUREGARD.''
To this the Secretary of War replied:
" MONTGOMERY, April Wt/t, 1SG1. " To General BEAUREGARD, Charleston:
"If you have no doubt of the authorized character of the agent who com municated to you the intention of the Washington government to supply Fort SMimter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation; and if this is re fused, proceed in such a manner as you may determine to reduce it.
"L. P.WALKER."
General Beauregard was ready. lie had displayed untiring energy in his preparations, and had been most zealously and effectively assisted by the South Carolina authorities and the officers and men under him. One thing only remained to be at tended to, and that was the placing in position of a small Blake-ly rilled gun, the first ever used in America, which had just ar rived from England—an unexpected present to the State from Charles K. Prioleau, of Charleston, a partner in the Liverpool branch of the firm of John Frazer & Co. It arrived off the har bor on the day before the order from Montgomery was received, and delayed its execution for twenty-four hours.
At two o'clock P. M., April llth, General Beauregard, through
his aids, Captain S. D. Lee, Colonel James Chestnut, Jr., and Lieutenant A. E. Chisolm, made a formal demand for the imme diate surrender of Fort Surater. The terms offered were: " to transport Major Anderson and his command to any port in the United States he might select; to allow him to move out of the fort with company arms and property, and all private property; and to salute his flag on lowering it."*
General Beauregard's despatch, forwarded, on the same day to the Secretary of War, was as follows:
" CHARLESTON, April llth, 1861. " To L. P. WALKER :
"Major Anderson replied: 'I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication, demanding the evacuation of this fort, and to say, in reply thereto, that it is a demand with which I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligation to my government prevent my compliance.' He adds, verbally: ' I will await the first shot, and if you do not batter us to pieces, we will be starved out in a few days.' Answer.
" G. T. BEAUREGARD."
The answer came in all haste. It was as follows:
" MONTGOMERY, April llth, 1861. " To General BEAUREGARD, Charleston:
" We do not desire needlessly to bombard Fort Sumtcr. If Major Anderson will state the time at which, as indicated by him, he will evacuate, and agree that in the meantime he will not use his guns against us, unless ours should be employed against Fort Surnter, you are authorized thus to avoid the effu sion of blood. If this, or its equivalent, be refused, reduce the fort as your judgment decides to be the most practicable.
"L.P.WALKER. r
The substance of these instructions was immediately forwarded to the fort, by General Beauregard's aids, accompanied by Colonel Roger A. Pry or, of Virginia. But Major Anderson, as the official despatch has it, "would not consent." In consequence of which, after timely notice had been given to him in General Beauregard's name, on April 12th, at 4.30 A. M., "We opened fire."
* General Beauregard's Report of the Bombardment of Sumter.
GENERAL BEAUREGARD.
CHAPTER IY.
General Beauregard Makes no Material Changes ill the Distribution of Forces in Charleston.—Brigadier-General Simons in Command of Morris Island. —Brigadier-General Dunovant of Sullivan's Island.—Tone of Troops.— The First Shell Fired from Fort Johnson.—The Only Motive Actuating the South.—At 5 A. M., April 12th, every Battery in Full Play.—Smnter Responds at 7 o'clock.—How our Guns were Served.—Engagement Con tinued until Nightfall.—Firing Kept up all Night by our Batteries.— No Response from Sumtcr.—Conduct of the Federal Fleet.—Fort Re-opens Fire on the Morning of the 13th.—Burning of Barracks.—Sumtcr still Firing.—Our Troops Cheer the Garrison.—General Beauregard Offers As sistance to Major Anderson, who Declines.—Hoisting of the White Flag. —Terms of Surrender.—Accident during the Salute of the Flag.—Evac uation.—Our Troops Enter the Fort, April 14th.—Hoisting of Confederate and Palmetto Flags.
ON assuming command of Charleston, General Beauregard made no material change in the distribution and location of the forces he found there, and maintained the organization previously adopt ed by the South Carolina State authorities.
Brigadier - General James Simons was therefore left in com-
O
maud of Morris Island, all the batteries of which had been placed under the immediate charge of Lieutenant-Colonel W. G. De Saus-surc of the Second Artillery Battalion. lie was assisted, at the Trapier Batter} 7 , by Captain King, of the Marion Artillery, and, later, by Captain Russell, of the Smnter Guards. Next to the Trapier Battery, and closer to Sumter, was the Stevens or Iron Battery, of which special mention has already been made. Then came the Cummings's Point battery, at a distance of only thir teen hundred yards from Fort Sumter. To it had been attached the rifled Blakely gun, just received from England. Both of these were held by the Palmetto Guard, and commanded by Major Stevens, of the Citadel Academy; Captain Cuthbert having spe cial charge of the Iron Batter} 7 , and Captain Thomas of the Blakely gun. Besides the above-mentioned works, there could also be seen a long line of detached batteries, guarding the entrance of Ship Channel, and extending along the whole Morris Island beach. They
were manned by detachments taken from Gregg's regiment, and from both the German and the Columbia Artillery, under Colonel Lamar, Major "Warley, and Captains linger, Nohrden, and Green.
Sullivan's Island was under Brigadier-General R. G. M. Duno-vant; and the command of all its batteries had been assigned to Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley, of the First Artillery Battalion. Cap tain Ransom Calhoun was stationed at Fort Moultrie, and Captain Hallonquist at the " Enfilade " or masked battery. They were as sisted by Lieutenants Wagner, Rhett, Yates, Valentine, Mitchel, and Parker. Captain Butler was on duty at the mortar battery, east of Fort Moultrie. Captain J. R. Hamilton commanded his own floating battery and the Dahlgren gun. Captain Martin was at the Mount Pleasant mortars; Captain George S. Thomas at Fort Johnson ; and Castle Pinckney had been placed under the charge of an officer whose name we have not been able to procure.
A few days previous to the bombardment, the general com manding had announced, in general orders, the names of the of ficers composing his staff. They were Major D. R. Jones, Assis tant-Adjutant-General, Captain S. D. Lee, Captain S. Ferguson, Lieutenant Sydney Legare—of the Regular staff ; Messrs. John L. Manning, James Chestnut, Jr., William Porcher Miles, J. A. Gon-zales, and A. R. Chisolm, and Colonels L. T. Wigfall, of Texas, and Roger A. Pryor, of Virginia—of the Volunteer staff.
Though the opening of hostilities had, for the last two days, been almost hourly expected by officers and men of the various commands, and by the whole population of the city of Charleston, still, so good was the tone of the troops, so confident of the result were the non-combatants, that when the last message of the com manding general had been delivered, notifying Major Anderson that fire would open on him in an hour's time, quiet, order, and discipline reigned throughout the city and harbor.
The peaceful stillness of the night was suddenly broken just before dawn. From Fort Johnson's mortar battery, at 4.30 A. M., April 12th, 1SG1, issued the first—and, as many thought, the too-long-deferrcd—signal shell of the war. It was fired, not by Mr. Edmund Ruffin, of Virginia, as has been erroneously believed, but by Captain George S. James, of South Carolina, to whom Lieu tenant Stephen D. Lee issued the order. It sped aloft, describ ing its peculiar arc of fire, and, bursting over Fort Sumter, fell, with crashing noise, in the very centre of the parade.
Thus was "Koveille" sounded in Charleston and its harbor on tliis eventful morning. In an instant all was bustle and activity. Xot an absentee was reported at roll-call. The citizens poured down to the battery and the wharves, and women and children crowded each window of the houses overlooking the sea—rapt spectators of the scene. At ten minutes before five o'clock, all the batteries and mortars which encircled the grim fortress were in full play against it.
Hound after round had already been fired ; and yet, for nearly two hours, not a shot in response had come from Fort Sunite*. Had Major Anderson been taken by surprise ? Or was it that, certain of his ability to pass unscathed through the onslaught thus made upon him, it mattered not how soon or how late he commit ted his flag in the war "in which his heart was not"? At last, however, near seven o'clock, the United States flag having pre viously been raised, the sound of a gun, not ours, was distinctly heard. Sumter had taken up the gage of battle, and Cummings's Point had first attracted its attention. It was almost a relief to our troops—for gallantry ever admires gallantry, and a worthy foe disdains one who makes no resistance.
The action was now general, and was so maintained throughout the day, with vigor on both sides. Our guns were served with admirable spirit, and the accuracy of our range was made evident by the clouds of dust that flew as our balls struck the fort, and by the indentations hollowed in its walls. The precision with which solid shot and shells were thrown from our batteries, main ly Fort Moultrie, was such that the enemy was soon compelled to abandon the use of his barbette guns, several of which had been dismounted in the early part of the bombardment.
The iron-clad battery at Cummings's Point, Fort Moultrie prop er, and that end of Sullivan's Island where the floating battery, the Dahlgren gun, and the enfilade or masked battery had been placed, were the points which attracted Major Anderson's heavi est firing. No better proof could he have given ns of the effects of our lire on his fort. An occasional shot only was aimed at Fort Johnson, as if to remind the battery there that the explosion of its first shell was not yet forgiven. Captain Butler's mortar bat tery, east of Moultrie, had also a share of the enemy's wrath.
The engagement was continued with unceasing vigor until night fall, although Sumtcr's fire had evidently slackened before that
time, and was then confined to its casemated guns. General Dou-bleday, U. S. A., in his " Keminiscences," p. 154, speaking of the first day's bombardment, says : " They had a great advantage over us, as their fire was concentrated on the fort, which was in the centre of the circle, while ours was diffused over the circumfer ence. Their missiles were exceedingly destructive to the upper exposed portion of the work, but no essential injury w r as done to the lower casemates which sheltered us."
Noted among our mortar batteries—all so well served—was the Trapier Battery, whose skilful firing had become the subject of much admiration among officers and men. Almost every shell it threw, from the first to the last, reached its aim with relentless effect. The Stevens Iron Battery, the destruction of which the guns of Sumter sought to accomplish, paid but little attention to the fierce opening attack made upon it, and received no serious impression on its iron-coated surface; while the south and south west faces of Sumter bore visible signs of its own effectiveness. The floating battery was not far behind in destructive usefulness. It proved of equal invulnerability, and left telling marks of its battering powers.
During the whole night which followed, in spite of rain and darkness, our batteries continued playing upon the fort with un varying effect, but the shots were fired at longer intervals, in obe dience to orders. ~No response was made. General Doubleday, in his work already quoted, admits the fact. lie says : " We did not return the fire, having no ammunition to waste." And General Crawford, in his " First Shot against the Flag," * makes the fol lowing statement: " During the night of the 12th, the accurate range of the mortars lodged a shell in the parade, or about the work, at intervals of fifteen minutes. It was estimated that over twenty-five hundred shot and shell struck the fort during the first twenty-four hours."
It was expected that the Federal fleet, alluded to by Mr. Lin coln's special messenger to Governor Pickens and General Beaure-gard, would arrive that night, and might attempt to throw troops, ammunition, and supplies into Fort Sumter. To guard against such an untoward event, the keenest watchfulness was observed at our beach batteries and by the forces on Morris and Sullivan's
* " Annals of the War," p. 328.
islands. The details of men at the Drummond lights were also on the alert, and ready at a moment's notice to illuminate the chan nels ; while Captain Ilartstein, with his cruising vessels, actively patrolled the outer harbor. The fleet arrived on the morning of the 13th, an hour or two after the action had been renewed, and remained spectators off the bar.
Very early on that morning all our batteries re-opened on the enemy, who responded with vigor for a while, concentrating his fire almost exclusively on Fort Moultrie. The presence of the fleet outside the bar, now visible to all, no doubt inspired both officers and men of the garrison with additional courage and a re newed spirit of endurance.
General Crawford, in his above-quoted essay, says: ''Major Anderson was directed, if possible, to hold out until the 12th of April, when the expedition would go forward, and, finding his 'flag flying,' an effort would be made to provision him, and to reinforce him, if resisted/'
Major Anderson, with his ofiicers and men, followed the in structions received. They did hold out; their flag was " flying" on the 12th of April, and again on the 13th; and they were fight ing in all earnest. Tho fleet outside thought proper, nevertheless, to abstain from all participation in the engagement.
"By morning," says General Crawford, "the fleet sent to our assistance appeared off the bar, but did not enter." f And General Doubleday adds, in his characteristic manner: "After the event much obloquy was thrown upon the navy, because it did not come in and engage the numerous batteries and forts, and open for it self a way to Charleston ; but this course would probably have re sulted in the sinking of every vessel." ^
At about 8 o'clock A. M., in the thickest of the bombardment, a thin smoke was observable, curling up from Fort Sumter. It grew denser and denser as it steadily rose in the air; and it soon became apparent that the barracks of the fort had been set on fire by forty rounds of red-hot shot, thrown from an 8-inch Colum-biad at Fort Moultrie, by a detachment of Company B, under Lieutenant Alfred Rhett. This sight increased the vigor of our attack ; both officers and men feeling now that the garrison would
Annals of the War," p. 325. f Ibid. p. 329.
I General Doublcday's "Reminiscences," p. 150.
soon be brought to terms. In spite, however, of this new and ter rible element against which it had to contend, the fort still re sponded to the lire of our batteries, though at long and irregular intervals only.
Appreciating the critical position of the enemy, and carried away by their own enthusiasm, our troops, mounting the parapets in their front, cheered Major Anderson at each successive discharge that came from the fort, deriding and hooting, the while, what to them seemed the timorous inaction of the fleet outside the.bar.
Matters had evidently reached a crisis for the men within the walls of Sumter. Fearing that some terrible calamity might be fall them, and being informed that the United States flag no long er floated over the fort, General Beauregard immediately de spatched three of his aids with offers of assistance to Major Ander son, w r ho thanked him for his courtesy, but declined to accept aid. Before General Beaurcgard's aids could get to the fort, the United States flag, which had not been hauled down, as we supposed, but had fallen from the effects of a shot, was hoisted anew. It did not fly long, how r ever, but was soon lowered, and a white flag substitu ted for it. The contest was over. Major Anderson had acknowl edged his defeat.
Now occurred an incident which was in no way surprising, be ing the natural result of inexperience in military matters and a lack of discipline, among some of the officers commanding the various points around the harbor. Seeing the fall of the flag, and the fort in flames, Brigadier-general Simons, actuated by the best of motives, but without authority from the commanding general, allowed Colonel Wigfall to cross from Cummings's Point to Sum ter in a row-boat, to ascertain whether the absence of the flag over the fort indicated a desire to surrender. The proximity of Morris Island to Sumter enabled him to reach the fort before the aids, who had been sent directly from general headquarters, could do so.
A short interview took place between Colonel Wigfall and Major Anderson, during which a demand of surrender was made by the former and acceded to by the latter, but upon terms not clearly defined between them.
We deem it best to transcribe the very words made use of by General Beauregard, in his "Final Report of Operations against Sumter," as forwarded April 27th, 1861, to the Hon. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War at Montgomery, Alabama :
- 'JMajor Anderson understood him [Colonel Wigfall] as offering the same con ditions on the part of General Beauregard as had been tendered him oix/thc llth instant,* while Colonel Wigfall's impression was that Major Anderson unconditionally surrendered, trusting to the generosity of General Beauregard to offer such terms as would be honorable and acceptable to both parties. Meanwhile, before these circumstances had been reported to me, and, in fact, soon after the aids I had despatched with the offer of assistance had set out on their mission, hearing that a white flag was flying over the fort, I sent Major Jones, chief of my staff, and some other aids, with substantially the same prop osition I had made to Major Anderson on the llth instant, excepting the privilege of saluting his flag. Major Anderson replied that ' it would be ex ceedingly gratifying to him, as well as to his command, to be permitted to salute their flag, having so gallantly defended the fort under such trying cir cumstances, and hoped that General Beauregard would not refuse it, as such a privilege was not unusual.' He furthermore said ' he would not urge the point, but would prefer to refer the matter again to General Beauregard.'
******* *
" I very cheerfully agreed to allow the salute as an honorable testimony of the gallantry and fortitude with which Major Anderson and his command had defended their post, and I informed Major Anderson of my decision about half-past seven o'clock, P.M., through Major Jones, my chief of staff." 1
A melancholy occurrence took place during the salute of the United States flag—the death of one of the garrison, who had his right arm blown off and was almost instantaneously killed, by the premature discharge of the piece he was loading. A spark, also, it was alleged, having " dropped on a pile of cartridges below, exploded them all," f and severely wounded five other men.
AVhile final arrangements were being made for the withdrawal of the garrison, and before it was effected, the general command ing, who had twice attempted, but in vain, to assist Major Ander son in quenching the lire in the fort, ordered a company of Regu lars with two lire-engines from Sullivan's Island, to repair to Fort Sumter, to put out the conflagration which, not entirely subdued, had broken out afresh. This was a harder task than was at iirst supposed. The two engines proved insufficient, and others had to be brought from Charleston, with additional firemen. It was only towards dawn that the fire was at last brought under control, and the powder-magazine secured from explosion.
Owing to unavoidable delays resulting from the state of confu-
* See Chapter III., pp. 40, 41; also Report of General Beauregard, in Appen dix to this chapter.
t Gen. Doubleday's k> Rcminisccnses," p. 171.
sion existing in the fort, its formal transfer to our troops did not take place until four o'clock in the afternoon of Sunday, the 11-th of April. At that hour Major Anderson and his command inarched out of the work, and we entered it, taking final possession. Then it was, that, amid deafening cheers and with an enthusiastic salute from the guns of all the batteries around the harbor, the Confederate and the Palmetto flags were hoisted side by side, on the damaged ramparts of the fort. To Captain Hallonquist, of the 1st Artillery Regulars, with his worthy Lieutenants Rhett, Mitchel, and Blake, and to the gallant Captain Cuthbert, with his Lieutenants, Brownfield, Holmes, and Buist, was confided the keeping of Fort Suinter, under Lieutenant-Colonel Ripley as com mander, and the Regulars remained there.
General Beauregard was not present at this imposing ceremony. Prompted by the feeling of delicacy which so distinguishes all his social and official relations, he abstained from meeting Major Anderson, his former friend and professor, now his defeated foe, lest his presence, at such a juncture, might add to the distress and natural mortification of a gallant officer.
Not until the steamer Isabel, which was placed at the disposal of Major Anderson, had conveyed him and his command to the Federal fleet, riding at anchor outside the bar, did General Beaure gard enter the fort, which, in obedience to orders from his govern ment, he had successfully reduced.
CHAPTEE Y.
Condition of Fort Sumtcr after the Bombardment.—Repairs Begun at Once.— Mustering of South Carolina Volunteers.—Bonham's Brigade.—General Bcauregard makes a Reconnoissance of the South Carolina Coast.—Rec ommends Works at Stono, the Two Edistos, and Georgetown. —Declines Advising Plan of Defence for Port Royal Harbor.—Yields under Pressure, but Predicts the Result.—Receives Congratulations upon the Reduction of Sumter.—Vote of Thanks of Congress.—Resolutions of the General Assembly of South Carolina.—General Beauregard is Called to Montgom ery.—The President Wishes him to Assist General Bragg atPensacola.—lie Declines.—His Reasons therefor.—Deputation from New Orleans Asking his Transfer to Louisiana.—The President Sends him Back to Charleston. —Propositions of the House of John Frazer & Co., relative to Purchase of Steamers. — Comments thereon. — General Beauregard Advocates the Plan. — Government Declines Moving in the Matter.—Silence of Mr. Davis's Book about it.—General Beauregard Ordered to Richmond.—Re grets of Carolinians at his Departure.—Letter of Governor Pickens.
"WHAT with the burning of its quarters, the injury inflicted on its walls, and the shattered condition of its parade and parapets, where dismounted guns, broken carriages and chassis, fragments of shell and shot, lay scattered on all sides—Fort Sumter, when our troops inarched into it, presented a picture of desolation and ruin. One could well understand, upon viewing it then, how im possible it would have been for Major Anderson and his command to hold out more than a few hours longer. Suffocation and an en dangered magazine, if not starvation, and, above all, the firing from Moultrie and other batteries, must soon have destroyed the entire garrison. "With or without the assistance of the fleet, a sur render was a foregone conclusion.
The triumph of our arms, so complete and—through the kindly protection of Providence—so bloodless, was solemnly celebrated in several of the ancient churches of Charleston; and a Te Dcum was sung, with great pomp, in the beautiful cathedral, on the Sun day next following this opening scene of the war.
General Beauregard, in orders issued on the day after the surren der, congratulated his troops on " the brilliant success which had L— \
crowned their gallantry." Commenting upon the terms granted to Major Anderson and his command, he said: " And to show our magnanimity to the gallant defenders, who were only execut ing the orders of their government, they will be allowed to evacu ate upon the same terms which were offered to them before the bombardment commenced." He concluded as follows : " The gen eral is highly gratified to state that the troops, by their labor, privations, arid endurance at the batteries and at other posts, have exhibited the highest characteristics of tried soldiers."
And now began in earnest, without the loss of a day, the re pairs, which amounted almost to the rebuilding of Fort Suinter. With zeal and energy this work was done; and in less than three weeks no vestige of the former injuries remained. The broken chassis and carriages had been replaced, the barracks rebuilt—one story in height instead of two, as formerly—and the walls restored to their previous condition.
Meanwhile General Beauregard went on with the organization and discipline of the troops called by South Carolina, which were grad ually mustered into the Provisional Army of the Confederate States.
Early in May, a brigade of four regiments of South Carolina volunteers was organized, under Brigadier-General Bonharn. It consisted of the 1st South Carolina Volunteers, Colonel Gregg; the 2d South Carolina Volunteers, Colonel Kershaw; the 3d South Carolina Volunteers, Colonel Williams ; and the 8th South Caro lina Volunteers, Colonel Cash. That brigade, made up of the flow er of Carolina's chivalry, was sent to Virginia, by order of the War Department, the " Old Dominion " having, on the 17th of April—four days after the fall of Suinter—joined her fate to that of the Southern Confederacy.
One of the regiments of Bonham's brigade (Gregg's) had been sent in advance to Norfolk. Its mission was to take possession of the navy-yard and protect all public property there. This was a judicious movement. The many cannon and mortars, and the ammunition stored at Norfolk, were of the greatest value to the Confederacy, then almost entirely destitute of such important supplies. The whole brigade was soon afterwards concentrated at Manassas Junction, in the Department of Alexandria, or " the Alex andria line," as it was also called, the command of which devolved upon General Bonham. lie remained there until relieved, on the 1st of June, by General Beauregard.
As soon as lie could be spared from Charleston, General Beau-regard made a thorough reconnoissance of the South Carolina
o o
coast, from Charleston to Port Eoyal. This he did at the special request of Governor Pickens, the object being the adoption of a system of defence to be carried out at the earliest moment prac ticable.
On his return he prepared a memoir, wherein he recommended the erection of several important works at the mouths of the Stono and the two Edistos, and at Georgetown; but declined advising any for the entrance of Port Royal harbor. He was of opinion that field-works located on the ends of the islands which closed the harbor could not protect it, for the reason that the distance between the islands was too great. Some light works he did rec ommend, however, at the inner end of Port Royal, to guard that part of the coast and prevent a landing of the enemy, which might result in the destruction of the Charleston and Savannah Railroad. But upon the earnest and reiterated request of Governor Pickens, and other eminent citizens, whose zeal and efforts were untiring, General Beauregard finally yielded, and drew out a plan for the defence of Port Royal, with the distinct requirement, however, that the field-works proposed in the plan should be armed with the heaviest ordnance, chiefly 10-inch and rifled guns, and that a steel-clad floating battery, with a similar armament, should be moored midway between the two field-works. His explanation was, that while the harbors of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Charleston, Savannah, and Xew Orleans—the entrances to which are from half a mile to one and a quarter miles broad—require strongly cascmated forts, armed with several hundred guns of heavy caliber, it could not be expected that Port Royal harbor, with an entrance nearly three miles wide and twenty-six feet deep, could be effectively protected by small, hastily constructed field-works, inadequately armed.
What General Beauregard had predicted was unfortunately realized. In the autumn of that year the enemy's powerful fleet, the acquisition and fitting-out of which had cost, according to jSTorthcrn accounts, more than four millions of dollars, entered Port Royal harbor and reduced its isolated works, after a short but gallant resistance on the part of their overpowered garrisons. This event cast a gloom, for a while, over the new-born Southern Confederacy.
General Beauregard, now thoroughly familiar with the topogra phy of Charleston and the surrounding country, understood how important it was to guard the Stono. He saw at a glance that, should the enemy land a sufficient force on James Island, the city of Charleston could easily be turned by way of that river. To avert such a danger, he had a strong field-work erected on Battery Island, that being the lowest point of dry land before reaching the salt marshes which extend in an unbroken field on each side of the stream. This work, although small, occupied a command ing position, which no hostile craft could approach unseen. Tow ards the latter part of May it was completed and ready for ser vice.
From various quarters messages of congratulation poured in to General Beauregard, upon the brilliant success he had achieved. The first in date was a telegram from President Davis, which read as follows:
" MONTGOMERY, April 13^, 1861. " To General G. T. BEAUREGARD :
" Thanks for your achievement and for your courtesy to the garrison of Surn-ter. If occasion offers, tender my friendly remembrance to Major Anderson.
"JEFFERSON DAVIS."
Then, from the Secretary of War:
" MONTGOMERY, April 13th, 1861. " To General BEAUREGARD :
" Accept my congratulations. You have won your spurs. How many guns can you spare for Pensacola ?
"L. P. WALKER."
The next communication was from one whose attitude towards the administration already indicated the influence he would soon
exercise over it:
"MONTGOMERY, April 1G*A, 1861.
" My dear General, —In the midst of the eclat of your glorious triumph you will, no doubt, value but little the tribute of a poor civilian who knows noth ing of war; but I cannot refrain from joining in the general voice of your fel low-citizens, and congratulating you on the signal success which has crowned the first blow stricken in defence of our rights. Louisiana is proud of her son, and I am Louisianian, heart and soul.
********
" Renewing my cordial greetings, and envying your delight at accomplish ing such a result as you have, without the loss of one man, " I am your friend and servant,
" J. P. BENJAMIN."
From Louisiana came words of enthusiastic rejoicing. New Orleans, especially, was lavish in her praise.
The Confederate Congress tendered the following vote of thanks to General Beauregard and the troops under him:
"No. 103.—A resolution of thanks to Brigadier-General G. T. Beauregard. and the army under his command for their conduct in the affair of Fort Sumter.
" Be it unanimously resolved, by the Congress of the Confederate States of America, That the thanks of the people of the Confederate States are due, and through this Congress are hereby tendered, to Brigadier-General G. T. Beau-regard and the officers, military and naval, under his command, and to the gallant troops of the State of South Carolina, for the skill, fortitude, and cour age by which they reduced, and caused the surrender of, Fort Sumter, in the harbor of Charleston, on the 12th and 13th days of April, 1861. And the commendation of Congress is also hereby declared of the generosity manifest ed by their conduct towards a brave and vanquished foe.
"7><? it further resolved, That a copy of this resolution be communicated by the President to General Beauregard, and through him to the army then under his command.
" Approved May 4*7/, 18G1."
South Carolina almost adopted General Beauregard as one of her own sons. The Legislature of that State, at its first session after the fall of Sumter, unanimously passed a resolution, the prin cipal part of which is given below:
" IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY, S. C., November ZSth, 1861.
u Resolvedj That the General Assembly of South Carolina, in grateful recog nition of the distinguished sen-ices of General G. T. Beauregard in the cause of Southern independence, hereby tender to him the privilege of sending two pupils to be educated at the military schools of this State, etc.
" Resolved, That his excellency the governor be requested to communicate the foregoing to General G. T. Beauregard."
Governor Pickens, than whom none valued more the worth of "the great Creole," as General Beauregard was then called,cheer fully performed the pleasant duty assigned him; and General Beauregard, then in another field of action, gratefully accepted the proffered honor. His younger son, Henry T. Beauregard, and his nephew, James T. Proctor, were accordingly sent to the Military Academy of South Carolina, and there enjoyed all the privileges of State cadets. The former remained two years at the academy and the latter one year, when they joined South Carolina regiments, and
served, though mere boys, to the end of the war. Young Proctor, after promotion to a lieutenancy for gallant conduct at Fredericks-burg, was wounded and lost a foot at the battle of Chancellors-ville. Governor Pickens also presented a commission as first lieu tenant in the 1st South Carolina Battalion of Light Artillery to the general's elder son, Rene T. Beauregard, who was promoted, first captain and then major of that command. lie had previously served as a private in the Washington Artillery, from !N~ew Or leans, whose record throughout the war was surpassed by that of no other organization.