As commerce had not advanced with sufficient rapidity, the crown instructed the Louisiana officials, in 1731, to put it on the freest possible basis. Through such a course of action presumably much Spanish silver and many Spanish vessels would find their way to the province.5 On December 5, the governor and "ordon-nateur" informed the home government that the commandant at Pensacola was opposing the new policy.*^ In view of this situation, and of the fact that the inhabitants of Mobile were not raising products of sufficient value to attract the Spaniards, the government now proposed to use flour and brandy as the chief articles of the traffic.'/ The bait proved to be effective, at least to some extent. Pensacola may have been an outpost against possible encroachments on Florida, but its garrison apparently
' Margry, vol. v, p. 569; Le Page du Pratz, vol. i, p. 93.
* La Harpe, p. 346.
» A. N., C, Sir. C»», vol. ix, fols. 9-10; A., A. £.., Am., vol. i. fol. 26. « A. N., C, Sir. C^', vol. X, fol. 188. » Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Iv. iol. 596.
• Ibid., Sir. Ci», vol. xiii, foL 13. ' Ibid., fol. 17.
could not survive without provisions from its French neighbors. Whether they liked it or not, the viceroy and local commandant had to tolerate what, from the Spanish legal standpoint, was certainly illicit trade. V
In 1733 the Louisiana officials received 5,000 livres in freight charges for a cargo of supplies carried on one of the French royal ships from Vera Cruz to Pensacola.* On the whole, however, the commercial relations between the two posts in question were too scanty to arouse strong opposition from Spanish officials or great enthusiasm on the part of the French.^ In 1735 the trade was worth only about 5,000 or 6,000 piastres a year. It was carried on, as before, partly by Spaniards who came to Mobile; partly by the French who went to Pensacola in the hope of doing business with Spanish vessels that touched there, and more commonly by the colonists of Mobile themselves who met the Spaniards at designated places on the coast and there exchanged their products for silver.*
With the employment of all these methods the garrison, at times, was not able to keep itself above extreme want. Such periods of distress were apt to occur when Mobile itself was very short of food; even in such cases the French felt impelled to share their scant supplies.
Ties of friendship made it impossible to turn a deaf ear to the Spanish appeals. During these years, also, the soldiers at Pensacola were quite as short of money as they were of provisions: ^ accordingly in 1736 when the commandant received his allowance from the viceroy, amounting to between 7,000 and 8,000 piastres, it was
1 A. N., C, Ser. C^», vol. xvi, fols. 82-88. ^ Ibid.
* Ibid., vol. xvii, fols. 36-38; vol. xviii, fols. 41-44.
* Ibid., vol. XX, fols. 52-56.
* Ibid., vol. xxi, fols. 7-11, 25-30.
not enough to pay the debts of something more than 35,000 livres already contracted at Mobile.' At this time also, the French officials held a bill for 500 piastres against the same post for freight charges on supplies carried by French ships from Vera Cruz to Pensacola.' For several months the garrison had lived on what it could procure at Mobile; accordingly the French had about reached a point where their financial condition would no longer allow them to advance food to the Spaniards on credit. The settlers themselves were interested in keeping the traffic alive: at this juncture one of the well-to-do men there began to furnish supplies to the Spaniards. With consignments of this sort he sent small quantities of tar and pitch to Pensacola which the Spaniards sold to merchants of their nationality who came to the post.^ The commandant was thus enabled to ward of? the danger of famine.
During the next two years owing to the somewhat unfriendly feeling existing between France and Spain, the viceroy had made it difficult for the commandant at Pensacola to meet the bills as they fell due. In 1737, therefore, the only person in the province who would venture to advance corn on credit was the commandant at Mobile. He also had taken over for collection the debts the Spaniards had contracted with private persons at Mobile.* In spite of the indebtedness, on May 9, 1739 a further request for provisions came from Pensacola. A Spanish vessel soon appeared at Mobile; but its captain, having no money with which to pay for what he bought, procured the signatures of the commandant and commissaire of Pensacola as security for the pay-
^A. N., C, Sir. C»», vol. xxi, fols. 94-100. * Ibid., fol. 100.
• Ihid., fols. 25-30.
* Ihid., vol. xxii, fols. 37-41. 233-243.
ment of the bill.' On being informed of the circumstance, the home government cautioned the colonial officials to insist upon good security for whatever v^as furnished in future to the Pensacola garrison, lest the Spaniards be led to believe that anythng so easily procured might be paid for entirely at their own convenience, if at all.''
In 1741 from the supplies delivered in 1737 the treasury at Mobile could boast of 4,500 piastres obtained from guns, powder, and cordage furnished to the garrison at Pensacola.3 Meanwhile the relations between France and Spain had improved, and the Spaniards were meeting their obligations more promptly. Spain now being at war with England was well disposed to renew its friendship with France and to obtain military supplies from the French colonies."• Though the conflict made trade conditions easier between Mobile and Pensacola, the possibilities of greater development remained very small. For the time being the traffic of the Spanish post centered almost exclusively at the French village.^ The year following, the opening of hostilities changed the situation again. This was evident enough when the commandant at Pensacola received instructions from the viceroy of New Spain to confiscate all vessels from Louisiana coming thither to trade. The orders, to be sure, were not obeyed, because the Spanish officer found it necessary to continue drawing supplies from Mobile, as the viceroy had made no arrangements for him to obtain them elsewhere. That functionary appears to
1 A. N., C, Ser. C^*, vol. xxiv, fols. 246-249. » Ibid., Ser. B, vol. Ixx, fol. 6.
* Ihid., Ser. C^^, vol. xxvi, fol. 149.
* Ihid., fols, 149, 181.
* Ihid., Sir. B, vol. Ixxiv, fols. 17-18.
have made no effort to punish his subordinate for the disobedience shown, except possibly to render payment difficult.'
In 1743, at all events, the governor of Louisiana informed the home government that the collection of bills due from Pensacola had caused a great deal of trouble. On this account he had decided to forbid the despatch of any more supplies to that post, and notified its commandant accordingly. The latter thereupon wrote to the officer in charge at Mobile declaring that in future he would be ready to pay cash or give food security for anything furnished him from the French province. This assurance, it seems, was not to take effect immediately, for he stated that the allowance from the viceroy had not yet arrived. As the Spanish soldiers undoubtedly were in need, the commandant at Mobile sent on some provisions notwithstanding.' The governor's ordinance, issued on August 14, therefore, was not heeded from the outset; nor was much effort made to enforce it,^ in spite of the royal approval.*
From 1743 to 1749 Pensacola continued to be provisioned largely from Mobile, but the payments for what was procured became so much prompter that the merchants at the French village began to hope that a considerable increase in trade would result.' During these years the relations between the French and the Spanish were cordial and the value of the traffic rose to more than 14,500 livres annually.^ In other respects the
^A. N., C, S^. C", vol. xxviii, fob. 62-63. » Ibid.
* Ibid., S^. A, vol. xxjii, Aug. 14, 1743.
* Ibid., SSr. B, vol. Ixxxiii, fol. 11. ' Ibid., Sir. C", voL xxx, fol. 273.
* Ibid., vol. xxxii, fols. 68-71; A., B. N., Joly Coll.. vol. 1726, fol. 242.
situation at Pensacola remained much as it had been: a period of plenty followed closely by one of want. In May 1749 a vessel came to Mobile with information that the post was virtually in a state of famine; whereupon the French furnished 25 barrels of flour, half of the amount asked for, together with some lard, beans and rice, amounting in all to 2,785 pounds. The merchandise brought good prices, but as was usually the case the French were forced to wait a long time for their money.^
Because of the abuses in the traffic which worked injury to the province. Governor Kerlerec suspended commerce with Pensacola and demanded the commandant at Mobile to see to it that he enforce the order.=" To what extent and for what length of time this official followed the instructions from his superior is not evident. Certain it is that before the war was long in progress the old relations between the two posts were much the same as they had been, and remained thus during the remainder of the French regime.^
Although the trade between Louisiana and Florida centered naturally at Pensacola, St. Augustine was not entirely overlooked. In 1702 the governor of that post* besought the French on the Mobile to aid him in his struggle with the English by sending him ammunition. To this request Bienville replied by providing him with 100 guns, 500 pounds of powder and some bullets.* The next year the latter official despatched to Vera Cruz a boat bearing the news to the viceroy of New Spain that St. Augustine was besieged and in need of succor.s
^A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxxiii, fols. 7, 65. ^ Ibid., vol. xxxix, fol. 51.
* Ibid., vol. xxxvi, fol. 270; Bossu, vol. i, p. 221.
* La Harpe, p. 74. '^Ibid., p. 7$.
Before help from the latter source could arrive, the governor of this hard-pressed Spanish post again appealed to the Louisiana officials for munitions of war, and secured enough to bring the value of the amount thus far procured there to 7,009 livres, 5 sols.' In July the boat that had gone to Vera Cruz to carry the news to the viceroy of the conditions at St. Augustine returned, bearing to Bienville the thanks of that official for the munitions he had provided, but apparently nothing more substantial.'
During the years 1709-1710 Louisiana settlers furnished St. Augustine with food worth 8,140 livres, 10 sols. The home government was requested to send to the province provisions equal in quantity to make good to the colonists the amount they had advanced.^ For a number of years the French records contain no reference to the traffic. In 1715, however, the Carolinians claimed that since their war with the " St. Augustine Spaniards," the inhabitants of Mobile had enjoyed a trade with the post in question worth about £30,000 sterling/" What probably happened was that vessels passing from Mobile to Vera Cruz for food supplies sometimes carried part of the cargo to St. Augustine.'
In 1727 when Governor Perier was at Mobile he asked certain Spaniards whom he met there whether it would be possible for Louisiana to procure cattle from among the large herds in Florida./ They answered in the affirmative, and ventured the opinion besides that the governor
» A. N.. C, Sir. Ci«, vol. i, fols. 387-396.
• La Harpe, p. 80.
» A. N., C, Sir. Ci» vol. ii, fol. 524-
* Coll. S. C. Hist. Soc, vol. ii, p. 223; B. of T. Papers, Prop. No. 10, Penn. Hist. Soc. Trans.
» A. N., C, Ser. C^', vol. ii, fols. 387-396; vol. xxxiii, fols. 166-173.
of the province would not be averse to the scheme. A Frenchman was at once sent thither to estabHsh the traffic through Indian agents-. He carried with him presents for the savages and also a small gift for the governor of that province. The French officials hoped to secure 700 or 800 head of cattle.^ The number actually acquired from this quarter is not given.
The friendliness of the governor of Florida was again turned to account by the Louisiana officials, in June 1729, when they sent a vessel to Vera Cruz under the pretext of informing the viceroy of New Spain of the danger that threatened the Florida coast, but in reality to carry on trade with the merchants of that town." Of this scheme the commandant at Pensacola and the governor at St. Augustine had full cognizance and in fact were instigators of it.3
The governor of Florida on his part was not slow to draw every possible advantage from his friendship with the French. To this end in 1736 he requested the officials, at Mobile to send him a supply of 400 guns. On October a vessel left with one half that number and proceeded first to Campeachy, where, the captain pleading that he had been driven thither by a storm, tried to get in touch with the local merchants whom he hoped to induce to visit Louisiana. The excuse failed to impress the governor who ordered him to leave the harbor at once. The French boat thereupon set sail for St. Mark's where, according to the agreement with the Florida governor, he was to deliver the guns. This Spanish officer in charge refused to pay for them at the rate of five piastres each,
M. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. x, fol. 189.
2 Supra, p. 397.
» A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xii, fols. 61-63.
the price fixed by the governor himself. Instead he paid only 800 piastres in the form of a bill of exchange on Havana.'
In 1746 it was claimed that the Spaniards of St. Augustine came frequently to Mobile in search of flour, corn, rice and all sorts of European goods, for which they paid cash.' Again in 1749 it was asserted that they made visits to New Orleans on similar errands.' Since St. Augustine was on the route of the Spanish ships making the circuit of the Gulf of Mexico, this trade with Louisiana, though insignificant, gave the French opportunity to come into contact with Spanish merchants and for that reason seems to have been encouraged. What it actually amounted to is not shown in the French records.
^A. N., C, Sir. C»«, vol. xxi, fols. 94-100; vol. xxii, fols. 37-41.
• Ibid., vol. XXX, fol. 273.
• Ibid., vol. xxxiii, fols. 166-167.
CHAPTER XXIV Trade with Cuba
Trade with Havana was also one of Iberville's schemes, and as early as November 24, 1701 he was investigating ways and means of establishing it. That port was located conveniently enough at a distance of only about 15 days sail from Biloxi, but Spanish regulations constituted a formidable bar to traffic. Iberville had been most careful to show the Spaniards of Pensacola certain favors ' which he hoped in the end to turn to advantage at Havana.' With this object in mind he sent a vessel for a cargo of domestic animals, only to have it peremptorily excluded. The founder of the Louisiana colony therefore wrote to the home government asking it to induce Spain, if possible, to revise its regulations sufficiently to permit of an exchange of such animals for French mer-chandise.3 France took no action in the matter apparently. In 1704* and again in 1706 Bienville despatched a vessel to Havana for a cargo of food supplies. These were furnished, but no domestic animals were forth-coming.5
The visits seem to have created some interest among the Havana merchants, who, on January 30, 1707, had a
1 Supra, p. 418.
* Margry, vol. iv, p. SQ2. ' Ibid., p. 55^.
* Ibid., vol. V, p. 441.
* A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. i, fols. 502-513.
vessel in Louisiana with a cargo of wine from the Canary Islands.' The arrival of the ship encouraged the French in the following year to instruct the captains of vessels making voyages to Louisiana to call at Havana on the return to France with the object of stimulating the interest further. At all events, on January 9, 1708, a small ship from Havana sold at Dauphin Island a cargo of brandy, lard and tobacco.'
The officials of Louisiana rkow ventured to ask the home government for a boat of about 80 tons on which to transport domestic animals from Cuba.3 In 1711 a vessel of some 50 tons was purchased at Martinique for this purpose at a cost of 2,000 livres. On its way to Louisiana it was wrecked by a storm.* The outlook for the trade at this time was especially gloomy, since the Spanish colonists appear to have entertained a certain amount of jealousy toward Louisiana, arising from a belief that the better climate and soil of the French possession would soon enable it to become too powerful for their safety. This sentiment, added to the force of the existing commercial relations, strengthened the unwillingness of the functionaries at Havana to sell the domestic animals so much sought after.^
In spite of such obstacles, the " ordonnateur" of Louisiana recommended to the home government, in 1713, the desirability of procuring hogs at " Matance " (Mantanzas), since they could be obtained there at from six reaux to two livres a head. The profit of 100 per
' La Harpe, p. loi.
' A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. xxxix, Louisiane, iC, fols. 44-46.
• La Harpe, p. 104.
♦ A. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. ii, fols. 89, 600. » Ibid., fols. 803-809.
cent made on French merchandise given in exchange would lower the ultimate cost of the animals to 30 or 40 sols each. There, also, and at Havana, cattle could be bought at from seven to eight piastres a head, and if similarly acquired, the resultant price would be three or four piastres. The animals, in fact, could be purchased even cheaper perhaps at Tampico. Accordingly the ** ordonnateur " requested permission to use the boat of 70 tons that had been acquired at Vera Cruz' in promoting the trade. It was thought that the English ships that during the war had closed these ports would no longer disturb vessels entering them. No reply to the request was made by the home government.'' So thoroughly did the *' ordonnateur " believe in the possibilities of the traffic that, before the end of the year, he, in conjunction with Bienville and a nephew of the governor of Pensacola, fitted out a vessel and despatched it to Havana for the purpose of their own private trade. No details, however, are given as to the results of the venture.3
The commercial activities of the *' ordonnateur " caused a clash between him and the Crozat agents. On his own behalf that officer informed the crown that the agents in question had violated their agreement in charging far too much for the domestic animals that they had sold to the settlers.'* His contention was upheld, for in reply the government stated that no prohts should be derived from the sale of such animals to the colonists, because enough could be made on the French
'^ Supra, p. 283.
^ A. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. iii, fols. 245-248.
=» Ibid., fol. 355.
* Ibid., fols. 695-696.
merchandise given in exchange to warrant disposing of them at their cost in Havana.' The crown also instructed the officials to send thither a vessel three times a year for livestock.' The royal command, however, does not seem to have been heeded by Crozat's repre-sentatives.3
Fortunately for Louisiana, persistency was a strong element in the character of the man who was " ordon-nateur" of the province during these years. In March 1716 he despatched a vessel to Havana, instructing the captain to enter that port on the pretext of shortage of food and while there to purchase a cargo of cattle. The plan worked and the shipmaster was allowed by the Spanish governor three days in which to secure the supply he needed. In that time he succeeded in putting on board 60 head of cattle. Just as he was about to set sail, one of his sailors, on being asked what they were going to do with so many cows, inadvertently replied that they were going to take them to Louisiana. On receipt of this information the governor ordered all but 15 of the animals to be taken off, after which the vessel was commanded to leave the port at once.* The Louis-auna athorities were not yet disposed to give up the idea of securing cattle from Havana, and on October 26, 1717, a ship was again sent to that place to buy them but, with even less satisfactory results.'
The change made at this time in the administration caused a lull in all activities, yet French interest in the
1 A. N., C, Sir. F3, vol. ccxli, M. S. S. M., Dec 27, mS-
« Ihid., Sir. C", vol. iv, fols. 660-661.
» Ihid., f ol. 736.
* La Harpe, pp. 132-133; A., M. des C, Sir. G^, vol. 464.
*A.N., C, Sir. 0«, vol. v, fol. 46.
trade with the Spanish West Indies was in some way kept alive. On June 5, 1721, at all events, a vessel from Havana reached Louisiana where a cargo of tobacco at three quarters of a real a pound payable in French merchandise was disposed of. Considerable quantities, also, of brandy, powder, flour, paper and groceries were purchased and paid for in cash. Though the merchandise in question was greatly needed at home, the colonial officials evidently believed it to be good policy to sell them to the Spaniard, inasmuch as any temporary em-barassment would be counterbalanced in future by an increase in trade. Whatever may have been the Spanish merchant's intention in the matter, his work came to a sudden end on his return to Havana, where he was seized and imprisoned on a charge of smuggling.'
The next year Bienville renewed the attempt to establish trade relations with Havana. Under the pretext of a desire to exchange prisoners of war, his vessel, with a cargo of merchandise amounting to about 2,000 piastres in value, effected a landing and the captain sold the entire consignment for more than 200,000 piastres. So great was the demand for French goods that the local merchants came in small boats and begged him "for the ^ love of God " to sell them what he had on board. They brought with them in fact, 300,000 piastres from which liberal presents were given to the captain and sailors as an inducement to make them speedily return.'
This venture naturally intensified Louisiana's interest ^ in the Spanish West-Indian commerce. On February II, 1727 a representative of the provincial government held a conference at Cape Frangais with some Cuban
» La Harpe, pp. 252-253.
' Beranger, Memoire de la Louisiane, 1722, p. 103. Newberry Lib., Chicago.
merchants who agreed to send agents to the colony with piastres to exchange for French merchandise. Letters also were despatched to France asking to have the storehouse replenished with articles suited to the Spanish trade, and ready for the merchants in question who agreed to make a journey thither in about six months.' The response to the call was so slow that on January 30, 1729, when the goods finally arrived there were no Spaniards there to buy them. The Louisiana authorities thereupon sent out letters in triplicate' to merchants in Havana lists of the merchandise then available; but the iction elicited no response.'
After the resumption of royal administration the task of developing trade with the Spanish West Indies was more difficult than ever. Incapacity on the part of the Company's agents had brought the traffic into disfavor with the Spanish merchants, but the Louisiana officials believed that under the new regime the evil would be remedied. They felt sure, in 1733 at all events, that they could find people at Havana willing to put vessels into the service, if only the crown would supply the storehouse at the Balise with merchandise that was sufficiently attractive.* The next year the home government again was informed that trade with Havana could be established through Spanish merchants as they made the circuit of the Gulf ports by inducing them to touch at the Balise.* There was little possibility of building up such traffic by means of French boats; since in 1735 the governor of Havana was instructed by the viceroy of New Spain to
1 A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. x, fol. 310.
* Supra, p. 404.
3 A. N., C, Ser. C^*, vol. xi, fol. 309.
* Ihid., vol. xvi, fols. 82-88. ' Ibid., vol. xviii, fols. 4I-44*
allow no French vessels, whether from the colonies or from France itself, to enter that harbor. The enforcement of the command, it was asserted, caused the loss of two French boats before the end of the year, as well as great damage to many other vessels and cargoes. A protest was made against such an order, especially in the case of ships bound for that harbor because of some pressing need.'
For some time the obstacles seem to have been too formidable to be overcome. By 1743, however, trade became fairly active. Numerous vessels from France bound for Louisiana called en route at Havana where they disposed of a large part of their cargoes.' The governor again being ordered to allow no French ships to enter, in October confiscated a boat of that nationality with a cargo on board worth 100,000 livres, notwithstanding it had put in there by reason of heavy seas.3 The change of policy toward the French vessels affected those from Louisiana itself, some of which could obtain no trading permits whatever, and others were granted them at such exorbitant rates that the business could not be made profitable. Before the end of the year the governor of Cuba received orders to exclude all ships from Havana, as no prohibitions against them had been removed.*
In spite of the heightened risk of confiscation, many boats from France and Louisiana found their way to Havana or vicinity. Some, to be sure, were seized, but others succeeded in carrying on a very lucrative trade.s
^A., B. N., Fr., vol. 10769, fol. 88.
» A. N., C, Ser. Cis, vol. xxviii, fols. 62-63.
' Ibid., fol. 44.
* Ibid., fol. 62.
^ Ibid., vol. xxviii, fols. 271-272, 277, 281.
In October 1744, for example, a ship left Louisiana with a cargo of French merchandise to be exchanged for one of powder.' By December Governor Vaudreuil through his correspondence with the governor at Havana, had brought about in that official a different attitude toward trade with the French. He was now lenient to both Spanish and French merchants who desired to trade with one another.' Moreover France now being at war with England, naturally the, Spanish port was not so tightly closed as usual. Therefore many Spaniards from there passed to Louisiana. Some of the traffic was carried on by the *' Royal Company of Havana" for the purpose of securing lumber, pitch and tar. By 1746 it had become quite extensive and brought to the province large sums of Spanish money.^
Since the beginning of hostilities, the vessels sailing from France in larger convoys had found it safer to touch at Havana, and thence to proceed singly or in smaller convoys. The practice was very prejudicial to existing commercial relations: first, by depriving the colony of the greater part of its European merchandise, sold en route; and secondly, by providing that town with so much material of the sort as to remove any inclination to send vessels to Louisiana for it. This in turn lessened correspondingly the number of boats available to take local products to Cuba.*
Even before the opening of the war, the rigidity of the Spanish officers in enforcing the rules of trade had caused
^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxviii, fol. 279.
* Ihid., fols. 271-272.
• Ihid., vol. xxix, fol. 41; vol. xxx, fol. 273; Sir. B, vol. Ixxxiii, fols. II, 19.
« Ibid., Sir. C^', vol. xxx, fols. 25, 144.
new methods to be inaugurated by the merchants. Vessels from Campeachy, Vera Cruz, Tampico and other Spanish settlements on the western part of the Gulf coast, on their way to Havana with cargoes of salt, flour and other articles, touched at the Balise and exchanged the commodities for French merchandise and Louisiana products that were wanted in Cuba. The goods thus obtained were placed in the empty packages, which were again fastened and labeled just as they had been when taken on at the original port of departure. At Havana the stufT from Louisiana was exchanged for sugar and molasses, which, on the return trip, in turn were exchanged in similar fashion at the Balise for another cargo of local or French products to be carried back to Mexico. These processes appear to have been carried on with the full knowledge and consent of the officials at the various places concerned, and yet enabled them to make a plausible report to their superiors. Perhaps no one thing contributed more to the success of the arrangement than the clever correspondence of Vaudreuil with the various influential Spaniards involved.' By 1747 he had so ingratiated himself with the governor at Havana, through skilful letter-writing, that the opposition to trade with the French had been removed. Vaudreuil next turned his attention to the ** Royal Company of Havana," whose trade with his province he hoped to increase. Nothing of importance was accomplished, chiefly because of a difference of opinion on prices.'' Traffic with other merchants at that port, how-
1^. N., C, Sir. Ci', vol. xxx, fols. 145-146; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 12224, fols. 126-127; A., A. i.., Am., vol. i, fol. 19; vol. ii, fols. 119-120; vol. X, fol. 44.
* A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxxii, fols. 31, 57, 70; vol. xxxiii, fols. 64-66.
ever, had gone on in defiance of the risk of capture by the English.'
Nor were the skippers of the French vessels averse to other expedients that might enable them to avoid the Spanish trade regulations. Some of them have already been noted. Besides the "stress of storm" and "heavy seas" they found "sprung a leak," "broken mast," " shortage of wood and water " and similar excuses quite as effective, according to circumstances.' In general, however, during the war and for a considerable period afterward, French vessels were seldom denied admission to Havana at least. Nevertheless for two months in 1748 this port was closed to commerce by an English man-of-war.3
Encouraged by the activity of commerce with Cuba, a Louisiana official proposed to the home government, in 1749, that it sound Spain on the possibility of concluding a treaty permitting pitch, tar, lumber and other building materials to be sold in its colonies openly. On each of these articles, also, the crown was to fix the price.* The suggestion is simply a repetition of the proposal in 1746 and like it similarly received no further consideration.
The return to peace brought about marked changes in the trade with Havana. In 1750 the number of Spanish vessels coming to Louisiana fell off considerably. This decrease was due in part to the vigorous way in which
1 A. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. xxxii, fols. 88-go; A., B. N., loly Coll., vol. 1726, fols. 145-146.
» A., B. N., Fr., vol. 12224, fols. 133-136; A., A. B., Am., voL ii, pp. 111-120.
• A. N., C, Sir. C^', vol. xxxii, fol. 132.
* A., A. £., Am., vol. ii, fols. 119-120; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 12224, fols. 133-136.
the Spanish governor enforced the commercial regulations. Another contributing factor lay in the circumstance that the adjacent Spanish colonies had become overstocked with French merchandise v^rhich sold there more cheaply than in Louisiana itself. Until adjustment of demand and supply could be reached, therefore, it was unlikely that Spanish vessels would soon appear on the scene.^ On the other hand the hope for an admission of French ships at Havana harbor was equally improbable of realization, unless the traffic restrictions were abated in some measure." The obstructions, it was hoped, would be the means of bringing Spanish boats again to Louisiana.
At this time, 1752, the trade with Havana was crippled still further by the recall of Governor Vaudreuil and the appointment of a successor far less skilled in colonial affairs and possessed of much less cleverness and tact. Moreover the new incumbent was scarcely installed in office when France became involved in the Seven Years War. During the early years of the conflict Havana remained absolutely closed to French ships. In 1758 it was asserted by a merchant at Mobile that the Spanish trade which for the past seven years had been about 500,000 livres annually had dwindled to almost nothing.^ Every one engaged in it desired to sell out and leave the place.3 The next year the Louisiana officials requested the home government to take up the matter of the closed ports with Spain on the ground that, since France and Spain were at peace, the attitude of the Spanish governor
^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xxxiii, fpls. 64-66; A., A. £., Am., vol. ii, fols. 107, 119-120.
' A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxxiv, fols. 250, 277.
' Ihid., vol. xl, fols. 246-247.
seemed not only incomprehensible but was in fact a violation of treaties subsisting between the two nations.' Since Louisiana at the time was short of food supplies, in December the ** ordonnateur," without waiting for a reply from France, sent a boat to Havana for a cargo of powder.' The venture was entirely fruitless. The ship was not allowed in the harbor nor was permission granted to buy the desired commodity outside.3
The French government meanwhile called the attention of Spain to the treatment of its vessels at Havana and succeeded in re-establishing trade relations. In order to open the Spanish ports it became necessary to pay some very questionable bills of exchange drawn in favor of Spanish merchants. As a further encouragement to the process Governor Kerlerec of Louisiana was allowed to draw bills of exchange in favor of such merchants to the amount of 400,000 livres a year.* The work of restoration, however, was too long delayed to be of any considerable importance to the French.
^ A., B. N., Fr., vol. 10769, fols. 96-97. » A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xli, fol. 323. ' Ihid., vol. xliii, fol. 93.
* Ibid., Sir. B, pt. i, vol. cxiii, fols. 276-277; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 10764, fols. 243-244.
CHAPTER XXV Trade with the English
Since one of the aims of the French in establishing Louisiana was to keep the English out of the Mississippi valley, it could hardly be expected that the latter would be encouraged to come thither to trade. From the outset, therefore, not much cordiality was displayed between the officials of the French settlements on the Gulf coast and those of the English on the Atlantic seaboard. Each feared and distrusted the other. For example, Iberville, on his way from Louisiana to France in 1700, touched at New York. The visit gave rise to considerable speculation and some uneasiness there as to its object. According to rumor, James II had presented New York to France, and this Frenchman had been ordered to make the stop for the purpose of examining the channel and the harbor. Some specific purpose, the English felt certain, must have turned so clever a seaman and colony-builder out of the direct route to France. Moreover, this opinion was reinforced by the further belief that Frenchmen in general were individuals of too great perspicacity to let an advantage slip or to make a voyage having no significance.' So far as the English colonial merchant of the time on his part was concerned, neither fear nor repugnance entered into his commercial relationships. To him business was business, not sentiment or hatred,
' Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, Am. and West Indies, p. 602. Penn. Hist. Soc. Trans.
and he, too, was as active and alert as his French neighbors, if not more so.
In any case the possibilities of trade with the little French colony on the Gulf of Mexico seemed promising enough. At the time of the founding of Biloxi, English merchants knew the field fairly well. They already had carried on a commerce with the West Indies in direct violation of existing regulations. Restrictions upon traffic with Louisiana, therefore, would be nothing new for an English sea captain,'
Accordingly it might be supposed that EngHsh vessels would soon participate in the trade of the province. It was not to be presumed, however, that a suggestion to that effect would come from the French themselves; yet in 1706 the provincial authorities proposed to the crown to invite the sending of ships from Maryland with cargoes of food for the reason that French boats could not provide the colony with more than half of the commodities needed.' To be sure the proposal received no consideration on the part of the home government. Nevertheless in June 1707 an English vessel appeared on the Gulf coast with an appropriate cargo.^
The traffic thus begun was soon interrupted by the war then prevailing between England and France.■♦ One of the boats that Bienville sent to Havana with a cargo worth more than 1,524 livres was seized and confiscated by the English, and the crew landed at Havana.' Up to the end of the war repetition of this procedure was
' Pub. of the Prince Soc, vol. xxviii, pp. 231, 268, 285; Coll. Maine Hist Soc, vol. ix, pp. 254-256; vol. xi, p. 38. » A. N., C, Sir. 03, vol. i, fols. 472-501. ' Ihid., vol. ii, fols. 57-69. * Ibid., fol. 471. » Ibid., vol. iii, fol. 66.
always to be expected.' In 1710, furthemore, an English privateer made an attack upon Dauphin Island and destroyed or carried off property valued at upwards of 50,000 livres.^"-
After the restoration of peace in 1713 the French had an advantage over the English in the colonial trade. Spain closed her ports to the latter and the French saw to it that the command was enforced.^ The French similarly refused to admit English and Dutch ships to its provincial ports.* While official agencies both of Louisiana and Carolina kept a close watch, and in their communications to the respective mother countries exaggerated the power and importance of their adversaries, private individuals from either province were not averse to carrying on trade surreptitiously.^ Governor Cadillac himself appears not to have objected to the practice of French vessels on the homeward voyage to touch at Carolina, where they exchanged such things as wine, brandy, cloth and paper for rice, tobacco, silk and^ silver.^
In July 1717 an English vessel came to Dauphin Island, presumably for wood and water, but in reality to dispose of its cargo. The following month a second ship of that nationality arrived on apparently the same quest. Permission to take on wood and water was granted on an agreement from the captain that he should not engage in trade, the penalty for violation of the agreement being confiscation of the cargo. Notwithstanding this under-
1 A. N., C, Ser. C^s, vol. iii, fols. 245-248. ■^ La Harpe, p. 107.
* Puh. Rec. of S. C, 1711-1716, vol. vi, p. 279.
* A. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. iii, fols. 248-251.
* Ibid., fols. 446, 522-523; vol. iv, fols. 241-242.
* Ibid., vol. iii, fol. 421,
taking he lexchanged his shipload for another. The commodities thus obtained were welcome enough, since the local storehouse at the time was quite empty. They made it possible, also, for the officials to allay discontent among the soldiers over the shortage.'
The Company of the Indies was not at all opposed to trade with the English. On the contrary, it was decidedly willing, and was granted permission by the crown to procure 1,500 slaves' from that source.^ " The favorable attitude was speedily appreciated. In April, 1719, three more English ships appeared on the Gulf coast ready to exchange their cargoes of flour and cloth for new ones of peltry. An offer of the Company's bills, however, was declined.* Earlier in the year, in fact, the superior council of Louisiana had notified the governor of Carolina of its desire to buy cattle, paying for them in bills of exchange or deerskins, a suggestion that was not accepted.5 In July the ensign of the Company was sent to Carolina to reclaim some French deserters and to make an agreement with the governor to furnish Louisiana with 2,000 cows. He accomplished neither of the tasks assigned; instead, on his arrival he was seized as an undesirable alien, made a prisoner and sent to England, whence he was allowed to go to France.*'
In May, 1722, an English vessel reached Mobile. The captain, having been there before on a similar errand, was so sure of his reception that he made no excuse for his coming. Nevertheless, he informed the authorities
1 A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. v, fols. 48-49; Sh: F^, vol. ccxli, M. S. S. M., July 27, 1717.
* Supra, p. 231.
» A. N., C, Sir. Ci«, vol. v, fols. 301-302.
* Ibid., fol. 209. • Ibid., fol. 344-
* La Harpe, p. 149.
that a French ship, putting into Havana harbor for wood and water, had been confiscated and its crew landed.' He asserted also that he knew some of the French of^cers and had loaned them a boat to make their escape to an English island where they could secure passage to France by way of England. The Mobile authorities naturally expected to be requested to pay for the boat. The captain was apparently too well satisfied with winning their favor and being able to sell a cargo for 1,500 piastres to make any such demand.* - '
Since the Carolina officials were apt to be alarmed at any report describing Louisiana as a prosperous province, it was not to be supposed that they would consent to provide a possible rival with anything that would promote its development.3 In 1724, when a British sloop entered Charleston harbor with a load of pitch and tar from Mobile, they dispatched a letter to the home government in which they declared that the French of Louisiana were a menace to their local market in those commodities. They asserted that, unless these articles were taken out of the enumerated list, the French at Mobile in particular would be able to supply Europe with them at rates cheaper than was possible under existing English restrictions. The higher price of Carolina products was due entirely to the " double charge of risque, landing and shipping, besides loss of time.""*
The next year two English ships reached Mobile and did some trading with private parties. St. Denis who was in charge at the time gave the visiting merchants permission to go to New Orleans by way of Lake Pont-
1 Supra, p. 435.
» La Harpe, p. 324; A. N., C, Sir. C^', vol. vi, fols. 318-320.
' B. of T. Papers, vol. x, pt. 2, 1718-1720. Penn. Hist. Soc. Trans.
*Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. xi, p. 204.
chartrain, while he sent their vessel to the Balise where the captain examined the mouth of the Mississippi and sold the remainder of the cargo, the officials at New Orleans having refused to enter into trade with them.' Although refusing these advances, these same officers in 1727 were attempting to induce Englishmen to come to the province from Virginia or Carolina to teach the French to grow tobacco. To this end Governor Perier, while on his way to Louisiana, had met some Carolina tobacco growers at Cape Franqais and had persuaded them to come to Louisiana, where they were to live on the plantations belonging to the Company at Natchez and Capitoulas in order to oversee the culture in question. They agreed on their return to Carolina to send to Louisiana some tobacco seed, which promise they seem never to have fulfilled,' due no doubt to the fact that the officials of the former province in 1730 had forbidden trade with the French.'
Aside from an unsuccessful attempt on the part of an English trader to secure a contract for the construction and delivery of a boat for the service with the French West Indies \ the chief item in the commercial relations of 1733 was the supply of limbourg. As the Indians showed a decided preference for the English article', the French at Mobile were not slow in securing it. Merchants from the Carolinas and other English provinces were encouraged accordingly to bring it. Three vessels of that nationality soon appeared with cargoes of limbourg, flour, cider and beer, all of which were quickly
^ A. N., C, Sir. C'3, vol. ix, fol. 62.
* Ibid., vol. X, fols. 171, 310. * Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. xiv, p. 211.
* A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xvi, fols. 84-85; Sir. B, voL lix, fols. 573-574.
» Ibid., Sir. C^', vol. xvi, fol. 70.
sold. With this traffic Governor Bienville had hesitated to interfere because of the risk of a rupture with the savages if they were not provided with what they wanted. On the other hand he had some fear that it would weaken the French influence over them, since it was the natives' policy to carry on no trade with enemies. Such double-dealing on the part of the French might have an unfortunate effect, as in reality it did. Eventually, however, Bienville decided to discourage the traffic, requesting the English traders at Mobile to inform their compatriots that nothing more of the sort would be permitted.'
What word the traders actually passed along can perhaps be guessed from the nature of what occurred during the next few years. The French at Mobile, it seems, had been forced by the governor to reject part of the peltry offered by the savages, on the ground that the home market would accept skins of the best quality only. Rejection of the inferior grades naturally threw them into the hands of the English who took all varieties of pelts at the same price.^ If, therefore, the French should wish to find a market for inferior skins it could be furnished solely through dealing with the English. As it could hardly be presumed that the governor's disapproval would end a traffic popularly considered to be advantageous to all concerned, the English traders continued to bring cargoes of flour, beer and goods for the Indian trade from New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia and the Carolinas to exchange them at Mobile for peltry and other products.^^ Informed of the prac-
^ A. N., C, Ser. C^', vol. xvi, fols. 281-282; vol. xvii, fols. 271-275. 2 Supra, p. 350.
^ A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xviii, fols. 3-7, 8-12; Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. xvi, pp. 392-393.
tice, the crown declined to admit the evidence of its value, and accordingly ordered all English vessels found trading in Louisiana confiscated.' When the provincial officials, obedient to the royal command, began to deal more severely with the English, a struggle was inevitable.
In February, 1734, an English vessel of about 29 tons, pretending to be on its way from Carolina to Jamaica, touched at Mobile on the plea that it had been forced to do so on account of violent winds. The story not being credited, the ship was confiscated and the cargo, consisting chiefly of Indian goods, was sold for between 13,000 and 14,000 livres. Of the six members of the crew two were allowed to make their way overland to the Carolinas, four were sent to New Orleans for transportation to France, and the captain requested to be allowed to go to Pensacola there to get passage to an EngHsh port.' In April a second English vessel arriving at Mobile, its captain asked for supplies and for permission to make certain repairs caused by a severe storm. As its appearance so strongly corroborated the story, the French commandant granted the request. It was not permitted to depart, however, until the status of the ship had been ascertained, which took a number of months. At the end of the investigation the captain was allowed to have his property.^
The continued appearance of these vessels on doubt was due in a measure to the fact that the commandant, Diron, at Mobile and Governor Bienville held different opinions concerning commerce with the English. The former continued to allow the traders there to secure
» A. N„ C, Sir. B, vol. Ixi, fol. 631.
• Ibid., Sir. C»», vol. xvii, fols. 3-7, 8-12; vol. xx, fols. 67-70.
* Ihid., vol. xviii, fols. 55-57; vol. xix, fols. 148-149.
quantities of English goods in exchange for peltry.' In July 1734 an English captain brought to Mobile a cargo of flour which he exchanged for deerskins that could not be sold to the French merchants. The people of the village, thereby, were spared further sufifering due to lack of food. Bienville now joined Diron in an efifort to have the captain of the boat bring there at once another such cargo to be similarly exchanged. Moreover the governor defended the proceeding to the home government.'
Opposition from the Louisiana officials certainly did not put an end to the trade with the English. On April 28, 1735, an English captain entered Mobile Bay on the plea that he had come to collect a number of debts contracted at a time when commerce with his nation was not considered illicit. He was allowed to settle his affairs, and meanwhile succeeded also in selling his entire cargo of flour, salt meat, beef and staves.^ Another English ship appeared in July. On this occasion the captain was allowed 24 hours to take on wood and water, but he was not granted the privilege of trading. Presumably, in order to supervise the loading of these commodities, the "entrepreneur" of public works remained two days on board the EngHsh ship. With him was a local settler who managed to procure two " quarts " of flour in return for peltry. Convinced that illicit trade was in progress, the commandant sent a company of 55 soldiers to stop it. They did not reach the boat until the last of the merchandise had been taken on, and the " entrepreneur's " boat had left, carrying only a small amount of flour that the captain had given in exchange for some
^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xviii, fols. 138-141, 203.
* Ihid., fol. 205. " Ibia., vol. xx, fols. 93-94.
food supplies. An encounter with the English cost the government 453 livres, 12 sols, 8 deniers, and the loss of a number of sailors.' In August a vessel from Carolina took away 5,000 deerskins, though its captain was officially informed that the traffic was not allowed. The home government, nevertheless, was notified that the transaction was allowable because it helped Louisiana by depriving the English of a large part of their fur trade.' During the same month the captain of a ship from Jamaica entered the harbor under the pretext of adjusting certain matters connected with the confiscation of 1734.^ Thus, employing one device or another, the English skippers pushed their way to Louisiana ports, where they usually were able to sell their cargoes.
In April, 1736, two vessels of that nationality were at Mobile, one claiming refuge from heavy seas, the other a shortage of water. Bienville was there at the time of the arrival of the first ship, and allowed its captain to sell flour; Diron made a similar concession in the case of the second, who had come from New York. The privilege was given because of a shortage at the time of that commodity.* This leniency could have but one result. In May a vessel arrived from Carolina with a plea for necessary repairs. It had cheese, flour and beer on board, which the captain was permitted to sell, bringing him 5,000 livres, payable in four months. Credit had to be offered because neither cash nor peltry was available. The sale, however, was made only on the condition that the captain be allowed to return within the period stipulated. He
^ A. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. xx, fols. 93-100; vol. xxii, fol. 270. ' Ibid., vol. XX, fols, 160-167; vol. xxi, fols. 94-100.
* A., B. N., Nouvelle Acquisition, vol. 9311, fol. 32.
* A. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. xxi, fols. 7-1 1; vol. xxii, fol. 223.
was told also that, if he would bring to Mobile a cargo of flour, he might be allowed to sell it. The French commandant justified his action in this respect, though a direct violation of royal orders, on the ground of extreme scarcity of supplies/ Later the crown gave its approval to the buying of flour from the Enghsh, but forbade absolutely any other form of trade with them on any pretext whatever/
Early in January, 1737, two English vessels were at Mobile. Bienville, who at the time was at that post, commanded the captains to leave at once or have their boats and cargoes seized and confiscated. One of the ships was wrecked on an island near by, but part of the load, 300 barrels of flour, with some barrels of lard and salt meat, was saved. It was sold to the " entrepreneur" of public works and various settlers, the captain and the crew being given passage on a Spanish boat bound for the Carolines. The ship-master requested permission to return by sea to secure payment for the merchandise, but it was denied on pain of confiscation of the vessel. He was, however, to be allowed to return by land. Notwithstanding the prohibition, the officials at Mobile were assured by one of the settlers that the Englishman, who, it was asserted, had made a secret arrangement with the " entrepreneur " and some of the traders at the village to return with another cargo of flour and some negroes, would soon be there again. The prediction came true. In the following March the captain arrived in the harbor.
Since his departure the commandant had found out the details of the agreement with the Frenchmen, and at this
^A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xxi, fols. 346-351; vol. xxiv, fol. Z2' ' Ihid., Ser. B, vol. Ixiv, fol. 509.
time proceeded to carry it out as prearranged, in order to trap the captain and capture the vessel, which proved to have on board a crew of sixteen men and five negroes, and was armed with ten cannon. Following a signal, the captain steered the ship for the " Isle of Vessels," where he supposed his confederates were to meet him and buy his goods. The commandant forced the " entrepreneur " to write and sign a dictated letter to the Englishman asking him to come on shore with some of his men in order to secure a certain quantity of deerskins. On the arrival of the unsuspecting Englishmen at the meeting-place designated, they were seized and taken to the local fort by a company of soldiers. At the same time another party of soldiers was sent after the remainder of the crew left in charge of the boat. Under pretext of bringing some fresh meat, they attempted to board it. The English, however, were too wary for this, and at once opened fire. In the skirmish the French, with the loss of only two negroes, succeeded in capturing the ship, which was later sent to the Balise and sold for 10,000 livres and the money given to the church. Bienville learned through the papers in the possession of the Englishman, and from some of the settlers in a position to know, that such meetings at different places along the coast were frequent. The tremendous amount of limbourg at Mobile bore out this information. Only severe treatment, the Louisiana officials believed, therefore, would put an end to the coming of the English to Mobile./
Because of the punishment or for some other reason, no English boats, in fact, came to Louisiana in 1738. The Carolinians possibly may have thought that their traffic by this time was in no danger of competition from
^ A. N., C. SSr. C^*, voL xxii, fols. 28-29, 107-110, 173-175, 198-203, 223-232.
the French. The English government, however, did not appear to be so confident on this point. A treaty between England and France made in 1686, had prohibited trading and fishing by the natives of either in the territory of the other. Accordingly trading boats found in Carolina waters were ordered to be confiscated. Govnernor Glenn, was instructed to take particular care to enforce the exclusion rigorously.'
Neither the severity of the French officials nor the prohibition in question kept the EngHsh merchants out of Louisiana commerce very long. In January, 1739 an English captain who had previously worked as a carpenter in that province reached Dauphin Island in a vessel from the Carolinas. He presented to the commandant at Mobile a permit that Bienville had given him in 1735 allowing him to bring to Louisiana other English carpenters. The document presented was considered to be only an excuse to engage in illicit trade ; therefore he was Ordered to leave the port at once or have his ship con~ fiscated. The inhabitants of Mobile, also, were warned against going on board. Finding it impossible to do anything in the face of this opposition, the Englishman set sail.^
For several years after this episode there seem to have been no EngHsh vessels at Mobile. During the period England at first was busied in the war with Spain, which disturbed Louisiana traffic to the extent of involving the seizure of French ships suspected of carrying contraband.3 Some of the French merchantmen, were
^ Pub. Rec. of S, C, vol. xx, pp. 118-119; The Weston Documents' of South Carolina, p. 97. ^ A. N.. C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxiv, fols. 247-248. 3 Supra, p. 194.
held for as long as two months.' During the conflict, moreover, the Carolinians became more inclined than ever to believe that the possible competition from Louisiana trade was not important enough to give them the least concern. A French prisoner, it seems, told the governor that there were only six or seven small vessels engaged in it and their activities were insignificant.'
The French on their part would tolerate no trade with the English. A vessel from Londonderry in 1742 was wrecked off the coast of Louisiana, and the part of the cargo that was saved the French confiscated and sold for 8,912 livres, 10 sols.^ It is not known whether the ship had entered the Gulf of Mexico for the purpose of trade with that province, but it is fair to assume that such was the intention.
The outbreak of war between France and England in 1744 made it very difficult for merchants of the latter nation to carry on trade by sea with Mobile.' In April 1746 a Dutch ship from Caracas anchored at Mobile. The captain, a Frenchman, made a declaration that he was on his way to Campeachy, but was forced to enter the harbor because of contrary winds. The boat in fact had such a bad leak that within 24 hours after it hove to, the cargo of flour, wine, beer, cloth and other goods was damaged to the extent of more than a thousand ecus. Accordingly the skipper asked permission of the governor then at Moblie to land the merchandise. He was permitted so to do and later he was allowed to sell it at a moderate price.*
' A. N., C, Sir. O*, vol. xxv, fol. 143; vol. xxvi, fols. 94, 130; vol. xxvii, fols. 78, 122,
' Journal of the Minister of the Colony, from Dec 17, 1743, to Dec 6, 1744. Pcnn. Hist. Soc. Lib.
• A. N., C„ Sir. Ci», vol. xxix, fol. 106.
* Ihid., vol. XXX, fols. 110-112, 145; 5"^. B, vol. Ixxxiii, fol. 39.
The Louisiana officials were fearful lest the selling of the flour would affect the price of the article expected at the time from the Illinois country. The defense to the home government was on the ground of extreme need of foodstuffs. The crown approved the action, but instructed its agents in the province in future to be less lenient to Dutch traders.^
In June 1748 a ship appeared off the " Isle of Vessels " with a letter from the governor of Pennsylvania requesting an exchange of certain prisoners of war he had on board. On this proposition Governor Vaudreuil declined to take action before he had received instructions from the home government. The captain, on his own part, asked to be allowed to take on a supply of wood and water. The request was granted and the people living along the shore were delegated to furnish what was requested and to receive flour in payment. Such quantities of merchandise changed hands, however, as to justify suspicion that illicit traffic was in progress. If so, nothing seems to have been done about it.'
An exchange of prisoners of war now became a common excuse among English sea captains for the appearance of their vessels in Louisiana. On June 28 Governor Vaudreuil informed the home government that an English ship had arrived at the Balise for that purpose. The local authorities promptly searched the vessel for prohibited merchandise. They found none, simply because the captain, the night before, had landed 33 negroes and some goods from Jamaica on a small island in the river not far away. By this maneuver he hoped to outwit the authorities and later deal directly with the colonists
1 A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxxii, fols. 32-33; Ser. B, Louisiane, vol.lxxxv, fol. 3. » Ibid., Ser. C^s, vol. xxxii, fols. 88-89.
along the coast, just as had probably been done by his predecesssor. Learning of the presence of the negroes and the merchandise on the island, the officials sent a detachment thither, seized the negroes and two Englishmen on guard and confiscated the goods on the spot, together with some beer and tafia found on board the vessel. The proceeds from the sale of the entire cargo amounted to 63,197 livres, 14 sols.'
The home government strongly approved of the action, partly, it would seem, because England granted a bounty of six shillings a pound on indigo which worked to the presumptive detriment of Louisiana, and partly because of the general necessity of suppressing illicit trade with the Carolinas. As the French saw the situation, English merchants would be able to buy indigo in Louisiana, carry it to the Carolinas and send it thence to England as a Carolina product. Traffic of this sort would be able to command a good price for the commodity, and hence Frenchmen would easily be induced to enter upon illicit transactions. Whatever the wisdom of this reasoning, the governor of Louisiana was instructed henceforth to prohibit absolutely all English and Dutch vessels visiting the province under any pretext whatever.'
Ere long France and England were again at war, and the English, as usual, seized every French ship encountered on the seas. \ In 1755, furthermore, England instructed the provincial governors to take particular care to prohibit trade with the French.^ Almost from the beginning of the war certain persons in Louisiana, in a
' A. N., C, Sir. C^', vol. xxxii, fols. 20-22, 200-201. * Ibid., vol. xxxiii, fol. 156; vol. xxxiv, fols. 5-7; Sir. F», vol. ccxli, M. S. S. M., Jan. 2, 1749.
» Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. xxviii, I7S4-I7S5, p. 336; R. I. Col. Rec, vol. V, p. 516.
position financially to do so, had sent out from time to time " vaisseaux parlementaires," or cartel-ships, in order to secure foodstuffs. Under the guise of a flag of truce these boats tried to traffic with ships at sea, or entered the ports of colonies belonging to other nations. Many of them, to be sure, were taken by the English, who later used them in trade with the province. It was the policy of the " ordonnateur" to confiscate them in case the persons in possession refused to give them up.^
On the principle that absolute necessity justified unusual action, Governor Kerlerec believed it to be permissible under the French law to get supplies even from enemies. This attitude, in fact, had led yearly to an increase in the number of English vessels.^ It was, however, a mooted question whether the colony was really in a condition that would warrant the policy adopted by the governor.
Whether or not the governor was justified in his decision did not matter, since it had the result he intended to produce. On January 9, 1759, an English ship of 50 tons reached New Orleans with a cargo of flour, lard, beer, hams, cheese, cordage, iron, cider and cloth. It also had on board nine negroes and two French prisoners of war who were seized by the " ordonnateur."3
In March another English boat appeared bringing a cargo of dry-goods that had been bought in Jamaica for 200,000 livres. It was disposed of in New Orleans for 600,000, the captain being accorded the privilege of selling at both retail and wholesale."* As these cargoes were
^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol, xli, fols. I7S-I77; Sir. F^, vol. xxv, fols, 130-131. « Ibid., Sir. C^^, vol. xli, fols. 191-196. » Ibid.
* Ibid., fols. 175, 247-248; Sir. F^, vol. xxv, fols. 201-205.
not large enough to relieve the needs of the province, Governor Kerlerec, on May 3, 1759, before leaving the capital on a tour of inspection to Mobile and the other posts, ordered the major situated at the Balise to allow any vessel that might come during his absence with a supply of food, to sell what it had regardless of the flag under which it sailed.' Scarcely had the governor departed when an English boat arrived. Its captain forthwith requested to be allowed to dispose of the cargo at retail. Meanwhile a French prisoner of war had offered to purchase the entire consignment, but as the price he mentioned was very low his proposal was rejected. The offer no doubt was prompted by the " ordonnateur " who now proceeded to confiscate the cargo instead. This procedure threw New Orleans into great excitement because for months the troops had been on half-rations, the negroes were almost without food altogether, and every one in the province was more or less in need.' Governor Kerlerec, however, on his return suspended the major at the Balise and arrested the secretary of the " ordonnateur " for the part they had taken in the affair, and in this action he was later upheld by the crown.^
In June 1759 the commercial situation of New Orleans was worse than it had been since the war began. The English had a ship carrying 36 guns and a smaller one having between 16 and 20 cannon stationed at the mouth of the Mississippi in order to prevent sup- ^ plies of any kind from being carried up the river. The colonial officials accordingly were forced to have food and munitions landed at Pensacola and thence trans-
i/i. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. xli, fols. 20-29. * Ibid., Sir. B, vol. dx, fols. 25-26.
ported to Louisiana/ This expedient being ineffective, the French government made an arrangement with a merchant of Amsterdam to carry what was needed. At the same time it instructed the local officials to receive consignments from that source and allow their sale.' In order to make it possible for the Dutch boat to reach New Orleans, an armed vessel was despatched to drive the English war-ship from the mouth of the Mississippi and succeeded in doing so.^
The French, indeed, were able to give the English considerable cause for disquiet. Governor Bull of South Carolina wrote to the Board of Trade May 29, 1760, that Louisiana was procuring supplies for the Indian trade from the northern colonies, chiefly Rhode Island, the goods being carried to Pensacola or elsewhere for purchase.'* v This trade was highly offensive to some of the^^ English colonial officials who believed that it was prolonging the war. The governor of Pennsylvania was especially strong in his denunciation of the traffic; yet nothing apparently could be done to stop it.5
In this connection Governor Golden of New York admitted that only too many traders from that colony had been engaged in the business, but declared that those from Philadelphia were still more numerous and active. Merchants from both lorcalities shipped large cargoes of merchandise to New England, where any particular captain concerned would obtain the needful papers in accordance with the navigation acts. He could then put his
1 A, N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xli, fol. 71.
' Ibid., Sir. B, vol. cxi, fols. 2, 3.
^ Ibid., Sir. C^^, Vol. xlii, fols. 56-57, 93-96.
* A'^. C. Col. Rec, vol. vi, p. 260; Beer, British Colonial Policy, p. 103.
^ Beer, p. 105.
cargo ashore at any port he saw fit; yet to the officials of the port from which he set sail he could give the appearance on his return to Philadelphia or New York, of having delivered the ship-load at the first landing-place visited. With a cargo of sugar probably taken on at a French or Spanish settlement, the captain went first to some point on the New Jersey coast or back to New England, where he procured other papers, in order to make it look as if the merchandise had been embarked at some one of the ports last named. So far as Golden knew, no New York boats had gone to Louisiana, but he was told that some from the New England colonies had done so. English colonists, however, were not lacking who claimed that traffic of the sort with the French province was an advantage, since it afforded an outlet for products that otherwise would have a poorer market or none at all, and on this ground advocated its official approval.*
Throughout the war a small number of English sloops from one colony or another, and from Rhode Island in particular, carried on trade with Mobile and some of the bolder captains transported cargoes directly to New Orleans.'^ The traffic, nevertheless, was managed so skilfully that it had the appearance of legality. So cleverly indeed was the work done that captains tried in the admiralty court of Charleston for bringing to that port cargoes undoubtedly procured in Louisiana were able, by the papers in their possession, to prove, judicially at least, that the stuff had been taken on at a Spanish settlement. The collector accordingly was obliged to
» Colden Papers, vol. i, Oct. 27, 1760, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Pub., Fund Ser., vol. ix, pp. 26-30. N. Y., 1877.
* Beer, p. 103.
clear any vessel sailing to a Spanish port under the rules of trade. It would simply get a clearance from Charleston for such commodities as it was known the Louisiana colonists would want, and depart for Pensacola or Monte Cristo; but instead would carry the goods to Mobile or New Orleans as the circumstances would warrant. One such boat in particular was seized and taken to Charleston, in March 1761, and notwithstanding the rigid examination the captain underwent at the hands of the governor and other officials there, he was able to prove his innocence of either high treason or smuggling. By the end of the war the illicit traffic with Louisiana had become public and notorious. However it was kept within the appearance of the law. Through it the French at Mobile were receiving a considerable quantity of supplies for the Indian trade from Pensacola. English vessels also dealt directly with New Orleans, either as supposed cartel-ships or by other elusive devices.'
Governor Bull roundly declared that the voyages were made wholly for commercial objects. In 1761, an English sloop was seized at Boston for trafficking with New Orleans. The examination of the captain brought out the information that at the time two other English vessels—one from Rhode Island, the other from Jamaica —also were regularly trading at that port.'' Records of the transactions, however, are necessarily limited to the vessels that in some way got into trouble with the officials, for the practice was opposed by both the English and French governments, and hence had to be carried on secretly. When the war ended in 1763, the illicit trade had not lost any of its significance.
^ Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. xxix, p, 42. * Beer, p. 103.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(Tides of Works Referred to in the Text)
Contemporaneous Manuscript Material
Archives, Bibliotheque du Departement des Affaires Etrangeres, Paris. Amerique,
Memoires et Documents, 1712 a 1718, voL i.
Mfmoires et Documents, 1716 a 1752, vol, 2.
Mhnoires et Documents, Indes Occidentales, Saint Domingue,
1630 a 1772, vol. 12. Mimoires et Documents, Indes Occidentales, Canada, Accidie,
1518 a 1759, vol. 24. Mimoires et Documents, vol. 7. Mimoires et Documents, de 1753 en 1771, vol. 10. Espagne,
Memoires et Documents, Commerce, 1698 a 1752, vols. 81, 153. France,
Commerce,
Memoires et Documents, 1700-1730, vol. 1990. Memoires et Documents, 1700-1740, vol. 1991. Memoires et Documents, 1700-1742, vol. 1992, Mimoires et Documents, 1712-1728, vol. 2004. Memoires et Documents, 1745-1820, vol. 2006. Mimoires et Documents, 1717-175S, vol. 2009. Mimoires et Documents, 1730-1748, voL 2019. Finances et Monnaies, Mimoires et Documents, vol. 225. Sur le Sr. Jean Law £cossais, devenu Controleur Gineral des Finances du Roiaume de France au terns de la Rigence du Due d'Orleans, vol. 140. Archives, Bibliotheque de I'Arsenal, Paris.
Mimoire pour servir d. I'histoire du sisteme de Law, presenti d
M. Le Due d'Orlians en I'annie 1719, vol. 3724. Pieces Fugitives Concernant le Commerce au Nouvel establisse-
ment du Biloxi, vol. 4497. Poem en Vers Touchant I'itablissement de la province de la Louis-iane Connuie sous le nom du Missisipy avec tout ce qui sy est passe de depuis 1716 jusqu'a 1741. Le Massacre des Frangais au passe des Notches, Moeurs des sauvages leur dances, leur Religion, enHn ce qui concerni le pays en giniral. (II parait 464 [464
que I'auteur de ce Poeme etait un M. Ehimont. Ses vers sont detestables, mais il y a des choses singulieres.) The part in parenthesis was written in the margin of the front page. There are some good cuts and maps in the book. vol. 3459-Recueil de Pieces Curieuses et Interessantes, vol. 3459. Archives, Bibliotheque du Departement des Colonies, Paris.
Serie G^, vol. 464, Les Recensements de la Louisiane, 1706-1741. Transcripts of Serie G^^, vol. 464, in Louisiana Historical Society Library, Tulane Library, New Orleans. Archives, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Fonds Frangais,
Detail du Mississipi, de son commerce et de celui qui sy pour-rait faire, de ses produits et la fagon de pouvoir les mettre a profit, vol. 12224. Journal de Correspo., 1758 a 1766, vol. 10764. Journal du Voyage fait par Deux fregattes du Roy, La Badine Commandee par M. d'Iberville, et Le Marin par M. Le Chevalier de Surgeres, qui partirent de Brest, le Vendredy 24 Octobre 1698, vol. 9097. Memoire sur la Louisiane, vol. 12105. Memoires sur la Marine, vol. 11342. Ordonnances et Arret du conseil, vol. 7220. Reglemens, Traites, Memoires raport au Service de la Marine, Commerce Maritime aux Colonies, etc. et fait depuis 1715 jusqu'en 1730, vol. 11332, Registre des Deliberations de M^^- les Commissaires nom'is par Arret du Conseil du 18 0*»'«- 1758 pour proceder d I'exa-men et verification des dettes de la Marine depuis le 21 O^*"*-1758 Jusqu'a et compris le 25 Septembre 1759, vol. 11334. Registre des Deliberations de M*"*- les Commissaires, nommee par Arrest du Conseil du 18 O^^^- 1758 po. proceds d, I'exa-men et Verification des Dettes de la Marine depuis le 13^ O^re. J75P jusques et compris le 8 O^^e. j-r^o, vol. 11335. Registre des Deliberations de M^s. les Commissaires nommee par Arrest du Conseil du 18 0**"«- 1758 pour proceds a I'Exa-men et Verification des Dettes de la Marine depuis r8 O^^-1760 jusqu'a et compris le 24 Septembre 1761, vol. 11336. Relations de la Louisiane, Penicaut, vol. 14613. Table Generate des £dits et Ordonnances Concernant la Marine, 1714-1718, vol. 14273. Table Generale des £dits et Ordonnances Concernant la Marine, 1718-1725, vol. 14274. Table Generale des £dits et Ordonnances Concernant la Marine, 1728-1734, vol. 14376.
Table Gcnerale des Edits et Ordonnances Concernant la Marine, 1740-1756, vol. 14278. Fonds Fran^ais, Nouvelle Acquisition. Collection, Joly de Fleury,
Louisiane, Colonit de la, Minute d'une Mimoire, par M. Biletrus, ancien comtnis de la Marine d Versailles. (Without date but written about 1749.) Vol. 1726. Amerique du Nord, Entreprises de Cavalier de la Salle, 1669-
1684, vol. 9288. Amirique du Xord, Index Louisiane, vol. 9311. Recueil sur la Marine, XVII-XIX Siccles, vol. 5399. Archives Nationales, Colonies, Paris. Serie A,
Edits, Arrets et Ordonnances Concernant la Louisiana, 1712-
1754, vol. 22. Edits, Lettres-Patentes, Declarations, Arrets, Ordonnances et Reglimens Concernant la Colonie de la Louisiane depuis le 2i Septembre 1712 jusques au 27 Aoust 1746, vol. 23. Serie B, Registre des Dipeches des Colonies Septentrionales, De-peches et Ordres du Roy Concernant la Colonie la Louisiane, vols. 25-117. Serie C^', Correspondance Ghtirale, Louisiane, 1679-1763, vols. 1-45. Transcripts, selections, Louisiana Historical Society Library,
Tulane Library, New Orleans, 2 vols. Transcripts, Public iRecord Office, Jackson, Miss. This is a good selection of documents, the work is well done and is accurate, 19 vols, in 1910. Transcripts, Private Library of Peter J. Hamilton, Mobile,
Ala. For the most part the letters are from the governor and " ordonnateur", jointly or separately, and are signed and dated. There are also letters and communications from other officials. Serie F^, Colonies,
Description et Historique Louisiane, 1680-1755, M. S. S. M.,
vol. 24. Description et Historique Louisiane, 1756-1803, M. S. S. M.,
vol. 25. Code Louisiane, 1682-1723, M. S. S. M., vol. 241. Code Louisiane, 1724-1746, M. S. S. M., vol. 242. Lettres, M. S. S. M., vol. 243. Arret du Conseil d'Etat du Roy, du Mai, 1720, New York Public
Library. ArrSt du Conseil d'Etat du Roy, 13 Octobre, 1750, New York Public Library.
Bancroft Papers Relating to Carolina, New York Public Library.
Baptismal and Death Registers, 1704-1740, Cathedral Archives, Mobile, Alabama.
Beranger, Memoire de la Louisiane, 1722. Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois.
Colonial Entry Book. Public Record Office, Columbia, South Carolina.
Concessions. Louisiana Historical Society Library, Tulane Library, New Orleans. Transcripts.
Cotte G. Louisiana Historical Society Library, Tulane Library, New Orleans. Transcripts.
French MSS., Mississippi Valley, 1676-1869. Louisiana Historical Society Library, Tulane Library, New Orleans.
Indian Book, 1710-1718, vol. i. Public Record Office, Columbia, South Carolina.
Journal Historique de la Louisiane. Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
Journal de Penicaut, Louisiane, 1699-1721. Newberry Library, Chicago. A Transcript.
Journal of the Minutes of the Council, 1743-1744. Public iRecord Office, Columbia, South Carolina.
Kaskaskia Papers, 1737-1784. Chicago Historical Society Library, Chicago.
Notes et Documents Historiques de la Louisiana. Louisiana Historical Society, Tulane Library, New Orleans.
Register, 1737-1762. Court House, Belleville, Illinois. Local name, " Old Hog-Hide Register ".
Remonville, Lettres Touchantes le Mississippi, Paris, Aoust, 1702.
Newberry Library, Chicago. Transcripts, Board of Trade Papers. Public Record Office, London.
In Public Record Office, Columbia, South Carolina. Transcripts, Board of Trade Papers. Public Record Office, London.
In Pennsylvania Historical Society Library, Philadelphia. Transcripts, Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series. America and
West Indies, PubHc Record Office, Columbia, South Carolina. Vent de Maison, 1755. Court House, Belleville, Illinois. Weston Documents, Reports to the Lords of Trade, 1739-1755. Public Record Office, Columbia, South Carolina.
CONTEMPORANEOUS PRINTEB MATERIAL
Adair, James, The History of the American Indians, London, 1775. American State Papers, Documents, Legislative and Executive, of th^
Congress of the United States, Class VIII, Public Lands, vol. 2,
Washington, D. C, 1834.
Anderson, Adam, Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of Commerce from the Earliest Accounts, 6 vols., Dublin, 1790.
Bartram, John, Observations on the Inhabitants, Climate, Soil, Rivers, Productions, Animals and other matter worth notice, London, 1751.
Bartram, William, Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia and West Florida, The Cherokee Country, the Extensive Territories of the Muscogulges, or Creek Confederacy, and the Country of the Choctaw: Containing an account of the Soil and Natural Productions of those Regions, together with Observations on the Manners of the Indians, Philadelphia, 1791.
Baudry des Lozieres, Second Voyage a la Louisiane, Faisant suite au Premier de I'Auteur de 1794 a 1798, Paris, 1803.
Bernard, Jean Frederic (editor), Recueil de Voyages au Nord Con-tenant Divers Mimoires tris-utiles au Commerce et <J la Navigation, Troisieme Edition, Tome x, Amsterdam, 1738.
Boone, Daniel, Autobiography. In Hartley, Cecil B., Life and Times of Colonel Daniel Boone, Appendix, Philadelphia, 1859.
Boston Gazette or Country Journal, October 20. 1755; November 15, 1756. Boston Public Library.
Bossu, N. (Captain in the French Marines), Travels through that part of North America formerly called Louisiane. Translated by John Reinhold Foster, 2 vols., London, 1771.
Carver, Jonathan, Travels through the Interior Part of North America, in the Years 1766, 1767, and 1768, London, 1778.
Charlevoix, P. F. X., A Voyage to North America: Undertaken by Command of the present King of France, Containing the Geographical Description and Natural History of Canada and Louisiana, 2 vols., Dublin, 1766.
Charlevoix, P. F. X., History and General Description of New France, Translated by J. G. Shea, 6 vols., New York, 1866-1872.
Chaville, Franquet de, Le Voyage en Louisiane, 1720-1724, in Journal de la Sociite des Amhicanistes de Paris, Tome iv, 1903.
Colden, Cadwallader, The History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada, 2 vols., New York, 1904.
Coxe, Daniel. Description of the English Provinces of Carolana by the Spaniards call'd Florida, and by the French, Louisiane, London,
1741-
Croghan, George, Journal. In Butler, Mann, A History of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, Appendix, Louisville, Ky., 1836.
Delisle's Map. 1718. New York Public Library.
Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, 11 vols., Albany, 1856-1881.
Dumont, Butel, Mimoires Historiques sur la Louisiane, 2 vols., Paris, 1753.
Early Western Travels, edked b:^ R. G. Thwaites, 32 vols., Cleveland, 1904.
Force, Peter, Tracts and Other Papers relating principally to the Origin, Settlement and Progress of the Colonies in North America, from the Discovery of the Country to the Year 1776, 4 vols., Washington, 1836-1846.
Gist, Christopher, Colonel Christopher Gisfs Journal of a Tour through Ohio and Kentucky in 1751. In Filson Club Publications, No. 13, Louisville, Ky., 18^.
Goodman, Alfred T. (editor), Journal of Captain William Trent from Logstown to Pickawillany, A. D. 1752, Cincinnati, 1871.
Gravier, Gabriel (editor), Relations du Voyage des Dames Religieuses Ursulines de Rouen, a la Nouvelle-Orleans, Paris, 1872.
Hennepin, Louis, A Description of Louisiana, (Paris, 1683), edited and translated by J. G. Shea, New York, 1880.
Hennepin, Louis, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, (London, 1698), edited and itranslated by R. G. Thwaites, Chicago, 1903.
Hennepin, Louis, Nouveau Voyage d'un Pais plus grand que I'Europe, avec les reflections des enterprises du Sieur de la Salle, Utrecht, 1698.
Hutchins, Thomas, An Historical Narrative and Topographical Description of Louisiana and West Florida, Philadelphia, 1784. Also found in Imlay, Gilbert, A Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America, London, 1797.
Jefferys, Thomas, The Natural and Civil History of the French Dominions in North and South America, Part I, containing a Description of Canada and Louisiana, London, 1760.
Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas en 1739 et Unie en 1740, le i*"^ d'Avril. Par un Officier de I'Armee de M. de Nouaille, Nouvelle York, 1859.
Joutel, A Journal of the Last Voyage Perform'd by Monsr. de la Salle to the Gulf of Mexico to find out the Mouth of the Mississippi River. Written in French by Monsieur Joutel, a commander in the expedition. Caxton Club, London, 1896.
Kalm, Peter, Travels in North America: Containing Its Natural History and a Circumstantial Account of its Plantations and Agriculture in General with the Civil, Ecclesiastic and Commercial State of the Country, the Manners of the Inhabitants, and Several Curious and Important Remarks on Various Subjects, translated by John Reinhold Foster, 3 vols., London, 1771.
Keith, Sir William, A Collection of Papers and other Tracts Written occasionally on Various Subjects to which is prefixed by way of Preface an Essay on the Nature of a Public Spirit, London, 1740.
Ker, John, The Memoire of John Ker, Esq., of Kersland in North Britain, Relating to Politicks, Trade and History, 3 parts, 3 vols., London, 1726.
Kerlerec, Report of 1758, New Orleans, 1738.
La Harpe, Bernard de, Journal Historique de V^tahlissement des Fran-(ois a la Louisiane, Nouvelle-Orleanes, 1831.
Le Gac, Charles, (Director of the Company of the Indies), Memoire d'apres les Voyages sur la Louisiane, la Giographie, la Situation de la Colonie Franqaise ou 25 Aoust 1718 au 5 Mars 1721 et des tnoyens de I'amiliorer, 1722. Boston PubUc Library.
Le Page du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, 3 vols., Paris, 1758.
Margry, Pierre, DScouvertes et £tablissements des Franqais dans I'Ouest et dans le Sud de VAmhique Septentrionale, 6 vols., Paris, 1879-1888.
Pennsylvania Archives, series i, 12 vols., 1852-1856; series 2, 19 vols., Harrisburg, Pa., 1879-1893.
Pennsylvania Colonial Records, Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, 10 vols., Philadelphia, 1852.
Pittman, Captain Philip, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi (London, 1770), Hoddcr, F. H. (editor), Facsimile edition, Qeveland, 1906.
Pownall, Thomas, The Administration of the Colonies, 2nd edition, London, 1765.
Public Records of South Carolina. Transcripts from the English Public iRecord Office, America and West Indies, 5 vols., Charleston, S. C, 1889.
Radisson, Peter Esprit, Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson, Being an Account of his Travels and Experiences among the North American Indians from 1652-1684. In The Prince Society Publications, vol. 16, Boston, 1885.
Raynal, G. T. F., A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies, translated by J. O. Justamond, 6 vols., London, 1784.
Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England, 10 vols.. Providence, 1856-1865.
Shea, John Gilmary, Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi by Cavelier, St. Cosme, Le Sueur, Gravier and Guignas, Albany, 1861.
The American Weekly Mercury, Facsimile by the Colonial Society of Pennsylvania, (1719-1721), 2 vols., Philadelphia, 1898.
The Cx)lden Papers, 2 vols., in Coll. of N. Y. Hist. Soc. Pub., N. Y., 1877-1878.
The Colonial Records of North Carolina, edited by William L. Saunders, 10 vols.. Raleigh, N. C, 1886-1890.
The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, edited by R. G. Thwaites, 71 vols., Cleveland, 1896-1901.
The Present State of the British and French Trade to Africa and America, Considered and Compared with some Propositions in Favor of a Trade of Great Britain, London, 1745. In John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. L
The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America, by an ofl&-cer at New Orleans to his Friend at Paris, London, 1744. ,>.
The South Carolina Gazette, Jan. 26, 1758. Boston Public Library.
Umberville, Edward, The Present State of Hudson's Bay, Containing a full Description of that Settlement, and the Adjacent Country; and Likewise of the Fur Trade with hints for its improvement, London, 1790.
Walker, Dr. Thomas, Journal of an Exploration of Kentucky in 1750, being the First Record of a White Man's Visit to the Interior of that Terrtory, now first Published Entire with Notes and BibUo-graphical Sketches. In Filson Club Publications, No. 13, Louisville, Ky., 1898.
Year Book, City of Charleston, South Carolina, 1894.
Zeisberger, David, Diary of David Zeisberger, a Moraman Missionary Among the Indians of Ohio, 1781-1798, 2 vols., Cincinnati, 1885.
Later Publications Containing Source Material
Albach, James R., editor. Annals of the West, Embracing a concise
Account of Principal Events which have occurred in the Western i/^ States and Territories from the Discovery of the Mississippi Valley to the Year Eighteen Hundred and Fifty-six. Compiled froni the most authentic Sources, Pittsburgh, 1857.
Andreas, A. T., History of Chicago, from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, 3 vols., Chicago, 1884-1886.
Austin, Moses, A Summary Description of the Lead Mines in Upper Louisiana, also an Estimate of their Products for Three Years, Washington, 1804.
Baker, George A., The St. Joseph-Kankankee Portage, Its Location and Use by Marquette, La Salle and the French Voyageurs. In the Northern Indiana Historical Society Pubhcations, No. I, South Bend, Indiana, 1899.
Bancroft, George, History of the Colonisation of the United States, loth edition, 10 vols., Boston, 1844.
Bancroft, George, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, 9th edition, 3 vols., Paris, 1842.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, San Francisco, 1889.
Beck, Lewis C, A Gazetteer of the States of Illinois and. Missouri: Containing a General View of Each State; A General View of
their Counties, and a Particular Description of their Towns, Villages, Rivers, etc., et£., with a Map and Other Engravings, Albany, 1823.
Beer, George Louis, British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765, New York, 1907.
Begg, Alexander, History of the Northwest, 3 vols., Toronto, 1894-1895.
Benton, Ellbert Jay, The Wabash Trade Route in the Development of the Old Northwest. In J. H. U. Studies, History and Political Science, vol. 21, nos. 1-2, Baltimore, 1903.
Biggar, H. P., The Early Trading Companies of New France, University of Toronto Library, 1911.
Billon, Frederick, Annals of St. Louis in its Early Days under th0 French and Spanish Dominations, St. Louis, 1886,
Blanchard, Rufus, History of Illinois, Chicago, 1883.
Breese, Sidney, The Early History of Illinois, from its Discovery by the French, in 1673, until its concession to Great Britain, in 1763, including the Narration of Marquette's Discovery of the Mississippi, Chicago, 1884.
Buffalo Historical Society Publications, 17 vols., Buffalo, 1870-1914.
Bunner, E., History of Louisiana from its First Discovery and Settle-ntent to the Present Time, New York, 1841.
Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 43, Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, Washington, 1911.
Butler, Mann, A History of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, Louisville, Ky., 1834.
Butterfield, C. W., Discovery of the Northwest by Jean Nicolet, Cincinnati, 1881.
Chicago Historical Society Collections, 5 vols., Chicago, 1884-1890.
Chittenden, Hiram Martin, The American Fur Trade of the Far West, 3 vols.. New York, 1902.
Qaiborne, J. F, H., Mississippi as a Province, Territory and State, with Biographical Notes of Eminent Citizens, Jackson, Miss., 1880.
Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, 6 vols., Savannah, 1840-1904.
Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, 10 vols., Springfield, 111., 1903-1915.
Collections of the Maine Historical Society, series i, 9 vols.; series 2, 5 vols., Portland, Me., 1831-1914.
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, 1792—.
Collections and Researches made by the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, 38 vols., Lansing, Mich., 1874-1912.
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, 15 vols., St. Paul. Minn., 1872-1914.
Collections of the South Carolina Historical Society, 5 vols., Charleston, S. €., 1857-1897.
Collot, General Victor, Voyage dans I'Amerique Septentrionale, 2 Tomes, Paris, 1826.
Corthell, C. E., A History of the Jetties at the Mouth of the Mississippi River, 2nd edition, New York, 1881.
Dillon, John B., A History of Indiana, from the Earliest Exploration by Europeans to the close of the Territorial Government in 1816, Indianapolis, Ind., 1859.
Dubroca, Louis, L'ltineraire des Frangais dans la Louisiane, Paris, 1802.
Dunn, J. P., Indiana, A Redemption from Slavery, American Commonwealths, Boston and New York, 1905.
Ellet, Charles, The Physical Geography of the Mississippi Valley, with Suggestions for the Improvement of the Navigation of the Ohio and Other Rivers. In Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. 2, Washington, 1899.
Filson Club Publications, 26 vols., Louisville, Ky., 1884-1911.
French, B. F., editor. Historical Collections of Louisiana, 5 parts. New York, 1846-1853.
French, B. F., editor. Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, New Series, 2 vols., 1869-1875.
Gayarre, Charles, Histoire de la Louisiane, 2 vols., Nouvelle Orleans, I846-I847.
Gayarre, Charles, History of Louisiana, The French Domination, 4 y vols.. New Orleans, 1885.
Gayarre, Charles, Louisiana: Its History as a French Colony, New York, 1852.
German American Annals, vol. 7, New York, 1909.
Gordon, Thomas F., The History of Pennsylvania, from its Discovery by Europeans to the Declaration of Independence, Philadelphia, 1829.
Guenin, Eugene, La Louisiane, Paris, 1904.
Hall, James, Notes on the Western States: Containing Descriptive Sketches of their Soil, Climate, Resources and Scenery, Philadelphia, 1838.
Halsey, Francis Whiting, The Old New York Frontier, 1714-1800, New York, 1901.
Hamilton, Peter J. Colonial Mobile. An Historical Study, largely from Original Sources, of the Alabama Tombigby Basin from the Discovery of Mobile Bay in 1519 until the Demolition of Fort Charlotte in 1821, Boston and New York, 1898.
Heinrich, Pierre, La Louisiane sous la Compagnie des Indies, 1717-1731, Paris, 1906.
Hildreth, S. P., Pioneer History. Being an Account of the First Examination of the Ohio Valley and Early Settlements of the Northwest Territory, Cincinnati, 1848.
Historical Papers and Addresses of the Lancaster County Historical Society, 18 vols., Lancaster, Penn., 1896-1914.
Howe, W. W., Municipal History of New Orleans. In J. H. U. Studies, History and Political Science, vol. 7, Baltimore, 1889.
Hulbert, Archer Butler, Historic Highways of America, 16 vols., Cleveland, 1902.
Hunt, F., editor, The Merchant's Magazine and Commercial Review, 63 vols.. New York, 1839-1870.
Indiana Historical Society Publications, 3 vols., Indianapolis, Ind.,
1895-1897.
Kennedy, Howard Angfus, The Story of Canada, London, 1898.
King, Rufus, Ohio, The Fruits of the Ordinance of 1787, American Commonwealths, Boston and New York, 1888.
Kingsford, William, The History of Canada, 10 vols., London, 1888-1889.
La Revue Canadienne Religioni, Patriae, Artibus sous la Direction de M. Alphonse Leclaire, vol. 29, Montreal, 1893.
Leverett, Frank, The Lower Rapids of the Mississippi River. In Proceedings of the Iowa Academy of Science, vol. 6, Des Moines, 1899.
Logan, John H., A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina from the Earliest Periods to the close of the War of Independence, Charleston, S. C, 1859.
Lowery, Robert and McCardle, William H., A History of Mississippi from the Discovery of the Great River by Hernando de Soto, including the Earliest Settlement made by the French under Iberville to the Death of Jefferson Davis, Jackson, Miss., 1891.
MacPherson, David, Annals of Commerce, Manufactures and Navigation, 4 vols., London, 1805.
Magazine of Western History, 14 vols^ New York and Cleveland, 1844-1891.
Martin, Franqois-Xavier, The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period, 2 vols.. New Orleans, 1827.
Monnette, John W., History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi, by the Three Great European Powers, Spain, France, and Great Britain, and the Subsequent Occupation, Settlement, and Extension of Ciinl Government by the United States until the year 1846, 2 vols.. New York, 1848.
Montagne, Charles, Histoire de la Compagnie des Indes, Paris, 1899.
Moses, John, Illinois, Historical and Statistical, 2 vols., Chicago, 1889-1892.
Neill, Edward DufEeld, The History of Minnesota: from the Earliest French Explorations to the Present Time, Philadelphia, 1858.
New England Magazine, vol. 33, Boston, 1858.
Ohio Valley Historical Series, 7 vols., Cincinnati, 1870-1873.
Parkman Club Papers, Milwaukee, 1896.
Parkman, Francis, A Half-Century of Conflict, 2 vols., Champlain edition, Boston, 1897,
Parkman, Francis, The Old Regime in Canada, 2 vols., Champlain ed., Boston, 1897.
Parkman, Francis, Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV, Champlain edition, 2 vols., Boston, 1897.
Parkman, Francis, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, Champlain edition, 2 vols., Boston, 1897.
Parrish, Randall, Historic Illinois, The Romance of the Earlier Days, Chicago, 1905.
Perkins, James H., The Annals of the West: Embracing a Concise Account of Principal Events which have Occurred in the Western States and Territories, from the Discovery of the Mississippi Val- V ley to the Year Eighteen Hundred and Fifty, St. Louis, 1850.
Pickett, Albert James, History of Alabama and Incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi from the Earliest Period, 2 vols., 3rd edition, Charleston, S. C, 1851.
Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 26 vols.-, Montreal, 1882-1909.
Proceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 21 vols., Madison, Wis., 1874-1914.
Ramsey, J. G. M., The Annals of Tennessee to the End of the Eighteenth Century: Comprising its Settlements, as the Watauga Association, from 1769-1777; A Part of North Carolina, from 1777-1784; The State of Franklin from 1784-1788; A Part of North Carolina from 1788-1790; The Territory of the United States, South of the Ohio, from 1790-1796; The State of Tennessee from 1796-1800, Charleston, S. C, 1853.
Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia, 25 vols., Philadelphia, 1884-1914.
Reports and Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 20 vols., Madison, Wis., 1855-1911.
Reynolds, John, The Pioneer History of Illinois, Belleville, 111., 1852,
Roberts, Ellis H., New York. The Planting and Growth of the Empire State, American Commonwealths, 2 vols., Boston and New York, 1893-1896.
Shea. John Gilmary, The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, New York, 1886.
Shea, John Gilmary, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, New York, 1853.
Speed, Thomas, The fVilderness Road. A Description of the Route of Travel by which the Pioneers and Early Settlers first came to Kentucky. In Filson Club Publications, No. 2, Louisville, Ky., 1886.
Suite, Benjamin, Melanges d'Histoire et de Littirature, Ottawa, 1876.
Taylor, James W., History of the State of Ohio, 1650-1687, Cincinnati, 1854.
The Magazine of American History with Notes and Queries, 30 vols., New York and Chicago, 1877-1893.
The North American Review, vol. 49, Boston, 1839.
The Olden Times, edited by N. B. Craig, 2 vols., Pittsburgh, 1846-1848.
The Publications of the Prince Society, 31 vols., Boston, 1865-1909.
The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 22 vols., Richmond, Va., 1894-1914.
Thwaites, Reuben Gold, Wisconsin, The Americanisation of the French Settlements, American Commonwealths, Boston and New York, 1908.
Topographical and Statistical Account of the Province of Louisiana, Baltimore, 1803.
Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society, Nos. 8-14, Springfield, 111., 1904-1914.
Transactions of the Alabama Historical Society, 2 vols., Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1897-1898.
Transactions of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, New Series, Part 9, Quebec, 1871-1877.
Vergennes, M. de, Mimoire Historique et Politique sur la Louisiane, Paris, 1802.
Villiers du Terrage, Bon Marc de, Les Derniire Annies de la Louisiane Franqaise, Paris, 1903.
Wallace, Joseph, The History of Illinois and Louisiana under the French Rule, etc., 2 vols., Cincinnati, O., 1900.
Walton, Joseph S., Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of Colonial Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1900.
Willson, Beckles, The Great Company. Being a History of the Honourable Company of Merchants — Adventurers Trading into Hudson's Bay, New York, 1900.
Winsor, Justin, editor, A Narrative and Critical History of America, 8 vols., Boston and New York, 1889-1890.
Winsor, Justin, Cartier to Frontenac, Geographical Discovery in the Interior of North America in its Historical Relation, 1534-1700, Boston and New York, 1894.
Winsor, Justin, The Mississippi Basin, The Struggle in America between England and France, 1697-1763, Boston and New York, 1895.
Winsor, Justin, The Westward Movement, The Colonies and the Republic West of the Alleghanies, 1763-1798, Boston and New York, 1897.
Zay, E., Histoire Monitaire des Colonies Franqaises d'aprds les Documents OfUciels, avec 276 figures, Paris, 1892.
Studies in History, Economics and Public Law
edited by
Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University
VOLUME I, 1891-92. 2nd Ed., 1897. 396 pp. Price, cloth, $2.50.
1. The Divorce Problem. A Study In Statistics.
By Walter F. Willcox, Ph.D. Price, 75 cents.
8. The History of Tariff Administration In the United States, from Colonial Times to the McKlnley Administrative Bill.
By John Dkan Goss, Ph.D. Price, ^i.oo.
3. History of Municipal Land O^v^nershlp on Manhattan Island.
By George Ashton Black, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.
4. Financial History of Massachusetts.
By Charles H.J. Douglas, Ph.D. Price, ^i.oo.
VOLUME II. 1892-93. (See note on last page.)
1. [5] The Economics of the Russian Tillage.
By Isaac A. Hourwich, Ph.D. {Out of prints,
a. [6] Bankruptcy. A Study in Comparative Legislation.
By Samuel W. Dunscomb, Jr., Ph.D. (ffot sold separately.)
3. [7J Special Assessments ; A Study In Municipal Finance.
By Victor Rosbwater, Ph.D. Second Edition, i8g8. Price, $1.00.
VOLUME III, 1893. 465 pp. (Sold only in Sets.)
1. [8] *Hlstory of Elections In American Colonies.
By Cortland F. Bishop, Ph.D. Price, $3.00, cloth.
5. [9] The Commercial Policy of England toward the American Colonies.
By George L. Beer, A.M. {Not sold separately.)
VOLUME IV. 1893-94. 438 pp. (Sold only in Sets.)
1. riO] Financial History of Virginia. By William Z. Ripley, Ph.D. Price, Ji.oo.
a. [Ill The Inheritance Tax. By Max West, Ph.D. Second Edition, 1908. Price, jfa.00.
3. [IS] History of Taxation In Vermont.
By Frederick A. Wood, Ph.D. {Not sold separately.)
VOLUME V, 1895-96. 498 pp. Price, cloth. $3.50.
1. [13] Double Taxation In the United States.
By Francis Walker, Ph.D. Price, fi.oo. 3. [14] The Separation of Governmental Pov^ers.
By William Bondy, LL.B., Ph.D. Price, ^i.oo. 3. [16] Municipal Government In Michigan and Ohio.
By Delos F. Wilcox, Ph.D. Price, Ji.oo.
VOLUME VI, 1896. 601 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50; Paper covers, $4.00.
[16] History of Proprietary Government In Pennsylvania.
By William Robert Shepherd, Ph.D.
VOLUME VII, 1896. 512 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50.
1. [17] History of the Transition from Provincial to Commonwealth Government In Massachusetts. By Harry A. Gushing, Ph.D. Price, $2.00. 8. [18] Speculation on the Stock and Produce Exchanges of the United States
By Henry Crosby Emery, Ph.D. Price, 11,50.
VOLUME VIII, 1896-98. 551 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [19] The Struggle betw^een President Johnson and Congress over Recon-Structlon. By Charles Ernest Chadsey, Ph.D. Price, ;ji,oo.
S. [20] Recent Centralizing Tendencies In State Educational Administration. By William Clarence Webster, Fli.D. Price, 75 cents.
3. [81] The Abolition of Privateering and the Declaration of Paris.
By Francis R. Stark, LL.B., Ph.D. Price. |i 00.
4. [83] Public Administration In Massachusetts. The Relation of Central
to Local Activity. By Robert Harvey Whitten, Ph.D. Price, ^i.oo.
VOLUME IX, 1897-98. 617 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [83] •English Local Government of To-day. A Study of the Relations of Central and Local Government. By Milo Roy Maltbik, Ph.D. Price, ;^2.oo.
8. [84] German Wage Theories. A History of their Development.
By James W. Crook, Ph.D. Price, fi.oo. 8. [85] The Centralization of Administration In New York State.
By John Archibald Fairlib, Ph.D, Price, f i.oo.
VOLUME X, 1898-99. 409 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50.
1. [t6] Sympathetic Strikes and Sympathetlo Liockouts.
By Fred S. Hau., Ph.D. Price, $i.oo. S. [37] *Rliode Island and tlie Formation of Ihe Union.
By Frank Grebnh Batbs, Ph.D. Price, ti .50. 8. [88]. Centralized Administration of Lilqnor T^hws In the American Commonwealths. By Clement Moors Lacby SiTBS, Ph.D. Price, fi.oo.
VOLUME XI. 1899. 495 pp. Price, cloth, 4.00; paper covers, $3.50.
[*0] The Growth of Cities. By Adna Fbrrin Wbpbr Ph.D.
VOLUME XII, 1899-1900. 586 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [30] History and Functions of Central Labor Unions.
By William Maxwell Burxb. Ph.D. Price, |i.oo. 8. [31.] Colonial Immlsratlon Law^s.
Bv Edward Emerson Propkb, A.M. Price, 75 ccnu. 8. [as] History of Military Pension Legislation lu the United States.
By William Hbnky Glasson, Ph.D. Price, ft.oo. 4. [33] History of the Theory of SoTerelsrnty since Rouss(>au.
By Charles fe.. Mbkkiam. Jr., Ph.D. Price, f 1.50.
VOLUBIE Xni, 1901. 570 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [34] The Legal Property Relations of Married Parties.
By IsiDOR LoBB, Ph.D. Price, ii-so. 8. [35] Political Natlvlsm In New York State.
By LoiTH Dow Scisco, Ph.D. Price, $2.00. 8. [88] The Reconstruction of Georarla. By Edwin C. Woollbt, Ph.D. Price, |i.oo.
VOLUME XIV, 1901-1902. 576 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [37] Loyallsm In New York durlna: the American Revolntlon.
by Albxanubr Clarbncb Flick, Ph.D. Price, ^.oo. 8. [88] The Economic Theory of Risk and In.surance.
By Allan H. Willbtt, Ph.D. Price, $t.y>. 8. [30] The Eastern Question: A Study In Dli)Iomacy.
By Stephen P. H. Duccan. Ph.D. Price, $i.ao.
VOLUME XV, 1902. 427 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50; Paper covers, $3.00.
[40] Crime In Its Relation to Social Proflfr^ss. By Arthur Cleveland Hall, Ph.D.
VOLUME XVI, 1902-1903. 547 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [41] The Past and Present of Commerce In Japan.
By Yetako Kinosita, Ph.D. Price, Jr.50. 8. [42] The Employment of Women In the Clothlnu; Trade.
By Mabel Hurd Willbt, Ph.D. Price, f 1.50. 8. [43] The Centralization of Administration In Ohio.
By Samuel P. Orth, Ph.D. Price, $1.30.
VOLUME XVn, 1903. 635 pp. Price, cloth. $4.00.
1. [44] •Centralizing; Tendencies In the Administration of Indiana.
By William A. Rawlbs, Ph.D. Price, fa.io. 8. [4fi] Principles of Justice In Taxation. By StbphbmF. Weston, Ph.D. Price, fa.oo.
VOLUME XVm, 1903. 753 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [46] The Administration of lo^ra. By Harold Martin Bowman, Ph.D. Price, ^1.50. 8. [4 7] Turgot end the Six Edicts. By Robert P. Shepherd, Ph.D. Price,|i.5o.
8. [48] Hanover and Prussia, 1796-1803. By Gtnr Stanton Fobd, Ph.D. Price, |a.oo.
VOLUME XIX, 1903-1905. 588 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [4 91 Joslah Tucker, Economist. By Walter Ernest Clark Ph D. Price, f 1.50.
3. [fiO] History and Criticism of the Labor Theory of Talne In Engrllsh Political Kcononiy. By Albkrt C. Whitakbh, Ph.U. Price, |i.50, 8. [Si] Trade Unions and the La'w In New York.
liy Gbokgb Gorham Groat, Ph.D. Price, fi.oo.
VOLUME XX, 1904. 514 pp. Price, cloth. $3.50.
1. [68] The Office of the Justice of the P«»ce In England.
By Charles Austin Beard, Ph.D. Price, $1.50.
8. [63] A History of Military GoTerament In Newly Acqulre«i Territory of
the United States. By David V. Thomas, Ph.D. Price,ya.oo.
VOLUME XXI, 1904. 746 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [64] 'Treaties, their Making and Enforcement.
By Samubl B. Crandall, Ph.D. Price, |i.so. 8. [55] The Sociology of a New York City Block.
By Thomas Jbssb Jones, Ph.D. Price, f i.oo. 8. [6U] Pre-Malthnslan Doctrines of Popnatlon.
By Charlbs £. Stamgblamd, Ph.D. Price, |t.so.
VOLUME XXII, 1905. 520 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50; paper covers, $3.00.
[57] The nistorical Development of tlie Poor LaAV of Connecticut.
By Edward W. Capbn, Ph. D.
VOLUME XXIII, 1905. 594 pp. Price, cloth, $4,00.
1. [58] The Economics of Land Tenure In Georgia.
By Enoch Marvin Bakks, Ph.D. Price, Ji.oo. S. [59] Mistake in Contract. A Study In Comparative .Turlsprndonce.
By Edwin C. McKeag, Ph.D. Price, gi.oo.
3. [60] Combination in the Mining Industry.
By Hhnry R. Mussey, Ph.D. Price, jji.oo.
4. [61] The English Craft Guilds and the Government.
By Stella Kramer, Ph.D. Price, Ji.oo.
VOLUME XXIV, 1905. 521 pp. Price, cloth. $4.00.
1. [6S] The Place of Magic in the Intellectual History of Europe.
By Lynn Thorndikb, Ph.D. Price, $i.oo.
5. [68] The Ecclesiastical Edicts of the Theodoslan Code.
By William K. Boyd, Ph.D. Price, Ji.oo. 3. [64] *The International Position of Japan as a Great Po-wer.
By Sbiji G. Hishida, Ph.D. Price, J2.00.
VOLUIKJE XXV, 19C6-07. 600 pp. (Sold only in Sets.)
1. [85] ^Municipal Control of Public Utilities.
By O. L. Pond, Ph.D. (Not sold separately.)
2. [66] The Budget in the American Commonw^ealths.
By Eugene E. Agger, Ph.D. Price, Ji.50.
3. [67] The Finances of Cleveland. By Charles C. Williamson, Ph.D. Price, J2.00.
VOLUME XXVI, 1917. 559 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [68] Trade and Currency in Early Oregon.
By James H. Gilbert, Ph.D. Price, Ji.oo.
2. [69] Luther's Table Talk. By Preserved Smith, Ph.D. Price, gi.oo.
3. [70] The Tobacco Industry in the United States.
By Meybr Jacobstein, Ph.D. Price, $i 50.
4. [71] Social Democracy and Population.
Py Alvan a. Tbnney, Ph.D. Price, 75 cents.
VOLUME XXVII, 1907. 578 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [72] The Economic Policy of Robert Walpole.
By NoRRis A. Brisco, Ph.D. Price, $1.50.
2. [78] The United States Steel Corporation.
By Abraham Berglund, Ph.D. Price, Ji 50.
3. [74] The Taxation of Corporations in Massachusetts.
By Hakry G. Friedman, Ph.D. Price, Ji.so.
VOLUME XXVIII. 1907. 564 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [75] DeWitt Clinton and the Origin of the Spoils System in New Tork.
By Howard Lee McBain, Ph D. Price, $1.50.
2. [76] The Development of the Legislature of Colonial "Virginia.
By Elmer I. Miller, Ph.D. Price, $1.50.
3. [77] The Distribution of Ovenershlp.
By Joseph Harding Underwood, Ph.D. Price, Ji.50.
VOLUME XXIX, 1908. 703 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [78] Early New^ England To^wns. By Anne Bush MacLear, Ph.D. Price, Ji.50.
2. [79J New^ Hampshire as a Royal Province.
By William H. Fry, Ph.D. Price, J3.00.
VOLUME XXX, 1908. 712 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50; Paper covers, $4.00.
[80] The Province of New Jersey, 1664—1738. By Edwin P. Tanner, Ph.D.
VOLUME XXXI, 1908. 575 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [81] Private Freight Cars and American Railroads.
hy L. D. H. Weld, Ph.D. Price, $1.50.
2. [82] Ohio before 1850. By Robert E. Chaddock, Ph.D. Price, ^1.50.
3. [83] Consanguineous Marriages in the American Population.
By George B. Louis Arnkr, Ph.D. Price, 75 cents
4. [84] Adolphe Quetelet as Statistician. By Frank H. Hankins, Ph.D. Price, f 1.25]
VOLUME XXXII, 1908. 705 pp. Price, cloth, 4.50; paper covers, $4.00.
[85] The Enforcement of the Statutes of Laborers,
By Bertha Haven Putnam, Ph.D.
. VOLUME XXXIII, 1908-1909. 635 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [86] Factory Legislation in Maine. By E. Stagg Whitin, A.B. Price, Ji.oo.
2. [87] *Psychologlcal Interpretations of Society.
By Michael M. Davis, Jr., Ph.D. Price, $2.00.
3. [88] *An Introduction to the Sources relating to the Germanic Invasions.
By Carlton Huntley Hayes, Ph.D. Price, jSi.so.
VOLUME XXXIV. 1909. 628 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [88] Transportation and Industrial Development In the Middle "West.
By WiLUAM F. Ukphakt, Ph.D. Price, ^.o*. t. [90] Social Reform and the Reformation.
By Jacob Salwyk ScHAPiRO, Ph.D. Price, {i.as.
8. [91] Responsibility for Crime. By Phiup A. Parsons. Ph.D. Price, $1.50.
VOLUME XXXV, 1909. 568 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [99] The Conflict over the Judicial Powers In the United States to 1870.
By Charles Grove Haines, Ph.D. Price, |i.so. • . [98] A Study of the Population of Manhattanvllle.
By Howard Brown Woolston, Ph.D. Price, |i.as. 8. [94] * Divorce: A Study In Social Causation.
By Jamss P. Lichtbnbkrcbr, Ph.D. Price, |t.so.
VOLUME XXX VI, 1910. 542 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [951 •Reconstruction In Texas. By Charles William Ramsdbll, Ph.D. Price, |a.so. 8. [981 * The Transition In Virginia from Colony to Conimon'wealtl].
By Charles Ramsubll Lingley, Ph.D. Price, |i.so.
VOLUME XXXVn, 1910. 606 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1» [97] Standards of Reasonableness In Local Freight Discriminations.
By John MAtmics Clark, Ph.D. Price, |i.ts. 8. [98] LeKal Development In Colonial Massachusetts.
By Charles J. Hilkbt, Ph.D. Price, |t.as. 8. [99] * Social and Mental Traits of the Neicro.
By Howard Vf. Odum, Ph.D. Price, |t.o«.
VOLUME XXXVm. 1910. 463 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50.
1. flOOl The Public Domain and Democracy.
By Robert Tudor Hill, Ph.D. Price, ^.ee. 8. [lOl] Orsranlsmlc Theories of the State.
By Francis W. Cokbr, Ph.D. Price, |i.so.
VOLUME XXXIX, 1910-1911. 651 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [108] The Makluic of the Balkan States.
By William Smith Murray, Ph.D. Price, $1.50.
8. [103] Political History of New York State durlna: the Period of the Civil
War. By Sidney David Brummer, Ph. D. Price, 3,00.
VOLUME XL, 1911. 633 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [104] A Survey of Constitutional Development In China.
By Hawkunc L. Ybm, Ph D. Price, |i.oo. 8. [106] Ohio Politics durlnar the Civil War Period.
By Grorcb H. Porter, Ph.D. Price, $1.75. 8. [1U6] The Territorial Basis of Government under the StateConstltutlons.
By Alfred Zantzingbr Reed, Ph.D. Price,|i.75.
VOLUME XLI, 1911. 514 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50; paper covers, $3.00.
[107] New Jersey as a Royal Province. By Edgar Jacob Fisher, Ph. D.
VOLUME XLn, 1911. 400 pp. Price, cloth, $3.00; paper covers, $2.50.
[108J Attitude of American Courts in Labor Cases.
By George Gorham Groat, Ph.D.
VOLUME XLm, 1911. 633 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1* [109] 'Industrial Causes of CouKestlon of Population In New^ York City.
By Edward Ewing Pratt, Ph.D. Price, >a.oo. 8. [no] Education and tbe Mores. By F. Stuakt Chapin, Ph.D. Price, 7s cenu.
8. LlllJ The British Consuls in the Confederacy.
By Milledcb L. Bonham, Jr., Ph.D. Price, $a.o*.
VOLUMES XLIV and XLV. 1911. 745 pp. Price for the two volnmes, cloth, $6.00; paper covers, $5.00.
[118 and 118] The Economic Principles of Confucius and his School.
By Chen Huan-Chanc, Ph.D.
VOLUME XLVI, 1911-1912. 623 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. c»
1. r 1141 The Rlcardlan Socialists. By Esther Lowknthal, Ph D. Price.Ji.o*
8. IH5J Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizier of Sulelrann, the Maanlflcent.
tv HBiTbK Donaldson Jenkins, Ph.D. Price, ^t.oo. 8. [1 IB] 'Syndicalism in France. _
Bt Louu Lbvinb, Ph.D. Second edition, iqia. Price, |i. 90. 4. [117] A Hooslor Village. By Nbwbll Lbkov Sims, Ph.l*. Price. Ji.50.
VOLUME XLVII, 1912. 544 pp. Price, clotli, $4.00.
1. [118] Tlie Politics of Mlclilgan, 1865-1878,
By Harriette M. Dilla, Ph.D. Price, $3.00. 3. n 19] *Tlie United States Beet Sugar Industry and the Tariff.
By Roy G. Bi^kev, Ph.D. Price, J2.00.
VOLUME XLVIII, 1912. 493 pp. Price, clotli, $4.00.
1. [ISO] Isldor of Seville. By Ernest Breiiaut, Ph. D. Price, |a.oo.
S. [ISl] Progress and Unlformltyln Clilld-L,abor Liesrlslatlon.
By William Fielding Ogbukn, Ph.D. Price, J1.75.
VOLUME XLIX, 1912. 592 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [ISS] British Radicalism 1791-1797. Bv Walter Phblps Hall. Price, Ja.oo.
8. L183] A Comparative Study of the LaAv of Corporations.
By Arthur K. Kuhn, Ph.D. Price, ^1.50. 3. [184] *The Negro at Work in New York City.
By George E. Haynes, Ph.D. Price, Jt.25.
VOLUME L, 1911. 481 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [135] *The Spirit of Chinese Philanthropy. By Yai Yue Tsu, Ph.D. Price, ^i.oo. 3. [1^6] *The Allen In China. By Vi, Kyuin Wellington Koo, Ph.D. Price, $2.50.
VOLUME LI, 1912. 4to. Atlas. Price: cloth, $1.50; paper covers, $1.00.
1. [187] The Sale of Liquor In the South.
By Lbonard S. Blakky, Ph.D.
VOLUME LII, 1912. 489 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [IS8] *Provlnclal and Liocal Taxation In Canada.
By boLOMON ViNBBERC, Ph.D. Price, ^1.50. S. [189] *The Distribution of Income.
By Frank Hatch Streightofp, Ph.D. Price, ^1.50.
3. [130] *The Finances of Vermont. By Frederick A. Wood, Ph.D. Price, jji.00.
VOLUME LIII, 1913. 789 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50; paper, $4.00.
[131] The Civil War and Reconstruction In Florida. [By W. W. Davis, Ph.D.
VOLUME LIV, 1913. 604 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [138] *Prlvlleges and Immunities of Citizens of the United States.
By Arnold Johnson Likn, Ph.D. Price, 75 cents. H. [133] The Supreme Court and Unconstitutional Legislation.
By Blaine Fkhe Moore, Pli.D. Price, Ji.oo.
3. [134] *Indlan Slavery In Colonial Times -within the Present Limits of the
United States. By Almon Wheblbr Laubkr, Ph.D. Price, $3.00.
VOLUME LV, 1913. 665 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [135] *A Political History of the State of New York.
By Homer A. bTEBBiNS, Ph.D. Price, ^[00.
3. [ 136] *The Early Persecutions of the Christians.
By Leon H. Canfield, Ph.D. Price, ^1.50.
VOLUME LVI. 1913. 406 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50.
1. [137] Speculation on the New York Stock Exchange, 1904-1907.
By Algernon Ashburner Osborne. Price, $1.50.
2. [138] The Policy of the United States towards Industrial Monopoly.
By Oswald Whitman Knauth, Ph.D. Price, J2.00.
VOLUME LVII, 1914. 670 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [139] •The Civil Service of Great Britain.
By Robert Moses, Ph.D. Price, ^2.00. S. [140] The Financial History of New York State.
By Don C. Sowers. Price, $2.50.
VOLUME LVIII, 1914. 684 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50; paper, $4.00.
[141] Reconstruction in North Carolina.
By J. G. DB RouLHAC Hamilton, Ph.D.
VOLUME LIX, 1914. 625 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [148] The Development of Modern Turkey by means of Its Press.
By Ahmed Emin, Ph.D. Price, fi.oo. ». [143] The System of Taxation In China, 1614-1911.
By Shao-Kwan Chen, Ph. D. Price, Ji.oo. 8. [1441 The Currency Problem In China. By Wen Pin Wei, Ph.D. Price, ^1.25.
4. 1146] *JewIsh Immlgi'atlou to the United States.
By Samuel Joseph, Ph.D. Price, ^1.50.
VOLUME LX, 1914. 616 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [146] *Constantlne the Great and Christianity.
By Christopher Bush Coleman, Ph.D. Price, fa.oo.
8. [147] The Establishment of Christianity and the Proscription of Pa-Saalsm. By Maud Aline Huttmann, Ph.D. Price, ^.oo.
VOLUME LXI, 1914. 496 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. 1148] *The Rallv«ray Conductors: A Stndy In Organized Labor.
By Edwin Clyuk Robbins. Price, f 1.50.
«. [149] *The Finances of the City of New York.
By Yin-Cm'd Ma, Ph.D. Price, fa.so.
VOLUME LXII, 1914. 414 pp. Price, cloth, $3.50.
[ISO] The Journal of the .lolnt Committee of Fifteen on Reconstruction, 88th Congress, 1865—1867. By Benjamin B. Kbndrick. Ph.D, Price, ^3.00.
VOLUME LXIII, 1915. 561pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. (ISlI Emlle Dnrkhelm's Contrlbntlons to Soololoarlcal Theory.
By Charles Elmer Uehlke, Ph.D. Price, |i.so.
8. [169] The Nationalization of Railways ln.Iapan.
By I'oSHiHARU Watarai, Ph.D. Price, |i.as.
8. [168] Populatloni A Stndy In Malthnslanlsni.
liy Warren S. Thompson, Ph.D. Price ft,75.
VOLUME LXIV, 1915. 646 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [164] 'Reconstruction In OeorKla. By. C. Mildred TnoMnoN, Ph.D. Price, I3.00.
8. [166] *The Review of American Colonial Lesrlslation by the Klna; In
Council. By Elmer Bekchbr Russell, Ph.D. Price, fi.75.
VOLUME LXV, 1915. 496 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [ 166] 'The Soyerelarn Council of New France.
By Raymond Du Bois Cahall, Ph.D. Price, $3.3$,
8. [167] 'Scientific ManaKement. By Horace Bookwaltbr Drury, Ph.D. Price, fi.y*.
VOLUME LXVI, 1915. 665 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
I. [168] rrhe Recosrnltlon Policy of the United States.
By Julius Goebbl, Jr., Ph.D. Price, |2.oo.
8. [169] Railway Problems In China. By Chih Hsu, Ph.D. Price,|i.so.
8. Iieo] *The Boxer Rebellion. By Paul H. Clements, Ph.D. Price. |a.oo.
VOLUME LXVII, 1916. 638 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [161] 'Russian Sociology. By Julius F. Hrckbr, Ph.D. Price, ^.50.
8. 1168] State ReKulatlou of Railroads In the South.
By Maxwbll Fbkguson, A M , LL.B.J Price, (1.75.
VOLUME LXVIII. 1916. 518 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50. [168] The OrlfiTlns of the Islamic State. By Phiup K. Hitti, Ph.D. Pnce, 54.00.
VOLUME LXIX, 1916. 489 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [164] Railway Monopoly and Rate Resrulatlon.
My Kobbrt J. McFall, Ph.D. Price, fi.oo. 8. [166] The Butter Industry In the United States.
By Edward Wirst, Ph.D. Price, fa.oo.
VOLUME LXX, 1916. 540 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
[166] Mohammedan Theories of Finance.
By Nicolas P. Aghnidbs, Ph.D. Price, ^4.00.
VOLUME LXXL 1916. 476 pp. Price, cloth, $4.00.
1. [167] The Commerce of Louisiana durlna: the French Regime, 1699—1763.
By N. M. Miller Surrey, Ph.D. Price, iJ4.oo
VOLUME LXXII. 1916. 542 pp. Price, cloth, $4.50.
1. [168] American Men of Letters: Their Nature and Nurture.
By Edwin Lkavitt Clarke, Ph.D. Price, $1.50. S. [169] The Tariff Problem In China. By Chin Chu, Ph.D. Price, jSi.so.
3. [170] The Marketins of Perishable Food Products.
By A. B. Adams, A.M. Price, Ji.so.
VOLUME LXXIII. 1916.
1. [171] The Social and Economic Aspects of the Chartist Movement.
By Frank F. Rosenblatt. (In press)
8. [173] The Decline of the Chartist Movement.
By Prbston William Slosson. (In priss).
3. [173] Chartism and the Churches. By H. LT. Faulkner. {In press).
VOLUME LXXIV. 1916.
1. [174] The Rise of Ecclesiastical Control In Quebec.
By Walter A. Riddkll. (/« press).
The price for each separate monograph is for paper-covered copies; separate monographs marked*, can be supplied bound in cloth, for 50c. additional. All prices are net.
The set of seventy-two volumes, covering monographs 1-170, is offered, bonnd, for $242: except that Volume II can be supplied only in part, and in paper covers, no. 1 of that voltune being out of print. Volumes III, IV and XXV, can novr be supplied only in connection with complete sets.
For further information, apply to
Prof. EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN, Columbia University,
or to Messrs. LONGIMANS, GREEN & CO., New York. London: P. S. KING & SON, Ltd., Orchard Houge, Westminster.
^^ H DAY USE
— ™OHSKn.OMWH,C„30KKOW.O Renewed books '".?".''i<* «°«w«l.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY