other Indians well disposed toward the French from the north, but that the Cherokee were greatly harrassed by the Iroquois. To that end it was requested that New York be instructed to intercede with the latter to cease their raids.^

The Carolinians themselves at the time were endeavoring to bring about peace with the Choctaw and wean them away from the French. A trader in fact proposed to pass down the " Talapotires " (Talapoosa) with a fleet of eight canoes and an army of 500 Indians for the purpose of destroying all tribes that refused to enter into a treaty with the English. However, just as the scheme was ready to be carried out news reached him that the French and Spaniards were about to invade Carolina; whereupon he abandoned the warlike phase of the project, and proceeded in a peaceable fashion to do what he could to secure an alliance with the Choctaw.^ Meanwhile the Cherokee, instigated no doubt by the English, becoming hostile killed two French traders.^ In order to defend themselves and their Indian alHes, accordingly, the French, in 1710 or 1711, built Fort Massac on the Ohio river.*

The patent of Crozat gave him an exclusive right of trade in all peltry, except beaver, which was reserved to New France.' When his agents took control of Louisiana they found the English of Carolina among the Natchez and in possession of storehouses among the Choctaw." These traders, it seems, had been instructed immediately to make

1 Public Records of South Carolina, MSS., vol. v, p. 198. « Ibid., p. 195.

' A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. ii, fols. S'32; Sir. B, vol. xxix, IC, Louis-iane, fols. 9-19.

* Chi£ago Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. iii, p. 55; Trans. III. St. Hist. Soc, pt. 8, p. 43-

* A. N., C, Ser. A, vol. xxii, fok. 1-8; Hist. Coll. of La., pt. 3, p. 40.

* Margry, vol. v, p. 507.

a study of the French and Spanish settlements, and send home detailed reports of their observations.^

To oflfset these intrusions on the part of the English, Crozat's officials sent out twelve men with two canoes to the Natchez country, where they were ordered to establish a post where trade might be carried on with these savages.* Others were despatched to the Illinois country, who on their return brought to Mobile bear, wild cat, and similar skins.* The trade carried on by the new regime was not destined to prosper because the officials offered such low prices,—fifty sols for bear skins and fifteen for deer skins, —that most of the peltry either passed into the hands of the English or up to New France. Traders who formerly brought many skins to Mobile did so no longer, and declared that while Crozat remained in control of affairs they would continue to stay away. Moreover the official price demanded for Indian goods robbed them of all their profits.* The settlers in lower Louisiana, however, continued to receive a few pelts with which they carried on an illicit trade with vessels that chance brought to their shores. For beaver skins they received three livres each and for deer skins fifty sols, but in waiting for the arrival of such vessels they were apt to lose much peltry on account of damage by worms.

The work of Crozat's traders in the Illinois country was interrupted by the hostilities of the Natchez who, in 1714, began to kill them in order to secure their merchandise.' Notwithstanding the danger they encountered in going up

* Indian Book, 1710-1718, vol. i, p. 56. Columbia, S. C. ' Margry, vol. v, p. 506.

» A. N., C, Sir. F; vol. ccxli; Sir. C^', vol. iii, fols. 269-270.

* Ibid., Sir. O*, vol. iii, fols. 209-223.

* Margry, vol. v, pp. 512-513.

and down the Mississippi, they made some headway in the traffic form their post of Charville on the Tennessee river/ The same year Bienville built Fort Toulouse, so as to strengthen the French trade on the east and also to drive back the English traders." Since the friendship of the Choctaw had already been gained, attention was then given to winning over as many as possible of the Chickasaw.^

On May 4, 1716, six traders with three canoes laden with peltry reached the Gulf coast, and in September of the same year Bienville sold 800 deer skins to a French vessel for four reaux each.* The traffic was still hampered by the hostilities of the Chickasaw and Natchez, resulting in the death of a numuber of Frenchmen.^ Some peltry was obtained from the Red river district and some from the Creeks, despite the presence among them of English traders who were doing business on a much larger scale."

The English traders held large debts against many of the Indians. For payment they seized the chickens and hogs, reaped the fields and took away the crops of grain and peas. Moreover they forced the natives to carry heavy burdens for them over long distances. When the savages protested they were cruelly beaten and otherwise treated in a most brutal manner, a course of behavior that caused the Indians to retaliate in kind.'

The French were not slow to take advantage of this

1 Supra, p. 29,

2 Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. vii, p. 237; Coxe, Desc. of the Eng. Prov. of Carolana, pp. 26-27.

* Hist Coll. of La., vol. ii, p. 236; vol. iii, pp. 43-46.

* Guenin, La Louisiane, p. 125.

5 A. N., C, Ser. C", vol. iv, fols. 355-365.

* Ibid., fol. 914.

■^ Letters of Governor Spotswood, vol. ii, p. 94; B. of T. Papers, Prop., vol. X, p. 51, Columbia, S. C.

break between the English and their savage allies. Soon they had won over the Chickasaw, Alibamon, Jalipoosa, Abicaw, and some other tribes that had been trading with the English for thirty years. The Carolinians naturally were alarmed at such a possibility of losing their entire hold on the western traffic which was variously estimated at from i 1,000 to £6,000 sterling a year reckoned in terms of cloth, guns, powder, bullets and ironware that were exchanged for buck skins, deer skins, and other peltry. Further distress was caused by the fact that about 200 persons who were occupied wholly in the Indian trade were thrown out of employment. The Cherokee continued faithful, but the colonial officials wrote to the home government that " God only knew how long they would remain so ". By 1719, indeed the English had lost more than half of their Indian traffic, and the next year it was still further embarrassed when some of their pack-horse drivers deserted to the French.*

Although the Crozat regime had been very discouraging to trade as such, it had considerably increased French influence among the Indian tribes of the lower Mississippi valley. Traffic improved when the Company of the West took over Louisiana. During the first year of the control at least 1,000 deer skins were shipped to France.'

The Company soon began to make plans to better the conditions of the fur trade. To this end it sent men to the upper Missouri for the purpose of entering into treaties of commerce and friendship with the Indians there. The erection of Fort Chartres' also gave considerable strength to

' B. of T. Papers, vol. x, pp. 1718-1720, Trans. Penn. Hist. Soc; Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. vii, p. 237; vol. viii, pp. 72, 240.

» A. N., C, Sir. Ci«, vol. v, fol. 16.

' Supra, p. 29.

the trade in the Illinois country, and from this time onward a great deal of peltry was collected there for the Gulf coast market.^ In like fashion Fort Assomption ^ served to make transportation to lower Louisiana safer, and to hold the hostile Chickasaw in check.^ By 1721, the French were able to adjust certain differences that had arisen with the Choctaw * over presents and prices; accordingly, in December, La Harpe started on a journey westward with the object of making treaties of friendship with the Indians on the Arkansas.^

The acquisition of the Illinois country * did not increase the Gulf trade in beaver skins, because the animals found there were almost of a straw color. The value of pelts of the sort depended upon their darkness of hue, whereas in the case of light shades the fur was thin and of little value.' Other kinds of peltry, however, were sent down in great quantities. Before the skins could be shipped to France they were often badly damaged in the warm climate because of the crude system of tanning.® On September 15, 1720, the Louisiana officials informed the home government that they were able to provide large numbers of buffalo skins from the Wabash country, but that it was needful to tan the skins carefully in order to prevent their destruction on the way to France. To this end it was proposed to erect tanneries on the Wabash and to send thither

1 Chicago Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. iii, p. 55; Am. St. Papers, Pub. Lands, vol. i, p. 80.

2 Supra, p. 28.

^A.N., C, Sir. C13, vol. vi, fol. 146.

* Ihid., vol. vi, fols. 146-147.

* La Harpe, pp. 282-284.

* Supra, p. 26.

' Charlevoix, A Voyage to North America, vol. i, p. 54.

* A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol, vi, fol. 20; Margry vol. v, p. 626.

soldiers who understood the processes involved/ Moreover in the effort to develop the fur trade of the upper part of the valley, traffic with the Indians about Mobile, consisting in an exchange of knives, hatchets, guns, powder, mirrors and brandy for deer skins and corn, was not overlooked." In 1721, the Company endeavored to systemize the commerce in peltry by fixing the prices of it at the various storehouses.*

In spite of the recent setback the English of Carolina soon became active again in the Louisiana trade. The colony had returned to the old English principle of buying up skins at fair prices. This, it was believed, would eventually bring back their former allies, since the French could not undersell their English competitors because the French market for deer skins was inferior.* At this time there were probably 2,000 Indians located between the English and French settlements in lower Louisiana who were trading indiscriminately with both. The Carolinians, however, were fearful lest these natives should go over entirely to the French; for the only savages upon whom the English

* Margry, vol* v, p. 626.

■ Chaville, p. 131.

' La Harpe, pp. 176-178.

The following are prices fixed for Biloxi, Mobile and Fort Louis; delivered elsewhere they were diminished by the cost necessary to ship them to the coast. They were to be paid for in bills on France, having two months' time, with discount at ten per cent.

Kinds Best grade Good grade

Beaver 3 livres a pound 34 sols a pound

Bufialo 4 livres each

Cow 2 livres, 10 sols, each

Deerskins With head and tail Without head and tail

Large medium small Large medium small

25 20 15 20 15 10 sols, each

^ Supra, p. 319; Puh. Rec. of S. C, vol. viii, p. 227.

at this time could rely were the Cherokee who were at war with the French/ Notwithstanding the confidence of the English in their ability to undersell their rivals, the prospects of regaining their former prestige in the western trade were not especially flattering.

Just at the time when the outlook was darkest for the English, the French officials began playing into the hands of their rivals by trying to persuade the traders to take up agriculture, which they believed was more essential to the welfare of Louisiana. The traders, too, on their part were furthering the English advantage by demanding of the Indians high prices for French goods.^ In 1723, trouble with the Natchez led to the issuance of an order suspend- / ing all commerce with them. This command widened the breach between the officials and the traders, who continued their operations much as before in utter disregard of instructions from New Orleans.^ The Indians on the Missouri also went on the war path, robbing the Frenchmen in their territory.*

Fort Chartres was the starting-point of the traders going to the Missouri, as well as the place from which voyages to the lower Mississippi began, and hence was a post of considerable importance.^ On October 7, 1724, the Osage Indians sent word to the Louisiana officials that they had quantities of peltry, especially beaver skins, which they desired to exchange for French merchandise.^ The year had opened with some of these savages still unfriendly, due

* Pub. Rec. of N. C, vol. ii, p. 422. ' Margry, vol. v, p. 654.

' Pickett, Hist, of Ala., vol. i, pp. 232-233, *■ A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. vi, fol, 299.

* Ibid., fols. 362-363, 365. ^ Margry, vol. vi, p. 427.

in part to the fact that the French were short of goods with which to trade. Before the close of the year, however, Fort Orleans ^ had been established and Bourg^ont, who was placed in command, was able to arrange treaties with some tribes and to open trade with the Kansas Indians in particular,^ Even earlier than this the French had attempted to increase their influence among the Sioux. In 1722, they were dealing with five of the twenty-five or twenty-six tribes.* Much of the trade of the others passed to the English posts on Hudson's Bay; accordingly, in order to break it up a post was established, in 1724, at " Tekama-miowen " in the Sioux country.*

By 1725, the Company was thoroughly convinced that it could not carry on the Indian trade by sending out agents of its own, hence decided to put the traffic in the hands of men already skilled in the service. Otherwise the risk and expense were too great. The number of skins obtained in the province at the time was estimated to be about 50,000 annually, exclusive of the peltry drawn from the Sioux, Missouri and Illinois Indians." Of this amount the natives on the Red river, the Tonica and the tribes on the Arkansas furnished 1,000 deer skins each; the Yazou and Ossa-goulas similarly 2,000, of a very good quality; the Aliba-/^ mon, 3,000 ^ the Chickasaw and, Choctaw, 4,000 each; the J Talapouches, 5,000; the Abikas, 8,000, and the other tribes in lower Louisiana smaller amounts.'

In 1727, the fur trade in the upper part of the province

1 Supra, p. 30.

' Margry, vol. vi, pp. 396-447-

* Ibid., p. siB.

« Ibid., pp. 50s, S09, 513-514.

• A., A. £., Am., vol. i, fols. 6-50. •Ibid.

was much disturbed by wars with the Fox. Since the beginning of the century these tribes had been frequently hostile to the French, and it was the opinion of the commandant at the Illinois post that there would be no end to the outbreaks until these savages had been annihilated. A proposition was made to New France that the destruction be undertaken jointly, but the plan was rejected as being too hazardous, since the Fox were a very fierce and warlike people.^ While these proposals were under consideration, the unjust action of the commandant at Fort Rosalie, by taking their lands for the purpose of making himself a handsome estate, aroused the Natchez ^ in turn to a violent state of resentment. They attacked and came near destroying the French settlement which was one of the best trading posts in lower Louisiana.'

The English were as quick to take advantage of these Indian outbreaks as the French had been in 1715. From 1721 onward their traders among the Chickasaw and Choctaw had been increasing year by year. While among these tribes they had been encouraging them to take up arms against the French, and by way of influence were affording them exceptional trading opportunities, much better than the French could offer.* In 1726, Carolina exported 73,790 deerskins and 1,965 pounds of leather.^

Five years later the French share in the western fur trade had fallen into a most critical condition.,-In 1732, a Choctaw brought the news that English traders were among his people with fifty horses loaded with goods, and operating

^ Rep. and Coll. St. Hist. Soc. Wis., vol. iii, pp. 161-165; vol. xvii, p. 69. 2 Supra, pp. 45, 88.

' Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, pp. 230-231. * A. N., C. Sir. C13, vol. vi, fols. 146-147. ' Bancroft Papers, vol. i, pp. 1662-1679, 1726, N. Y. Pub. Lib.

in an area thirty leagues in extent.^ On May 12, the provincial officials informed the home government that they were buying up all the deer skins the Choctaw offered, so as to keep these Indians from becoming allies of the English. From January i to March, they had obtained 2,200 skins weighing about 25,000 pounds and placed them in the royal storehouse ready for shipment to France. On July 18, the " ordonnateur " sold at twenty-five sols a pound deerskins to the amount of 5,082 pounds. This was considered a good bargain since many of the skins were already damaged by worms, and were sure to depreciate still more were they allowed to remain packed away in the storehouse.^

These purchases were a great drain on the colonial treasury since the officials were obliged to pay at English rates. On July 24, 1733, accordingly, they requested the home government to instruct them as to the price, in munitions of war and other sorts of merchandise, they should pay for deer skins, in view of the fact that the French market for them was very poor. Nevertheless it was declared to be necessary to pay good prices since the Choctaw had deerskins ready for the market and the Alibamon had declared that they could secure better rates from the English than the French. The crown was therefore urged to secure the trade of these Indians even at a considerable sacrifice.* / The next year the officials at Mobile secured some Eng-/'^lish merchandise from a vessel trading there which was used to great advantage in dealing with the Choctaw. The English, on their part, tried to make capital out of the incident by telling the savages that the French would be unable

> Bancroft Papers, vol. i, MSS., N. Y. Pub. Lib.

* A. N., C, Sir. 0», vol. xv, fols. 107, 174,

* Ibid., vol. xvii, .fols. 163-164.

to supply them with limbourg unless other English vessels brought it to Mobile. This source of supply was very unlikely since the provincial government of Carolina was going to make such a trade impossible/ As Carolina did not do so, the English in the Choctaw country were unable to make this prophecy effective. Besides supplying the French with limbourg for the Indian traffic English vessels also gave them a better market for deerskins than France itself offered.^

During the last year of the control of Louisiana by the Company of the Indies the traders at Mobile had been fairly prosperous. They were able to dispose of their peltry at twenty-five sols a pound and on the merchandise they took in exchange they made a profit in trading it to the natives of from 20 to 50 per cent.^ On February 28, 1734, from ten to 12,000 deerskins were shipped from Mobile to for-'' eign markets.* In order to increase this trade, it was proposed to establish a French post among the Chickasaw^^ Such an establishment would serve to maintain good order on the part of the French trader and help to bring those Indians into alliance. It was claimed that dealers from Mobile were carrying to the Chickasaw and Choctaw large quantities of English goods. This traffic the officials de- ^ nounced on the ground that the English were gaining a profit on their merchandise and at the same time were securing at first hand the best peltry the Chickasaw had, at thirty sols a pound, thereby forcing the French to pay the same price for inferior skins. Moreover it was claimed that the sale of English goods weakened French influence

^A. N., C, Ser. B. vol. Ixi, fol. 631. ' Force, Tracts, App., No. 5, vol. i, pp. 45, 46, 49, ^A. N., C, Ser. C'^^, vol. xviii, fols. 62-68. * Ibid., fols. 8-12.

correspondingly/ The commandant at Mobile was interested personally in the fur traffic to such an extent as to require a legal investigation of his activities. The case was carried to the superior council where it was decided against that officer, who thereupon was ordered to reimburse the Company for the damages caused by his dealings.* -

The difficulty in holding the Choctaw as allies was perhaps somewhat less than in the case of the Chickasaw, yet the trade and friendship of those tribes cost heavily in presents.' The French tried to make the Choctaw believe there was an advantage in dealing with them which could not be gained in trade with the English. The facts of the matter scarcely bore out the French assertion, a circumstance that the Indians were quite clever enough to discern.* The French were giving five quarters of limbourg for five large or ten medium-sized deer skins, and a gun for ten large or twenty medium-sized pelts, which price, the French asserted, could not be gotten from the English. Whether this statement was true or false matters little: the Indians knew that such rates could be maintained only by having the English as competitors and accordingly were not anxious for either rival to be driven from the trade.''

On July 4, 1734, the English were at Mobile buying up

/ deer skins." The inhabitants encouraged this traffic since

by it they were able to pay English prices for peltry with

much more ease. By it also they had been able to secure

the greater part of the Choctaw trade and of many of the

^ A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xviii, fols. 138-141.

• Ibid., vol. XV, fol. 33.

* Ibid., vol. xviii, fols. 177-178.

* Ibid., vol. xix, fols. 95-96. •/Wrf.

• Ibid., vol. xviii, fol. 205.

Creek as well, who informed the Carolinians among them that they could procure all the English goods they wanted -^ from the French/ In order to drive the English dealers from the Choctaw trade entirely the French, in 1736, built . Fort Tombecbee.'^

Returning to the Illinois country, in 1730, it was said that 100 men could be found there able to bear arms. This number was increased at certain times of the year by as many as 200 on their way back from their annual hunting trips among the surrounding tribes.^ This number, however, the English authorities placed at 5Cxd,* some of whom dealt with the natives on the Missouri where they had caused much trouble by the licentious habits they practiced.^

About this time also it was asserted of the Illinois trade that it would be benefited by the establishment of a French post at the mouth of the Wabash.® The Illinois themselves were the firm friends of the French with whom they had been on good terms since the latter took possession of the Mississippi valley. Moreover they had not only assisted in driving back the Iroquois and Fox, but had aided in the war against the Chickasaw, Cherokee and Natchez.''

In 1735, again, the French and Illinois Indians were at war with the Fox.* This hostility considerably disturbed the trade with the Sioux, yet in 1735 the French were able

' Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc, vol. ii, p. 319; Force, Tracts, App., No. S, vol, i, pp. 45, 46, 49. 2 Le Page du Pratz, vol. ii, p. 255; supra, p. 25.

* A. AT., C, Ser. F^, vol. xxiv, fols. 235-241.

* Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. xvi, p. 390.

* A. N., C, Ser. F^, vol. xxiv, fols. 235-241. « Ibid.

Ubid., Ser. C^^, vol. xvi, fols. 178-188, 193, 227; Rep. and Coll. St. Hist. Soc. Wis., vol. xvii, pp. 179-181, 213.

8 Margry, vol. vi, pp. 570-571; Rep. and Coll. St. Hist. Soc. Wis., vol. xvii, pp. 183-185.

to buy from them ioo,(XX) beautiful beaver skins/ The next year the quantity of pelts secured from that source was considerably reduced by unfriendliness on the part of the Sioux themselves. The danger involved in a trade with these tribes was at the time too great even for the venturesome Frenchmen to attempt.^ Traffic with the other tribes about the Illinois country was fairly normal, consequently the annual shipments were made as usual to New Orleans.* The carrying of the peltry to the capital was relieved of attacks from the Natchez Indians who had now been practically destroyed; but the danger from the Chickasaw was still very formidable.*

The natives of the lower part of the Mississippi valley, in 1735, were securing such good prices for their peltry that the French traders were unable to make any profit unless they gave limbourg in exchange. For an ell and a half of this cloth costing fifteen livres, English price, they received five large or ten mediupi-sized deerskins." y^Tht French also entered into an agreement with the Alibamon whereby they were to be allowed to settle among them provided the traders would pay the same prices for peltry as the English did and in accordance with the latter's method of classifying deerskins. Hides of the first class were to weigh not less than two pounds; those of the second, twenty ounces, or less than two pounds, and those of the third class under twenty ounces; the first class equaling two of the second and three of the third. Few of the last-named were accepted because of their inferior qual-

' Margry, vol. vi, p. 574.

» Ihid., pp. 574-575-

» A. N.. C, Sir. Ci», vol. xx, fols. 85-91; Sir. B, vol. Ixiii, fol. 608.

* Puh. Rec. of S. C, vol. xix, p. 153.

• A. N., C, Sir. 0«, vol. XX, fols. 25-27.

ity. An ell and a half of limbourg costing twelve livres was to be exchanged for five large skins or an equivalent number of the smaller sizes. In the English market these would bring fifteen livres/ thereby netting the trader three. A gun worth eleven livres would sell for ten deerskins, and a shirt worth three livres for two. Were such prices to be paid by the French their profits would be very small indeed. Moreover it was claimed that since the English received most of the large skins the French had to buy second grade pelts at almost the same rate as that the English paid for those of the best grade.^ However many of the skins collected by the French indirectly passed to the English markets. On August 25, 1735, 5,000 deer skins were sold at Mobile to one English trader alone.^

As already observed,* the English had not always treated the Indians fairly, hence in 1734 a deputation of natives went with Governor Oglethorpe of Georgia to England to arrange a treaty that would fix the weight and prices of English goods, and for an understanding that no more than one storehouse should be permitted in a village. ° The English trade with the western savages, nevertheless, prospered. In 1735, about 100,000 pounds of pelts were collected at Augusta alone." Forty miles from the French post of Toulouse the English now had a garrison beyond which the traders of the former could not pass without arousing English hostility.^ The fact did not prevent those of the latter from passing beyond the Fort Toulouse limit.

1 Supra, p. 352.

^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xx, fols. 145-149.

* Ihid., Ser. C^' vol. xx, fols. 160-167.

* Supra, p. 343.

* Force, Tracts: An, Account Showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, etc., vol. i, p. 15.

* Ihid., p. 6; Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc, vol. i, p. 179. ' Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc, vol. i, p. 182.

Therefore the trade of Augusta, in 1736 alone, required the use of five large boats to take the peltry to Savannah. These boats were able to carry about 9,000 pounds of deer skins and each boat made annually four or five voyages to the coast with a cargo worth between £1,200 and £1,500 sterling.^ In 1739, it was stated that the traders, pack-horse men, servants, townsmen and other persons living on the fur trade from Georgia and the Carolinas and centering their activities at Augusta, numbered about 600. Each hunter, it was asserted, furnished the market annually with about 300 pounds of skins that had been given in exchange for woolen goods and ironware.'

There were other traders who only passed through Augusta on their way to the Creek. In 1741, there were forty-six of them, along with 305 pack-horses, employed in traffic with the Creek and Chickasaw.^ Up to this time Augusta was considered the key to the Creek, Cherokee and Chickasaw trade, although not more than 500 horses were employed in it. At this time as many of the traders set out from New Winsor, South Carolina, as from Augusta. At the latter place there were but three trading houses and everj'thing was in a languishing condition due to the poor system of regulation.*

During these years the French on their part had not been inactive. In September, 1736, 7,000 ells of limbourg were required for the trade. The home government was requested to send only the blue and red varieties; 3,000 ells of the former and 4,000 of the latter, but none of the black and white since it could be used for the negroes only. This

1 Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc, vol. i, p. 179; Force, Tracts: An Account, etc., vol. i, p. 6.

* Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc, vol. i, p. 179; Force, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 6. ' Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc, vol. ii, p. 124.

* Ibid., vol. i, p. 179; vol. ii, p. 126.

amount of cloth, is was claimed, would enable the traders to net an annual profit of between 150 and 200 livres/ 9,000 deerskins left Louisiana in 1738 by one vessel alone,* and the next year about 50,000 such pelts were procured in exchange for bullets, powder, guns, flints, blankets, Vermillion, mirrors and hardware.^

In June, 1740, it was asserted by the English that the French traders among the natives were urging the savages to kill their English rivals and to carry away their merchandise. A proposition like this was no doubt tempting to the Indians, since the English were sending into the interior large pack-horse trains heavily loaded with all kinds of goods.* The French were unable to make an impression upon the Cherokee; hence they determined that if the tribes could not be brought over wholly or mainly to the French side, they would endeavor to destroy them. They met with small success in this undertaking, however, because the Cherokee could easily secure from the English what ammunition they needed for defense.' With most of the tribes French influence was on the increase. It was strong among the Creek. The Alibamon were entirely under French control, whereas the Choctaw were trading with both the French and English, though with their aflFections thrown into the balance against the latter.'

At the beginning of the war, in 1744, Louisiana obtained about 100,000 deer skins ^ as well as many buffalo, kid,

' A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xxi, fols. 111-113.

* Ibid., vol. xxiii, fols. 195-196.

' A., B. de I'A., vol. 4817, fols. 193-199.

* A. N., C, Ser. O^, vol. xxi, fols. 111-113. ' Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc, vol. i, p. 180.

« Pub. Rec. of S. C, vol. xx, p. 288. 7 A. N., C, Ser. O*, vol. xxviii, fols. 35-36.

otter and beaver skins for which the French traders g^ve in exchange guns, powder, bullets, knives, needles, razors, Vermillion, woolen goods, ribbons, blankets, shirts, blue and red limbourg and brandy well mixed with water/ At the same time the English were exporting about 100,000 hogsheads (800 or 900 lbs. each) of skins a year, for which they were receiving sixteen shilling, nine pence a pound.^

After hostilities had started the French were unable to provide the traders with European goods in sufficient quantity to carry on their business successfully. Moreover the French prices for peltry decreased by three-fifths of their former value while English prices advanced. A deer skin would sell in England for five livres while in France one of the same quality would bring but two. Then, too, English goods were of much better quality than those imported from France. The English traders, however, were not satisfied with this difference in price alone. As a means of promoting their operations, they began to imitate the French traders in their liking for Indian girls and to eat and drink with the natives in a most friendly and familiar fashion. This kind of sociability coupled with tempting prices won many new allies, some of whom maltreated and in some cases killed the French traders. The French on their part claimed that the " insinuating " English were unable to gain the real affection of the Indians who instead secretly hated them. This deep-seated dislike for the English the French claimed made it impossible for many of the natives to abandon the latter completely.'

The French had still another sort of hold on the faithfulness of the savages of the lower Mississippi valley. French powder was more easily obtainable and of a quality quite

* The Present State of the Country, etc., 1744, p. u. » The S. C. Gazette, Jan. 6-Nov. 26, 1744. *A.N., C, S^. C18, vol. xxviii, fols. 24-27.

superior to that provided by the EngHsh. The latter attempted to offset French powder and lead with English rum, making the Indians crazed and turning their fury against their opponents. While the Indians were drunk they fought among themselves and with the French soldiers and missionaries whose houses they attempted to enter and pillage. In forcing the savages back the French were often wounded and some of them were killed. During these drunken bouts the English traders secured all the peltry the Indians had collected and at times actually bought up the next year's assortment on the basis of credit for rum. Credit of this sort, however, was not forthcoming where the trade of a particular tribe was negligible. For example, the Alibamon complained that the English fur*« nished rum to the Choctaw but refused to advance it to them. The French tried to show them the evil wrought by English rum, at the same time endeavoring to establish among them trade in merchandise of a more useful sort.*

The external difficulties that stood in the way of the advancement of the French fur traffic were very little less formidable than the internal obstacles. The trade was hampered by the excessive number and by the low character and ability of many of the men engaged in it. All sorts of persons had gone into the business. These circumstances created dissensions among the savages most prejudicial to the building-up of a flourishing trade. Crimes were committed that often involved the Indians in actual war with the provincial government. Such disorders were especially pronounced among the Indians on the Missouri. The excessive number of the traders, also, led each of them to promote his individual advantage at the expense of his fellows. As a result each tried to undersell his rival, and

^A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xxviii, fols. 24-27.

some even resorted to buying peltry in advance, hoping thereby to force others out of the field. The whole trade on the upper Missouri and Mississippi was in a fair way to ruin.^

In order to improve matters it was proposed to assign boundaries to Louisiana, or to form a company composed % of twenty of the best men of the province who should take over for a stated number of years the entire control of the fur trade. Some such an arrangement, it was believed, would be for the general good of the province and would at the same time increase the output of peltry by at least 600 packs a year.^ Neither of these schemes was adopted; instead, action was taken to have the traders kept in check by placing the officials of outlying posts under the supervision of the Illinois commandant in all matters relating to the fur trade.'

During the years of the war, 1744-1748, notwithstanding the shortage in French goods the fur trade of Louisiana was by no means destroyed. At this time it was estimated that there were i ,600 Frenchmen engaged in it.* However generous this estimate, each year large quantities of skins were sent down to New Orleans. In 1745, the value of furs at the capital was given as 9,621 livres.* As it was difficult for the governor to supply the Indians with their usual presents, in 1746 the Choctaw and Creek were impatient concerning the delay and the Choctaw that year* made a special visit to Mobile for them. In 1749, the g^fts to these savages cost 62,000 livres.* Although the French

* A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxviii, fols. 82-85, 224-232; vol. xix, fols. 82-83.

^ Ibid., vol. xxvJii, fols. 224-232; vol. xxix, fols. 82-83.

» Jbid., vol. xxix, fols. 85-86. * Jbid., vol. xxx, fol. 268.

* Ibid., vol. xxix, fols. 109-111; vol. xxxii, fols. 222-227.

* Ibid., vol. xxx, fols. 49-52.

had been at great pains to win the trade of the Choctaw and Creeks the shortage of presents during the war had caused them to share the traffic with the EngHsh.^

The disorder caused by the dissolute habits of some of the French traders continued throughout the war. Governor Vaudreuil, in 1747, undertook to suppress the disturbances in the IlHnois country and at Natchitoches, but his efforts met with small success.^ Between New Orleans and the Illinois country, furthermore, the fur trade was greatly impeded on account of attacks made on the convoys by hostile Chickasaw.^ In fact it became necessary to keep men on guard day and night to repulse them.*

With the restoration of peace came renewed effort from both the French and English to secure possession of the whole of the Indian trade of the lower Alississippi valley, each stimulated by the aggression of the other.^ In 1751," the Carolinians were among the Alibamon ready to stir up trouble.® The French on their part were inclined to allow the natives to deal with both English and French traders, because of the difference in the kinds of peltry sought, but the English were not satisfied with any such arrangement. The latter claimed as allies all the tribes of the southwest and hoped to unite them with the Iroquois in a supreme effort to seize the fur trade entire. They claimed that the French were busy among the Indians under English influence trying to establish storehouses, or in reality forts, and offering to pay well for English scalps.^ Yet despite this

1 Coll. S. C. Hist. Soc, vol. ii, p. 294.

^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xxxi, fols. 47-48.

» Ibid., vol. xxxii, fol. 116.

• Ibid., Sir. F', vol. xxiv, fols. 361-371.

• Ibid,, Sir. C^^, vol. xxxvii, fol. 68.

• J es. Rel., vol. Ixix, p. 205.

' Doc. Rel. Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. vi, pp. 709-7lo.

rivalry the trade had advanced considerably since the close of the war, and by 1752 the supply of peltry increased accordingly/

The fur traffic in the portion of Louisiana drained by the Missouri and its branches was placed under the monopolistic control of Deruisseau/ The new official was not able to end the trouble created by the traders among the Indians there, corrupting the savages by their evil ways, stealing and carrying away the Indian girls. The excesses of these men even had gone so far as to provoke the natives into destroying the French post, Fort Orleans, upon the upper Missouri. Besides their own misdeeds the Frenchmen defrauded the natives most shamefully. For example, for 1,000 crowns worth of fine beaver skins they paid a small amount of powder which they told the Indians was a new variety that, if planted, would produce all the powder they would want. As soon as the natives discovered that they had been defrauded they were infuriated against the French in general, believing them in sympathy with the behavior of the traders.*

When hostilities with England began again in 1754, Gov- % emor Kerlerec was greatly in need of merchandise for the traffic, hence could not g^ve the Indians their usual presents. Failing to receive them, the savages threatened to call in the English.* Later in the year, when the governor was able to distribute gifts to the value of 62,000 livres he succeeded , for a while in allaying the discontent.' In return for this expenditure the French received a quantity of peltry worth 30,000 livres and were able to keep the Choctaw faithful.'»

^ A. N., C, Sfr. C^', vol. xxxiii, fols. 166-168; vol. xxxvi, pp. 26^275.

* Gayarre, Hist, of La., vol. ii, p. 23. Bossu, vol. i, pp. 145-149.

* Gayarre, Hist of La., vol. ii, pp. 73-74.

» A. N., C, 5/r. Ci», vol. xxxvii, fols. 164-174.

* A., B. N., Fr., vol. 12424, fol. 341.

From Fort Tombecbee the French made strenuous endeavors to hold as allies not only the Choctaw but as many * as possible of the Chickasaw,^ Five of the Creek towns also, it was claimed, were entirely under French control.^ " At all events when, in 1756, the Cherokee asked the Creek to join them in a war with the English against the French, they met with a refusal. This shows that two years after the opening of the war the French at least could still count on Creek neutrality. - This stand on the part of the Creeks, the English interpreted to mean that the Indians intended to play off the two Europeans against each other and to receive presents from both. It was the opinion of the governor of South Carolina that if the Creek were forced out of their neutrality, they would take sides with the one they deemed the stronger.^- South Carolina had already secured itself on the northeast against attacks from the French by treaties with the Cherokee and Catawba.* By October, 1758, however, it seems they had lost some of the Cherokee, for according to the governor "the Cherokee, Creek and other of the southern Indians who came to Charleston last winter and early in the spring under the pretense of joining us in the war against the French; as soon as they had secured from us everything they could expect, by all the art they were masters of, left us without the least remorse when they found they were not likely to get any more presents. I am now left with about fifty In-" dians." '

Governor Kerlerec certainly did well in the management *

^ Bossu, vol. i, pp. 278-279; Pownall, App., p. 22,

* Bancroft Papers, 1755-1757, N. Y, Pub. Lib.

» Ibid., Dec. 25, 1756; A. N., C, Ser. O^, vol. xxxix, fols. 84-98.

* The Va. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., vol. xiii, pp. 225-226.

* Bancroft Papers, Jan., 1758-Dec., 1760.

of the Indian trade during such trying times. The year 1757 opened with all of the royal storehouses empty, nothing in the hands of private merchants suitable for the traffic and presents to the Choctaw and Alibamon lacking.^. As the war progressed it became constantly more difficult for the governor to placate the natives with the customary gifts. As a result the Alibamon, in 1759, were trading indifferently with the French, Spanish and English, though they liked the Spanish least and called them cruel.^^ In 1760, the French were still on the Tennessee river dealing with the Cherokee under an assurance that the post on that river had been established for the purpose of bringing supplies to them. The English on their part declared that the French succeeded quite well in amusing and deceiving the natives, while other compatriots of theirs were carrying on hostilities against the Carolinians.' By 1761, the governor* was indeed in a difficult position. He asserted the " Choctaw and Alibamon harass us daily to have supplies and merchandise. They threaten to go over to the English, if we cannot relieve them, and, in the meantime, by their frequent visits they devour the little that remains of our provisions and exhaust our meager stock of merchandise. We have just ground to fear and expect hostility from them. Therefore our situation is not tenable, and the whole population is in a state of keen anxiety." *

A year later, June 24, 1762, Kerlerec informed the home government that the ships from France " brought none of the articles we wanted most §ind hardly any of the things in the invoice. What they have brought is either not to the

' A. N., C, Ser. 0«, vol. xxxix, fols. 258-259,

* Bossu, vol. i, p. 256. ^

» Pub. Rec. of S. C, 1716-1763, vol. xxix, p. 2.

* Gayarri, La,: Its Hist., etc., p. 89.

taste of the Indians, or is so inferior or bad quality, that it is without value. I am therefore under the shameful and humiliating necessity of not keeping my plighted faith to the savages. What shall I do with these Indian tribes I had convened, under the expectation of the supplies which I was led to believe would be at hand ? What will be their feelings ? How shall I keep them quiet ? I am in a frightful position. Is the province of Louisiana destined to be the sport of cupidity and avarice " ? ^ *

During the closing years of the war the conditions in the Illinois country were less critical. Since the beginning of hostilities the demand on Fort Chartres for men and material aid had been frequent and pressing. As has been shown the commandant of that post labored to meet them, sending quantities of supplies both to New France and to lower Louisiana. At the end of the struggle the fur trade of this part of the province was still intact and even growing. In 1762, " Maxent, Laclede and Company" of New Orleans received a permit from Governor Kerlerec to es-tabHsh trading operations on the Missouri river. The next year the Company sent one of the members of the firm to the Illinois country to select a site and establish a base of operation for the trade. Around this trading post later grew the city of St. Louis.^

In their struggle for the control of the fur trade of Louisiana the French and English employed practically the same methods, some devised by the former, others by the latter. Neither was slow to adopt the good points in the activities of the other. The English, however, had better support from the mother country and were always well pro-

1 Gayarre, op. cit., p. 91.

2 Trans. III. St. Hist. Soc, pt, 8, p. 111; Mag. West. Hist., vol. ii, pp. 303-305; supra, p. 300.

vided with Indian goods and presents when needed. This advantage was unsurmountable, for an Indian's friendship could be held in such a fashion.- Had each of the contestants been furnished with the same quantity and quality of merchandise, the results might have been different. At any rate the English would have found in the French a much more powerful rival than was actually the case.-^

CHAPTER XX Trade with the French West Indies

The advantages of commerce between Louisiana and the French West Indies were early taken into consideration. Father Hennepin, in 1683, prophesied that in a short time the province could supply the islands " with bread, wine and meat". The French filibusters and buccaneers, he added, would be able to kill more wild cattle in Louisiana than in their existing haunts/ This intercolonial trade began in 1700 when Iberville bought at St. Domingue goats, hogs and many kinds of useful plants for the establishment of the settlement on Biloxi Bay.^ The next item recorded seems to be that of 1703, when Iberville intimated to the home government that sugar for Louisiana should be carried to the colony from St. Domingue instead of directly from France, thereby saving one-fifth of the freight charges.^ On this suggestion no comment was made. However, Iberville was informed the royal vessels were not expected to carry European goods from Louisiana to the islands but instead the cargoes were to be made up of lumber and other products of the colony.*

For a time such articles were very scarce. Lack of funds, also, made it necessary to send to the islands for supplies. In September, 1705, a filibuster's ship from

* Hennepin, A Description of La., p. 151.

* Margry, vol. iv, p. 376.

* Ibid., p. 625.

* Ibid., p. 623.

Martinique, evidently directed toward Louisiana, was wrecked, causing a loss of ninety persons and 72,000 piastres/ Two years later a boat laden with supplies from the West Indies reached the province and brought the news of the death of Iberville.' Louisiana at this time was in most straitened circumstances; hence in order to tide it over Bienville borrowed 2,000 piastres from a merchant of Martinique.' So far the province had made its appeal for succor only to St. Domingue.* Such were the faint beginnings of commerce with the French islands.

In 1708, the Louisiana officials proposed to attempt building up trade by means of ship timber; but when the captain of a vessel from Cape Frangais brought to the province a cargo of island merchandise he found no such material on hand and a poor market for his goods besides. In time, however, he disposed of the cargo and was entrusted with a commission to procure and bring thither a dozen or more mares.' His experience seems not to have discouraged others, for in 1710 a boat from Martinique was at Dauphin Island with foodstuffs.' As a rule the officials of both Martinique and St. Domingue had not been favorable to provisioning the continental province. They already had become fearful lest the better soil and climate of Louisiana should draw thither the more ambitious and prosperous inhabitants of the islands, and accordingly were unwilling to furnish such things as would aid in the growth of that colony. Even in 1712 the officials of Louisiana were unable to procure wheat for sowing.''

» La Harpe, pp. 93. 97-

« A. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. ii, fols. S-32. » Ihid.

• Villiers du Terrage, p. 7.

• A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. ii, fols. 35^362, 427-438.

• Ibid., fols. 567, 641. » Ibid., fols. 803-809.

The Crozat regime scarcely had been estabHshed when the few vessels from the islands ceased to appear. With their captains the settlers of Louisiana had been accustomed to exchange peltry and a little lumber for sugar, tobacco, cocoa, molasses and other island products as well as for European goods, which were often long delayed if brought directly from France. The checking of this trade greatly disturbed the people of the province who almost from the beginning were more or less hostile to Crozat's agents.^ They believed that one of the chief reasons for the founding of the colony was trade with the islands, and hence strongly opposed interference from the new officials who wished to manage it solely in the interests of the proprietary himself.^

Du Clos, on his arrival as " ordonnateur ", took sides with the Bienville faction upholding the cause of the colonists, and accordingly was soon at loggerheads with Governor Cadillac. Early in his term of office, also, he proposed the establishment of an exchange of lumber for tobacco, brandy, molasses and other island products, especially with St. Domingue and Martinique, where European merchandise could be obtained quite as satisfactorily as from France itself.^ This trade, he claimed, would promote the growth of Louisiana and put a formidable obstacle in the way of English colonial expansion. To this end it was suggested that boats be sent to the islands three times a year with local products with which to buy domestic animals. The latter were to be sold at a fixed and moderate price to the inhabitants directly, and not through the Crozat agents who were apt to dispose of them at very high rates,

1/4. A'^., C, Ser. C^^, vol. iii, fols. 212-213; Charlevoix, Hist, and Gen. Des. N. Fr., vol. vi, pp. 32-34. * La Harpe, p. 122; Coll. La. Hist. Soc., pt. 3, pp. 39-44. ^ A. N., C, Ser. C^', vol. iii, fols. 97-107, 209-310.

while receiving substantial profits from the peltry and other goods taken locally in exchangfe.^

Commerce of this sort would be a violation of the proprietary rights, and, unless approved officially, would have to be carried on clandestinely. In September, 1714, it seems, a vessel bearing a permit from the governor of St. Domingue came to Mobile for " repairs " after encountering a storm. There is no record of any trading transactions, but " disabled by storm " was so common a pretext for illicit traffic that the statement at once makes one suspicious.* Commercial disputes yearly widened the breach between the Lx)uisiana settlers and the Crozat agents, and in 1715 the crown sent out instructions to the governor and " ordonnateur " in connection with the purchase of domestic animals which were to be sold to the colonists at moderate prices.*

The next year a brigantine came to the province from Martinique. The governor would not allow it to do any trading.* This act increased the popular ill-will because of the great need at the time of foodstuffs. Early in 1716 a request for them was sent to St. Domingue.' Part of the return cargo consisted of two barrels of rice for planting, bought at a cost of twenty-five livres; ten " quarts " of brandy, and two casks of wine, at i ,000 livres." The immediate needs of the colony, however, were satisfied. In order to prevent a repetition of such requests, it was proposed that, since St. Domingue was a port of call for all ships coming

^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. iii, fols. 209-213, 216-217.

• Ihid.. fols. 5", 791-

• Ibid., Sir. F^, vol. ccxli, M. S. S. M., Dec 27, 1715.

• La Harpe, p. 122.

• A. N., C, Sir. C's, vol. iv, fols. 355-356.

• Ibid., fols. 445-446.

to Louisiana, and lay only eight or ten days' journey away, it be made a general depot of food supplies for the province/ Nothing was done with the suggestion and smuggling seems to have become more common than ever. At any rate in September, 1716, Bienville on his own account sold 800 deerskins at four reaux each and a considerable amount of lumber. Governor Cadillac determined to invoke the protection of the crown against such traffic.^ Accordingly he proposed that this particular boat on its return be confiscated as a means of deterring others that might be similarly engaged.^ The Crozat agents, however, refused to alter the conditions that had caused the development of an illicit traffic, therefore they were unable to suppress it.

Fortunately for Louisiana the Company of the West held more liberal views than Crozat had done on the subject of trade, hence from the outset better feeling prevailed between the officials and the people.* Enterprises beneficial to the province as a whole and undertaken by the inhabitants themselves, were often encouraged. When, in 1720, for example, certain settlers asked for permission to construct a boat of sixty tons to be used in carrying domestic animals from St. Domingue, the request was granted." Little by little the island trade developed until, in 1722, there were three elements at work: Louisiana ships that made voyages to both Martinique and St. Domingue, where they exchanged corn, lumber and peltry for brandy and flour; island boats carrying on a similar trade; and vessels from France that took on the return trip cargoes of products from the province to the islands.*

1^4. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol, iv, fols, 393-394, 847,

» Ibid., fols, 355-356. 3 /J^ ^ y^l y^ Iq\ 5

* Ibid., fols. 46-47.

0 Cotte G, Feb. 6, 1720, La. Hist. Soc. Trans,, N, O.

• Beranger, Memoire de la Louisiane, p, 89, Newberry Lib., Chicago.

y Of the persons interested in the three forms of venture, Louisiana settlers were the first to take advantage of the commercial opportunities thus presented. In 1722, on being given permission by the Company so to do, they despatched a cargo of lumber to Cape Frangais and there exchanged it in part for indigo seed/ The same year, however, the manager of one of the large landed concessions of Louisiana was refused permission to imitate this example on the ground that it would serve merely as a pretext to trade with the Spaniards to the serious injury of the Company." About this time, also, the provincial officials received a communication from Cape Frangais urging them to establish better commercial relations with it. The superior council, convinced of the soundness of the argument presented, decided to allow the colonists to send thither lumber, tar, pitch, brick and other products, and those persons who had the means at once availed themselves of the permission.*

In 1726. the officials of the areas concerned held a conference on the matter of trade, and formulated a plan to exchange Spanish silver for rice, com, lumber and other local wares. The scheme met with general approval, since it would help to put silver money into circulation, and could easily be carried into effect by the vessels coming to Louisiana from France.* In 1728, furthermore, the attention of the home government was called to the gjeat advantage, both to the Company and the colony, which might be derived from such traffic. Assenting to the plan the French authorities despatched an order to Louisiana that three vessels be employed forthwith in the island trade; two to

• La Harpe, p. 342.

» A. N., C. Sir. C", vol. viii, fols. 88-91.

• Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, pp. 387-388.

• A. N., C, Sir. C»», vol. x. fol. 310.

Cape Frangais and the other to Martinique, carrying cargoes of laths, shingles and other forms of lumber as well as pitch and tar/ The next year the crown was informed that the province had already received much benefit from the process, through an increase in the supply of domestic animals, whereas the islands in turn obtained considerable quantities of rice, corn and beans.^

On resuming possession of Louisiana, in 1731, the crown began at once to remove some of the restrictions on the island trade. From July onward all duties on such commerce were to be removed. Moreover the insular officials were instructed to do what they could to interest local merchants in the traffic and the provincial authorities, similarly, were directed to urge the colonists to produce commodities suited to the purpose and to see to it also that every available boat was actively employed in the trade. A traffic in lumber with Martinique, where it was said to be rare, was especially insisted upon. The governor of Martinique likewise was shown the advisability of promoting the commerce in question, because the products of that province and Louisiana were readily exchangeable.^

One of the passengers of the royal vessel that left France bearing the above instructions was Salmon, the new " or-donnateur ", whom the crown directed to confer with the governor of the "Isles du Vent" (Windward Islands) about ways and means to foster trade between that French province and the one on the mainland. The governor was informed that through it the island could be supplied with all kinds of lumber and at the same time would secure a market for its syrup, " tafia ", flour, sugar, horses, mules,

'^A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xi, fols. ni-112.

> Ihid., fols. 117-118.

« Ibid., Ser. B, vol. Iv, fols. 585, 596.

catties and piastres. Salmon was instructed similarly to do what he could to develop the trade of Louisiana with other French island settlements, especially Cape Frangais. If possible he was to induce merchants from the latter to send a boat to the former on a trial trip, and before leaving Cape Frangais he should notify the crown of the results of his efforts/

On his arrival in Louisiana the " ordonnateur ", in conjunction with Governor Perier, publicly announced that trade with the islands, especially in cattle and horses, was to be open to all settlers alike. On January 20, 1732, it was asserted that the province would soon be in a position to supply the insular colonies with cordage, flour, lard, beef, pitch, tar, pine, cypress, oak and walnut planks, weather-boarding, all kinds of timber for building purposes and some oak lumber as well, suited for the making of furniture, in fact, to enter upon commercial relations similaf to those carried on by New York and Carolina with the English islands.' This was a rather sanguine opinion, however, in view of the fact that on March 30, 1732, all the " ordonnateur " could report was some advance in the trade with St. Domingue and " Isle Royalle ".*

During the same month further interest was manifested in the development of commerce with the islands, when a proposal was made that new boats, and even many new ones if the trade with the islands warranted it, should be constructed in the ship yards of Louisiana.* Until the colonial boats could be built it was proposed that the traffic be carried on in any that could be provided. Before the

1 A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. Iv, fols. 384, 615. » Ibid., Sir. Cl^ vol. xiv, fol. 244. » Ibid., vol. XV, fols. 77-78. ♦ Ihid., fols. 54-56.

end of the year a French merchant craft took over a special cargo of brick and lumber to the islands where it was exchanged for sugar and syrup. In other cases ships of the sort usually took on cargoes of Louisiana products for the West Indies only to return to France.^ On September 2, 1732, a royal vessel left the province for St. Domingue with a cargo of brick and lumber belonging partly to the crown and partly to the settlers.^

On October 8, 1733, the home government expressed to the " ordonnateur " and the governor a hope that the trade between Louisiana and the island provinces would soon be firmly established. It was the royal wish, also, that the inhabitants be induced to make a thorough test of the possibilities of the traffic in order to ascertain what benefit might be expected from it. To this end, as soon as completed, the boat then under construction was to be freighted with local products and despatched to the islands.^ At this time it seems an English company offered the Louisiana officials to provide a supply of boats for the French West Indies-trade; but on reference to the crown the proposal was rejected on the ground that it might lead to evil results. From the royal standpoint it was declared better policy to attempt to use insular boats for the purpose. However, if the Louisiana officials felt reasonably sure that the English offer was entirely safe, the home government might withdraw its refusal.*

In 1734, the crown had three vessels in Louisiana fit for the island trade," but before they had been long in the service one was wrecked by a storm, and only one of the

1 A. N., C, Sir. Ci', vol. xv, fol. 71.

* Ibid., fols. 77-78, 127; vol. xvi, fols. 83-84; Ser. B, vol. Ivii, fol. 801. » Ihid., Sir. B, vol. lix, fols. 573-574. * Ibid.

* Ibid., Ser. C^^, vol. xvi, fols. 122-124.

Others was engaged in the traffic/ At yet the major part of the commerce was carried on by the merchant vessels from France on their return trips.^ The islanders on their part had one ship concerned in it.* Interested as they were in any possibility of promoting trade with the West Indies, few of the Louisiana settlers were able to furnish the needful financial backing. In 1735, two of them fitted out a boat with a cargo for Martinique consisting of tar, pitch, hulled rice, peas, beans, lumber, brick, and floor tiles. On account of a fire that broke out on board the captain was forced to carry the goods to Cape Fran^ais instead.* An English vessel, similarly, which had been confiscated at Mobile, was despatched with a cargo for the islands, but on arriving at Cape Frangais was condemned as unsea-worthy and retired from the service. Thus in a single year two vessels were lost to the trade.*

Disasters like these were discouraging not only to the Louisiana settlers, but they added to the disinclination felt by the insular merchants for voyages to the continental province. The feeling was due partly to dread of the sea and partly to the danger of capture by pirates. Then, too, boats in the islands as well as Louisiana were not plentiful, and there was a shortage of money and sailors with which to equip them.'

About the end of August, 1735, a small ship of twenty-five tons laden with crude sugar reached Louisiana, supposedly from St. Domingue. During its stay at New Orleans a report got abroad that the owner was a Canadian

^ A. N., C, Sir. C'3, vol. xix, fols. 8-10; vol. xvi, fols. 122-124. ' Ibid., vol. xix, fols. 3-5, 104-105, 106-107.

• Ibid., fols. 90-91.

• Ihid., vol. XX, fols. 52-56. * Ibid.

• Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Ixiii, fol. 596.

freebooter who had secured his cargo in an exchange for negroes obtained through a piratical venture. Though the truth of the story could not be ascertained, the character of the captain seemed to vouch for it. At all events, regardless of the way in which the merchandise had been acquired, he was allowed to sell it.^

In compliance with royal instructions to that effect, the Louisiana officials tried to do what they could to replace the local boats that had been lost by accident during the year but without immediate success. Meanwhile the trade was carried on as usual by the French merchant vessels. Toward the end of the year 1735 an insular merchant came to New Orleans on one of these ships with some wine and flour which he exchanged for bricks, joists, laths and other lumber. The venture was profitable and the Louisiana settlers hoped the merchant in question would soon put a boat of his own in the trade.^ In the same year, also, the crown approved a plan to create commerce with Guadeloupe, and directed the officials to offer every encouragement to it. Even in the face of the fact that the trade must necessarily be small and that there would be no cargoes for the return trip, the home government urged the establishment on the ground that in any case it was too important to be neglected. The crown communicated with the governor of Guadeloupe also on the matter. From him a reply was received, stating that a ship had been there from Louisiana, and its owner had sold the cargo advantageously. Moreover, it was further asserted that the captain had made arrangements to continue trading with that island. The French authorities, therefore, were convinced that such a venture was sufficient proof to warrant an energetic effort to promote the commerce in question.®

^A. N., C, Sir. C^s, vol. xx, fols. 101-104.

* Ihid., fols. 85-91; Sir. B, vol. Ixiii, fols. 587, 596.

' Ihid., Sir. B, vol. Ixii, fols. 313, 315-316; vol. Ixiii, fols. 624, 629.

In 1736, a French merchant craft made the homeward voyage by way of Martinique carrying to the island a cargo of lumber, tobacco and tar.^ Merchants of Martinique and Guadeloupe had at Mobile a vessel of forty tons that sold its cargo at a good profit and took back a load of pitch, tar and peltry, and a vessel from Cape Frangais was similarly engaged.' The officials of Louisiana hoped the success of these ventures would encourage other islanders to take up the work. In the latter part of the previous year a settler of the province bought a boat from a merchant of Bordeaux and at once put it into the island trade. Before the end of the year 1736 it was making its second trip to Martinique with a cargo of tar, pitch, hulled rice, peas and beans, notwithstanding the first consignment brought him small profit.'

The year 1737 opened with an apparent setback to the island trade. On January 19, a vessel of sixty tons from Cape Frangais when almost at the end of its voyage ran into a storm and was wrecked on one of the coastal islands near the mouth of the Mobile. The captain, crew and much of the cargo, which was made up of 300 " quarts " of flour and other merchandise, were saved, but the ship was damaged beyond repair. The accident was gjeatly deplored in Louisiana, because it was feared that, since the boat was only on its second trip, the disaster would discourage the islanders from further efforts to trade with the province.* To counteract this misfortune a Bordeaux boat of fifty tons was condemned by the colonial officials in 1736. A captain of the provincial army bought it, over-

1/1. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxi, fols. 25-30, 94-100.

• Ihid., fols. 20-30, 250-253, 328.

• Ibid., fols. 25-30, 94-100.

• Ibid., vol. xxii, fols. 173-175.

hauled it and had it made seaworthy. Early in June, 1737, it was freighted with Louisiana products and despatched to Martinique/

At this time the home government was actually endeavoring to build up trade between the Gulf coast province and the French islands. To this end it instructed its agents in the former colony to do what they could to interest the merchants there in such an undertaking. On its own part, by way of encouragement, it agreed to exempt for a period of ten years, beginning July i, 1737, from all duties cargoes carried from Louisiana to the " Isles du Vent". The crown also commanded the intendant of the latter to have the ordinance registered with the superior council and publicly posted.^

Little is known about the trade for the years 1738, 1739 and 1740, beyond the fact that vessels from France carried colonial products from Louisiana to the islands and that the cargoes were composed of lumber, brick, peas, corn, " Ap-palaches " beans, and rice.^ Much of the cypress lumber was cut and marked ready to put together into a house as soon as it reached the islands. Brick sold there at from fourteen to fifteen livres a thousand; beans at ten livres, and peas at from twelve to thirteen livres a barrel, weighing 200 pounds. A few islanders and Louisiana merchants were still occupied with a similar traffic. They took over like cargoes and brought back sugar, coffee, brandy and " guildive ", gaining on such merchandise 100 per cent or more,*

In order to provide adequate protection against possible

^A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxiv, fol. 2Z-

* Ihid., Ser. F^, vol. ccxlii, July i, 1737; Ser. B, vol. Ixv, fol. 506. ' Ibid., Ser. C^^, vol. xxiii, fols. 123-124, 134-137.

* Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, pp. 387-388.

seizure by the English on suspicion of carrying contraband to the Spanish possessions, it was found advisable, in 1741, to have the ships go and come in convoys. As a result, Cape Frangais became a port of call for all vessels bound for and returning from Louisiana, because from that point onward they were accompanied by a man-of-war/ As hostilities between France and England had not yet been declared, the insular trade was not otherwise affected by the existing war.

In July, two settlers arrived in a small boat from Martinique, primarily for the purpose of trade. During their stay they bought a plantation three leagues below New Orleans and returned home with the intention of coming back with their slaves and other property.^ In this connection the crown was petitioned to allow 1,500 small farmers to migrate from Martinique and St. Domingue to Louisiana; but since departures of the sort had been put forth by the islanders as a risk likely to arise from trading with that province and might lessen such commerce as actually existed, the petition was denied.' Regardless of this phase of the situation, the traffic prospered. During the year in question five vessels came from Martinique and St. Domingue alone and their owners admitted their satisfaction with the profits obtained and expressed a willingness to continue sending vessels to Louisiana.* In 1742 more than a dozen ships brought cargoes of wine, flour and " guildive ", for which they took in exchange lumber, planks, rice, peas, beans, tar, pitch and other products. French merchantmen also carried to the islands similar cargoes.' The island

' A. N., C, Sir. Ci8, vol. xxvi, fols. 128, 178. ^ Supra, p. 240.

* A.N., C, Sir. C18, vol. xxvi, fols. 29-30, 108.

♦ Ibid., fol. 108.

' Ibid., vol. xxvii, fols. 38, 109; vol. xxviii, fols. 35-36.

trade for 1743 apparently was brisk. In July, a boat left the province for Martinique and another for St. Domingue, while one arrived from the former in the following month.^ In September alone eight ships appeared, two of which were from Martinique and two from Cape Frangais.^

By 1744, the traffic with the " Americans ", as the people of Louisiana called the French islanders, had become quite considerable. Governor Vaudreuil states that at the time twenty vessels came from St. Domingue and Martinique with merchandise and rum, and received in exchange piastres, peas, beans and lumber.* The next year the ships from the islands and those from France left Louisiana in convoys in order to protect themselves against the English; otherwise the war seems to have had no effect upon the island trade.* During the year many merchant ships from " America " came to Louisiana with cargoes of liquor which, it was claimed, did more harm than good, in spite of the market it furnished for local products. The coming of these vessels, furthermore, gave the Louisiana officials greater opportunity to communicate with the home government. As this was especially desirable in war times, the opposition to the sale of " guildive " and other intoxicants was not particularly violent.°

By 1747, however, the war between England and France was having some effect on the " American " trade, which the English had been unable seriously to interrupt." As

^ A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxviii, fols. 84-85, 101-102, 117. " Ibid., Ser. B, vol. Ixxviii, fol. 2$.

• Ibid., Ser. C^^, vol. xxviii, fol. 219; The Present State of the Country, etc., 1744, pp. 8-9, 10, 33-34.

• A. N., C, Ser. Ci» vol. xxx, fols. 34-35. 5 Ibid., fols. 110-112; vol. xxxi, fol. 98.

• Ibid., vol. xxxi, fols. 85-86.

before the commodities sent to the islands consisted of lumber, pitch, tar, brick, floor-tiles, tallow, peas, beans, corn and other foodstuffs, and the return cargoes of molasses, sugar, coffee and silver.^

In 1748, the lumber, tar, pitch and tallow despatched chiefly on account of the settlers themselves, is quoted as worth about 38,750 livres. To this amount must be added 18,750 livres in lumber and 200,000 in pitch, tar and tallow sent by the French merchants.* Instead of destroying trade with the islands, therefore, the war had rather promoted it. The danger from seizure had been too great to make it advisable for the French merchants to take cargoes from Louisiana to France, accordingly the vessels carried cargoes to the West Indies where the risk was smaller.'*

As had always been the case, any considerable impetus given to the traffic would have called for a corresponding expenditure, and there were few persons either in Louisiana or the islands in a position to make such an investment of capital. Then, too, the few who were able to do so had but one aim. that of securing for themselves a monopolistic control which would insure their own fortunes quickly, regardless of the possible loss to a development of the trade as a whole. Hence at the close of the war the prospects for rapid and healthy growth in the island trade on a large scale were not very favorable.*

By 1750, nevertheless, the traffic had become quite active. Over forty vessels came to Louisiana, most of which were

1 A. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. xxxii, fols. 222-227; A., A. £.., Am., vol. ii, fol. 108; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 12224, fol. 112.

» A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxxii, fol. 41; A., B. N., Fr., Joly Coll., vol. 1726, fols. 242-243.

» A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxxii, fol. 52.

* A., A. £., Am., vol. ii, fols. 108, 120; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 12224, ^ol 113.

from St. Domingue and Martinique. All of them carried back cargoes of lumber and brick for the rebuilding of villages that had been destroyed "by a fire from Heaven".^ The traffic was especially encouraging to the people of Louisiana who had feared the English, who were reported to have brought lumber to the islands the year before, might supplant them. Their fear was allayed further by an assurance from the home government that a general permission had not been granted to the English to provide St. Domingue with lumber. The report that such a privilege had been conferred arose from the fact that an English ship had been permitted to sell material for the construction of a small church at Cape Frangais. The protection of their lumber trade so pleased the people of Louisiana that, on May 16, 1751, they sent to the crown, through their " ordonnateur ", an address of appreciation.^

In the following year the island traffic met with a slight misfortune. On April 28, 1751, it seems, a brigantin left Louisiana for Cape Frangais with a shipload of mules, and returned in January, 1752, with a cargo of insular products. After selling the latter the captain bought six mules and five Indian slaves and again set out for Cape Frangais. When about twenty leagues from its destination the vessel was seized by the Spaniards who carried it to a post in San Domingo where both ships and cargo were confiscated, on the ground that the mules had been procured in clandestine trade with a Spanish colony. The officials of Louisiana protested against the seizure without avail; hence in order to convince the Spaniards that Louisiana was able to export mules and to obtain reimbursement it became necessary to appeal the case to France. There is no evi-

^ Jes. Rel., vol. Ixix, pp. 213-215.

^ A, N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xxxiv, fols. 298-299; vol. xxxv, fol. 204; Scr. B, vol. xci, fol. 8.

dence that the home government ever took up the matter with the Spanish authorities/

For the year 1752, in general, the trade was encouraging. Large quantities of lumber found good prices at St. Do-mingue." Here also was a market for myrtle-wax.* About this time, however, the trade with the islands began to assume a somewhat different form. Numerous vessels came thence to Louisiana with cargoes of European merchandise which was offered for sale at an advance of not less than 150 per cent on the purchase price. When the prospective buyers complained of so excessive a rate of commission the island merchant replied that the arrangement opened to them a market for their lumber and other products which the French merchants would not take if they brought these goods directly from France. The assertion was true to a certain extent, but the small boats from the West Indies were able to carry only from 3,000 to 4,000 livres worth of lumber, whereas the merchandise they brought over amounted in value to 40,000 or 50,000 livres. Were the latter fully disposed of, the difference was taken to the islands in bills of exchange on France, which in most cases was sufficient to enable the merchants concerned to buy there additional European articles for a new cargo to Louisiana. The province thus had to pay high prices for such wares in order to secure a small market for certain of its own products at the risk of being deprived correspondingly of its market in the mother country for tobacco, indigo and similar commodities in demand there.*

Though statistics for the period are scant, it seems prob-

1 A, N., C, Ser. C, vol. xxxvi, fola. 62-63. ' Ibid., fols. 228, 27a

* Ibid., fols. 271-272, 275.

* Ibid., fols. 327-328.

able that the trade with the islands in 1753 and 1754 differed little from what it had been for a year or two previous, for in September, 1754, the colonial officials informed the home government that the number of vessels coming to the province convinced them that the commerce between Louisiana and the Windward Islands was at last firmly established/ In some measure to relieve the settlers on the mainland from the excessive prices charged by the islanders, an order came from France at this time to send a royal ship, the " Rochefort", to St. Domingue with a cargo of lumber to be exchanged there for European merchandise.^ Furthermore, the crown granted to a merchant from Bordeaux a permit to establish in Louisiana a lumber camp for the trade with the West Indies. On reaching the province, however, the grantee found that the settlers were in the habit of employing their negroes during the winter months in cutting wood and sawing it into lumber for the islands and accordingly were able to furnish all that they could get transported thither. Instead of establishing the camp, therefore, he proceeded to buy the lumber and ship it on his own account.®

At the close of the year 1754, therefore, the trade between Louisiana and the French islands was advancing. The journey required from twelve to fifteen days each way, with cargoes thither made up as heretofore, of lumber of all sorts, to the amount of 180,000 livres annually; pitch, tar and vegetables worth 30,000 livres; myrtle-wax, valued at about 25,000 livres; tallow and bear's oil estimated at 25,000 livres; and brick, salt meat, and grains, the value of which is not stated. On the return trip, as was usually the case, island products, such as sugar and liquors, were carried.*

'^A. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. xxxvii, foL 83; vol. xxxviii, fol. 51.

* Ihid., vol. xxxviii, fols. 84-85, 90.

» Ibid., fols. 37-38. ■* Ibid., fols. 208, 265.

In January, 1755, the " Roche fort" was despatched to Port-au-Prince with a cargo of lumber, and returned the next year laden with merchandise for the royal storehouse.^ Other vessels having pitch, tar, lumber, hams, salt beef, peas, beans, myrtle-wax, and corn on board sailed to the islands and brought back sugar, syrup, coffee, brandy and French merchandise in general.' Despite the vigilance of the Louisiana officials, abuses crept into the trade which required adjustment. Among other things the island merchants had fraudulently introduced flour into the province. So as to put an end to the practice so prejudicial to the commerce with the mother country, it became necessary to enact a law prohibiting it under penalty of confiscation of the entire cargo of the vessel concerned."

From 1757 to the end of the French control of the Mississippi valley, the war between France and England greatly disturbed the trade with the West Indies but did not destroy it entirely.* In 1759, for example, Rochemore, the " or-donnateur ", bought a cargo of " guildive " " from St. Do-mingue." The captain of the boat that brought it, as well as the masters of all other vessels that came to Louisiana during the incumbency of that official, had little respect for him. Though compelled to secure their bills of exchange from the " ordonnateur ", they usually, more or less openly, took sides with the governor's faction in the local broils of the time. This was natural enough in view of the fact that Rochemore cut deeply into the trade which up to this time they had all to themselves. The " ordon-

^A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xxxix, fols. 76-77, 140, 223.

^ Ibid., fol. 170; Pownall, App., p. 20.

» A. N., C, Sir. F3, vol. ccxliii, M. S. S. M., April 9, 1755.

*lbid., Sir. C", vol. xxxix, fols. 25&-259, 288; vol. xl, fols. 7-8.

" Supra, p. 220.

• A. N., C, Sir. F3, vol. xxv, fols. 101-105.

nateur " forced them to sell to him instead of to whomsoever they saw fit, and in one instance a captain found it necessary to pay Rochemore's secretary 100 livres to get him to read his trade permit.^ This situation in the province itself, added to that caused by the war at large, had a depressing effect upon the island trade, yet in 1760, 1761 and 1762, there were vessels still engaged in it.*

* Ibid., Sir. C^^, vol. xli, fols. 120-125.

" Ibid., vol. xlii, fol. 68; vol. xliii, fols. a6, 103.

CHAPTER XXI Trade with Mexico

When La Salle made his attempt to plant a settlement on the Gulf coast, trade relations between France and Spain were broken off, but it was the belief of the French that the weakness and corruption among Spanish colonial officials would make it easy to enter into trade with Mexico in spite of the legal restrictions. To this end it was proposed to keep at St. Esprit Bay (Muddy Lake), seventy leagues from Mexico, an abundance of merchandise better in quality than could be procured at Vera Cruz.^ The death of La Salle, however, delayed the settlement of Louisiana until some of the restrictions on the trade had been removed, but as they were continued against the English the result was a double g^in for the French.'

Iberville was also interested in the proposed trade. During his first visit to the Gulf of Mexico he found at Pensa-cola two Spanish vessels, from Vera Cruz and Havana, respectively.' This chance encounter was destined to produce important results. As early as 1703, one of the royal " traversiers" had made three trips from Louisiana to Vera Cruz in search of food supplies for the new colony, after which time boats from the former made frequent voyages to the latter on similar errands. On these

* Margry, vol. lii, pp. 568-569.

* Charlevoix, New France, vol. v, p. 128; Hist. Coll. of La., pt. 3, pp. 40-41.

* Margry, vol. iv, p. 502; Hist, Coll. of La. and Fla., vol. i, p. 20.

ships, however, the governor at Vera Cruz would allow only limited quantities of supplies to be taken, poor in quality and high in price/ That these voyages to and from Vera Cruz were not wholly for the purpose of securing supplies of food is evident from the fact that, in 1710, a complaint was made to the home government that the royal vessels in the province were used almost exclusively by the brothers of Iberville in carrying their peltry and other merchandise to the Spanish market, and that the cost to the crown for such transportation for the years 1702 to 1706 amounted to 71,750 livres.^

These activities on the part of the French aroused jealousy at Vera Cruz. It began to be harder for the former to secure there anything that could be used to develop the Louisiana industries. Wheat for sowing and animals for breeding purposes could not be purchased at Vera Cruz, and French merchandise could be exchanged only for foodstuffs in small quantities.^ In 1710 a supply of flour for' the sustenance of the province was brought from the town to a French vessel anchored just outside the harbor, even if foreigners were not allowed to enter or carry on trade in the harbor or outside of it. As soon as the flour was on board the governor demanded that the captain set sail for home at once.*

Even before the appearance of the Crozat agents in Louisiana, the governor of Vera Cruz no doubt had his suspicions that many of the requests for foodstuffs were merely pretexts for opening a traffic in all sorts of commo-

^ Margry, vol. v, pp. 485-487; A. N., C, Ser. Cis, vol. i, fols. 387-396; vol. ii, fols. 586-602, 641-645.

* A. N., C, Ser. C^', vol. ii, fols. 5-32; Ser. F^, vol. ccxli, May 13, 1710.

3 Ibid., Ser. C^s, vol. ii, fols. 803-809. ,

* Margry, vol. v pp. 485, 487.

dities, and hence adopted measures that would tend to thwart such schemes. From the beginning of the new regime in Louisiana, however, there was no attempt to disguise the intentions of the French traders.'^ No sooner had Governor Cadillac landed than he despatched the vessel on which he had come to the province on a voyage to Vera Cruz. Commercial relations at this time were openly proposed, but were rejected by the viceroy who presented the commander of the ship with a few cattle and some provisions and ordered him to leave the port.' The failure did not discourage the governor from making other attempts in the same direction. He began to construct on Dauphin Island a storehouse for European goods to be used in promoting the trade in question.' In all probability the Spanish opposition would have been overcome, if at the close of the last war Spain had not made a treaty with England to keep its ports closed to the French. Again and again the Crozat officials tried to break through the barrier at Vera Cruz only to meet with failure, so alert were the English in forestalling them.*

The scant success of the French at that Spanish port, nevertheless, was enough to keep their interest alive. In 1713 they were allowed to buy there a vessel of about seventy tons which they hoped to use in developing trade.' while at the same time they were endeavoring to make ready for the same service a royal boat of about sixty tons.' They were still further encouraged by the issuing of a trade permit to a merchant of Mexico to go to Louisiana to

' A. N., C, SM C, vol. ii, fols. 589-602, 641; vol. iii, fols. 126-127.

* Charlevoix, op. cit., vol. vi, p. 18. » Hist. Coll. of La., pt. 3. PP- 40-41.

* A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. iii, fols. 159, 186, 223-224, 248-251.

• Ihid., fols. 245-248.

• Ibid., fol. 186.

manufacture hats from buffalo wool and catskin, under an agreement that one French vessel a year be allowed to enter the harbor at Vera Cruz with the ostensible object of procuring foodstuffs, but in reality for the purpose of selling merchandise and about 3,000 deerskins/

The French now decided to try another method of action, that of offering the merchants in Mexico flattering inducements to bring their products to Louisiana. French merchandise could thus be sold more cheaply, since the risk involved in carrying it was avoided and the expense required to provide the needful boats was saved.^ Scarcely had the new order of things been worked out when a Spanish merchant arrived at Mobile, where he bought 4,000 piastres worth of merchandise and would have made a purchase of 40,000 but for an irregularity in his letter of credit.* This sale raised the hopes of the Louisiana officials, who at once began to evolve other schemes to advance the trade more rapidly. To this end they looked about for some Canadians to establish a depot of supplies on the Madeleine river and from that point as a base of operation to break up the English control of the traffic there and in Vera Cruz. If this could be done it was believed that the resulting commerce would net the French 5,000 or 6,000 livres a year; the estimate being made on the supposition that Vera Cruz was the entrance to the riches of Mexico.* Like other French schemes of trade it was not workable; hence Governor Cadillac was forced to fall back on an occasional trading trip from Mexico to Louisiana and a certain amount of smuggling carried on under the cover of procuring food supplies."

In 1717, the Company of the West returned to the old

1 A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. iii, fols. 356-357.

* Ibid., fol. 605. » Ibid., fols. 469-476, 512.

* Ibid., vol. iv, fol. 54. * Ibid., vol. iii, fols. 6g, 759.

method of carrying European merchandise to Vera Cruz and of openly offering it for sale there. Without unloading, one of its vessels from France sailed directly for the coast of Mexico. Reaching Villa Rica, not far from Vera Cruz proper, two of the crew able to speak Spanish were set ashore with a price-list of the articles in the cargo, whicl} was to be shown to local merchants. The latter, after inspecting the merchandise, agreed to purchase it and gave Spanish silver in exchange. The vessel then departed for Dauphin Island and eight days later returned to France.' The new regime was distinctly more successful in dealing with the Spanish in Mexico than its predecessor had been. On November 25, 1718, three vessels left Louisiana for France laden with upwards of 100,000 pounds of tobacco, logwood and peltry, the first two articles having been secured from Spanish ships that had found their way to the French settlement.^ The Company, it seems, continued to attract the Spaniards to its province. In 1722, the statement was made that during the four years preceding many from Mexico had come to Mobile and that in consequence ^ numerous commodities from that area were in use. The latter included tanned skins of which the best grades brought four livres ten sols a pound; cocoa that sold at eighteen and twenty livres a quintal; logwood worth ten to fifteen livres a hundredweight; Brazil wood, " a quality of logwood superior to that from Campeachy"; sarsaparilla in large quantities at thirteen to fifteen sols a pound; vanilla at different prices; and cochineal valued at fifteen livres a pound.* Moreover, on June 10 of the same year

* Margry, vol. v, p. 546.

' Le Gac, Mhnoire d'apris Us Voyages sur la Louisiane, etc., B. P. Lib.

• Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, pp. 389-391; A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. vii, foU. 75-76.

a ship left Louisiana for Vera Cruz with a cargo of French merchandise worth 13,800 piastres, 12,000 piastres of which had been purchased directly from the settlers and the remainder from the royal storehouse/ That the commercial relations were improving is evident also from the fact that in September three vessels arrived from France with 315,000 livres worth of merchandise intended especially for the trade with Mexico.^

y- In May and again in August, 1723, several Spanish merchants reached Mobile with cargoes of tobacco, sugar and 2,000 piastres, amounting in all to 4,085 piastres. Since their trading permits were of but a month's duration, not enough time was available to enable them to remain until all the commodities were disposed of; therefore it was the custom to leave one of the merchants ashore while the other left for another consignment of goods. As they did not have sufficient time also to go to New Orleans, it was proposed to establish a supply depot at the Balise. This arrangement, it was believed, would be advantageous to both the Spaniards and the Company, for it would tend to give more of the commerce to the latter by shutting out private traders who were willing to pay higher prices for the Spanish goods than the Company was disposed to do. In one case, it seems, a woman at New Orleans had paid ten reaux for a pound of chocolate and a Spanish merchant had enriched private individuals at the capital to the extent of 2,000 piastres. In order to share in such benefits until the proposed storehouse could be built the Company sent a shallop laden with merchandise to Dauphin Island where, however, it arrived too late to be of any service.® In Oc-

^ La Harpe, p. 327. /

» Ibid., p. 337.

» A. N., C, Ser. Ci», vol. vii, fols. 31-35-

tober, three Spanish traders came thither with a cargo of tobacco and other merchandise, the former article alone Ijeing worth more than 4.279 livres. After completing their transactions at Mobile they left for New Orleans.^

Early in 1725 two more Spanish merchants arrived. They pretended to have come to Louisiana because of heavy seas that had prevented them from carrying their cargoes to the original destination. Anchoring oflf the " Island of Vessels ", near the mouth of the Mobile, they asked to he. ^ given a supply of food, and seemed disinclined to do any other business, though merchandise was offered them at a reasonable price. They bought only 113 piastres worth, what they apparently needed, and left the village. They soon returned and continued buying with an indifference that had the desired result upon the French who sold them y peltry very cheaply indeed. Still the bargain was not altogether one-sided; the skins were already damaged by rats and worms and were sure to depreciate further if not dis- ^ posed of immediately. The French took chiefly logwood in exchange delivered at the Balise.* As the supply depot had not yet been established there, the home government was urged to hasten action in the matter. The colonial officials asserted that one could not expect a Spanish merchant to consume two months of his time going up the river in / order to spend four days in trade, the probable result being that the Spaniards would retire from the business altogether.'

Commerce with Mexico was not lucrative, due to the fact that it could be maintained only at a great risk of hav- / ing both vessel and cargo confiscated. So as to decrease |

1 A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. vii, fob. TS-T^. • Ihid., vol. ix, fols. 26, 51-53. » A., A. R,, Am., vol. i, fol. 19.

the danger from this source, it was proposed, in 1726, that the English method be adopted of meeting Spanish ships on the open sea and carrying on the trade there/ The rumor of war that at this time reached the colony, however, made this scheme look unattractive, and no further action was taken in the matter.^ The French, also, began to let the supply of European goods suited to the Spanish traffic diminish, and by the middle of the next year the only thing available was some lace that was far too expensive to offer much chance of sale.* The colonial officials asked that the storehouses be replenished at once, in view of the fact that the arrival of Spanish merchants might be expected at any time. In November, a trader reached Louisiana, but, on finding there no merchandise to buy, left after receiving an assurance that there would be goods awaiting him on his return. He came again in July of the next year only to discover the storehouse still empty. Therefore he demanded that the French pay him 550 piastres for breach of agreement. He departed with a promise to return in November or sooner if the Louisiana officials would write him at Campeachy when the European merchandise arrived. On his part he agreed to bring with him some cochineal, the production of which was contemplated as a new branch of industry in Louisiana.*

In June, 1728, another Spanish merchant appeared, a fact that greatly embarrassed the provincial officials because they had nothing to sell him, excepting some scrap iron of a rather inferior quality for which the Spaniard offered four piastres a quintal. For the sake of keeping the trade alive

» A. N., C, Ser. C^s, vol. x, fol. 150.

« Ibid., fol. 24s.

» Ibid., vol. X, fol. 188.

* Ibid., vol. xi, fols. 54-56.

the officials felt obliged to accept the offer. They accordingly sold him about 16,000 pounds for 640 piastres. Of this sum 405 were represented by sugar which, as the price charged was ten sols a pound, increased somewhat the cost of the iron.^ '^

By the beginning of October, 1728, the supply of French merchandise that had been looked for had been placed in the Louisiana storehouses where it was held to await the coming of the Spanish traders. The officials would sell none of it in the province in spite of the prevailing need. One of the Company's boats brought 70,000 pounds of merchandise and a message that, if more was required, to keep the foreigners in the colony until the arrival of three other ships that would soon be on the way.^ According to the previous agreement, the Spaniards at Campeachy were notified that French goods valued at 100,000 ecus were on hand. They were requested, furthermore, to bring with them some cattle and a considerable quantity of so-called " Ranier " tobacco of the best quality which would bring / in Louisiana not less than two reaux a pound.* ^

The war that was rumored in 1726 had become by 1728 a reality, and imposed something of a check on the trader with Mexico. On December 9, in order to remove some of the obstacles, it was proposed to continue the traffic by means of Spanish vessels plying between Spanish ports on the Gulf of Mexico. The local governors, to be sure, did not allow French boats to enter the harbors, and watched trading permits closely. If a Spanish merchantman did not return to port within the time limit, both vessel and cargo were liable to confiscation and the commander to

1 A. N., C, Sir. 0«, vol. xi, fols. 54-56. ^ Ihid., fols. ii7-n& • Ihid., fols. 147-149.

penal service in the galleys. It was therefore proposed to establish a depot for French goods somewhere along the direct route from St. Augustine, Pensacola, Havana, Cam-peachy, Tuxpam and Tampico, where business could be done without loss of time or deviation from the legitimate course.^ Nothing however, came of the proposal...

Meanwhile the " ordonnateur " had sent letters in triplicate to four merchants of Vera Cruz and Campeachy enclosing a statement of the merchandise then in the Louisiana storehouses and urging them to take immediate advantage of the opportunity." By June, 1729, the officials had grown so impatient at waiting in vain for the coming of the Spanish traders that they resolved to carry some of their goods to Vera Cruz direct, under the pretext of informing the viceroy of New Spain of the danger that threatened the Florida coast, but in reality to do business there. Nothing very lucrative was the outcome of the venture, and during the remainder of the period in which the Company of the Indies controlled Louisiana, the trade with Mexico seems to have been too uninteresting to form any part of the correspondence between the provincial officials and the home government.' ^

Although in the instructions to the governor and " ordonnateur " at the time of the resumption of royal rule in Louisiana, the crown laid considerable emphasis on the importance of the trade with Mexico, nothing in this direction was accomplished during the first year, chiefly because of the scarcity of goods in the storehouses.* The home government, accordingly, was requested to remedy this defect

1 A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xi, fols. 175-176.

* Ibid., fol. 309.

' Ihid., vol. xii, fols. 61-63.

* Ibid., vol. xiii, fols. 16-17.

as speedily as possible. Much of the lack of success of the Company in the trade, asserted the Louisiana officials, was due to the disappointment of the Spanish merchants at not finding on their arrival at New Orleans or Mobile the merchandise that had been promised them. Commerce, indeed, was especially difficult to revive at this time because commodities could be secured at St. Domingue at thirty per cent less than the people of Louisiana could afford to sell them.^ ^

In August, 1732, a storm swept over the Gulf region causing much damage, among other things wrecking a Spanish vessel off the coast at ten leagues from the Balise. The ship and the entire cargo were lost but the crew of 120 men were saved. They were sent to New Orleans and distributed among the families of the village at the expense of 150 livres a day to the colony. Before their departure the cost of their maintenance reached 15,842 livres. Of this amount 6,000 livres was paid by the government of Pen-sacola before the sailors left for Vera Cruz.

The vessel that carried the Spaniards home accordingly took with it a bill for 9,842 livres to be collected from the viceroy of New Spain. For food and passage an additional expense of 2,364 livres, two sols, six deniers was incurred. The items were duly presented to the viceroy who at the same time was particularly informed of the good treatment his countrymen had received at the hands of the people of Louisiana. The French hoped in return the viceroy would not only pay the sum expended but would make them a loan of 50,000 livres, sell them 10,000 pounds of lead and allow them to purchase either at Vera Cruz or Campeachy a boat of about seventy tons for the provincial service. Some encouragement in entering upon this procedure arose

^A. N., C, Sir. 0«, vol. xiv, fol. 234.

from the fact that the viceroy already had written to the governor of Louisiana offering his help in time of need.

The French returned to New Orleans in May, 1733, with foodstuffs and ammunition for Pensacola. Following his instructions the captain had succeeded in purchasing the boat of seventy tons but had not secured the loan nor the lead. As to the loan the viceroy declared that he had no assurance that the obligation would be recognized by the successor of the present governor of Louisiana, should the latter leave office before the payment had been effected. He, however, presented the captain of the French expedition with thirty-five quintals of lead and 5,000 livres. Of this sum the governor of Louisiana took 3,696 livres, eighteen sols, nine deniers for the cost of transportation and freight for the return cargo; 600 livres and 350, respectively, were given to the first and second officers in charge of the affair; and 353 livres, one sol, three deniers were distributed among the crew. The amount held against the viceroy for the sustenance of the Spanish sailors while in Louisiana was given in payment of the boat that was purchased by the captain. At the conference with the viceroy the French had endeavored to open up trade between Louisiana and the Spanish ports under his jurisdiction, but very little in that direction was accomplished.^

During 1733, 1734 and 1735, despite their favorable geographical position, the French were not at all successful in promoting commerce with Mexico. They had been compelled, also, to revise the opinion about Spanish officials held in 1699, for none of their bribes had been able to open a single port. In 1736, indeed, treatment meted out to French crews entering Spanish harbors became so severe that it was useless to send any more vessels thither. The

^ A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xvi, fols. 7-10, 118-120, 122-124; vol. xvii, fols. 12-13.

sole hope left, therefore, lay in the possibility of attracting Spanish traders to Louisiana. To this end French merchandise was to be placed in the storehouses at the Balise and Dauphin Island, which were almost on the direct route of the Spanish~vessels making their circuit of the Spanish .— ports in the Gulf of Mexico. For this purpose between 40,000 and 50,000 pounds of merchandise were sent from France. When the colonial officials saw the commodities untouched, they became impatient and despatched a boat from Mobile and another from New Orleans to Vera Cruz y'yci the hope that this procedure might hasten the coming of the Spanish traders. The latter vessel carried a permit from Bienville and news of the hostilities of certain Indian tribes who were bringing Spanish scalps to the French settlements. These documents, it was thought, might break down the opposition of the Spaniards long enough to enable the captains to dispose of their cargoes. The governor of Vera Cruz declined absolutely to allow either ship to enter the port.^ The captain from Mobile told that officer that he had come to Vera Cruz for the benefit of the Spanish y post at Pensacola which was much in need of supplies. This plea the governor remarked was only a pretext for illicit trade and declared that his boat would be confiscated / if he did not leave the harbor at once.'

In 1737, the situation became worse. French deserters

were allowed to make their escape in Spanish boats from

Pensacola.' Moreover the only trade that seems to have

^ come to Louisiana during the year did not brighten the

hopes of improved trade relations when the Spaniards de-

^A. N., C, Sir. C»», vol. xvi, fols. 84-85; vol. xix, fols. 208-209; vol. XX, fols. 52-56, 102-104; vol. xxi, fols. 25-30. ' Ibid., vol. xxi, fols. 94-100. • Ibid., vol. xxii, fols. 28-29.

manded reductions in the price of all French merchandise, making any profit for the seller impossible/ The conditions seem to have remained unchanged until May, 1739, when a Spanish vessel from Campeachy anchored off Dauphin Island, did a small amount of trading, and proceeded to New Orleans with the cargo of salt and logwood and 3,000 piastres.^ Spanish interest in commerce with Louisiana was apparently increasing, for in January, 1740, a ship of that nationality touched at the Balise, whether for trading purposes or because of bad weather is not known.^

Improvement in the traffic, in 1741, became fairly marked. For the most part this was due to the war then prevailing between Spain and England. As early as March three or four vessels had come to Louisiana from Mexican ports. Ill luck or improvidence still pursued the French. They had to send the Spaniards away empty-handed, for there was nothing in the storehouses to sell them. Hardly had they left the province when a small Spanish bark arrived with four merchants on board possessing among them 50,000 piastres with which to buy French merchandise. These men had to be treated in like fashion.* The home government, thereupon, was urged to send the needful supplies at once.'* It was further informed, also, that the Spanish ships brought large quantities of piastres, as well as cochineal, logwood and other commodities ready for sale. One of the boats, it was stated, stayed three weeks and another three months waiting for the arrival of French goods, but were obliged to leave the province, tak-

^A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxii, fols. 37-41. ' Ibid., vol. xxiv, fol. 247.

* Ibid., vol. XXV, fol. 143.

* Ibid., vol. xxvi, fols. 127-130, I5»-I5i. ^ Ibid., fols. 150-151.

ing their piastres along with them.^ Accordingly, though the beginning of the year 1741 offered some prospects of betterment in the commercial relations with Mexico, its close saw almost nothing accomplished.

Much as both the home government and the provincial authorities realized that a favorable opportunity had arrived, they were unable to overcome the obstacles in the way of sending merchandise suited to the trade in question. The French merchants whom the crown had induced to carry the commodities to Louisiana demanded such exorbitant prices that the Spaniards declined to pay them.' Just at this time also some influential men of Vera Cruz asked permission to send their sons to New Orleans to learn the French language. Two boys actually came. They received a cordial welcome, for the officials professed to see in the scheme the possibility of strengthening the commercial ties between the two places.' Nothing further came of it. Instead the trade received a setback from the French merchants themselves who began anew to carry their merchandise directly to the Spanish ports.*

Despite all these misfortunes the traffic began to recover. In 1743 many French vessels brought to Louisiana goods that were readily sold to the Spaniards for cash. One of the royal ships alone carried to France 6,000 piastres thus derived. Too many boats, however, were engaged in the trade, hence the market soon was glutted with French merchandise." The vessel that went from the province to Vera Cruz, on the other hand, met with little success because the

M. N., C, Sir. C»», vol. xxvi, fols. i78-i79-

' Ibid., vol. xxvii, fols. 127-128; Sir. B, vol. Ixxiv, fols. 12-20.

» Ibid., Sir. C^', vol. xxvii, fols. 27-29.

« Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Ixxvi, fol. 2.

» Ibid., Sir. C^', vol. xxviii, fol. 61.

trade permits were apt to be so costly as to rob the business of its legitimate profits. Regardless of this circumstance, the French continued to send boats thither. One of them carried a cargo of 55,000 pounds, from the sale of which a profit of only 300 piastres was made. With returns so small as this the French could not afford to send any more cargoes to Mexico, consequently they went back to the old plan of attracting the Spaniards to Louisiana.^ Vaudreuil, in fact, prohibited such shipments altogether.

The war that began in 1744 stimulated the trade to the extent of 1,000,000 piastres a year.^ In 1746, it was reported to the home government that, next to the islanders, Spanish merchants were most actively represented in Louisiana commerce. Furnishing a market for the abundant colonial products, they bought large amounts of flour, corn, rice and other commodities for which they paid in cash.'

During 1747 and 1748, the Spanish vessels continued to leave behind them considerable sums in Spanish money and quantities of logwood and sugar.* Governor Vaudreuil, however, believed the trade capable of further expansion. He carried on an extensive correspondence with the Spanish governors of the posts on the Gulf of Mexico and succeeded in establishing friendly relations even with the viceroy of New Spain, which the governor had not hesitated to turn to advantage.^ So as to aid in the development of trade with Tampico, Campeachy, Vera Cruz and other Spanish ports, he advised the home government to be less strict in dealing with deserting sailors, because leniency in

^ A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxviii, fols. 62-63.

^ The Present State of the Country, etc., 1744, pp. 9-10, 34.

' A. N., C, Ser. C^, vol. xxx, fols. 110-112, 273.

* Ihid., vol. xxxi, fols. 74-75; vol. xxxii, fol. 22.

• Ibid., vol. xxxii, fols. 69-71.

this respect was the only available way to obtain crews for the vessels sent thither from Louisiana.^

Throughout the two years following, Vaudreuil continued his correspondence with the Spanish governors as before. Since the establishment of peace these officials had become somewhat reserved in manner but their attitude did not deter the Louisiana governor from proffering all sorts of service or aid.^ As a result of Vaudreuil's tact and perseverance New Orleans became somewhat of a centre for Spanish trade. To it came merchants from Cuba, St. Augustine, Pensacola, St. Bernard Bay, St. Joseph Bay, Porto Bello, Santa Maria del Darien and Cartagena to buy cloth, lace, wine, brandy, and other merchandise from France, together with tobacco, indigo, hemp, rice, lumber, masts, pitch, tar, peltry, and other products of Louisiana itself. In order to enable the settlers more or less remote from the capital to derive greater advantage from the traffic, it was proposed to send special boats up the river to carry their wares to New Orleans. This would enhance the value of their share in the piastres, smoking tobacco, cocoa and logwood brought by the Spaniards.'

As early as 1750* the number of Spanish vessels coming to the province fell off because the French ships had glutted the Spanish colonial market with European merchandise that consequently had to be sold at a low price. The Spanish governors also had begun again to refuse the French boats admittance to ports under their jurisdiction. These circumstances afforded some hope that the tide would turn once more toward Louisiana. Four or five vessels, at all events, came from Campeachy and took on large quantities

^ A., B. N., Fr., vol. 12224, fol. laS.

• A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxxiii, fols. 64-66.

» Ibid., fols. 166-167. * Supra, p. 402.

of dry-goods and lumber which they carried to the Spanish West Indies. In 1752 there were four Spanish vessels in the province with cargoes of tobacco and logwood which they exchanged for European goods/

As France was now drifting toward another war with England, for the next two years not much information is available about trade with Mexico. Mobile, it seems, enjoyed a fairly lucrative commerce with Spaniards who, under the pretext of going to Pensacola, came from various ports of Mexico, anchored off Dauphin Island, and bought up cargoes of French merchandise, thereby greatly increasing the amount of gold and silver in local circulation.^ This illicit trafific was not interfered with. It seemed better to tolerate it, than by attempting to prevent it, to throw it into the hands of the English, The trade also had the further advantage of increasing considerably the chances of communication with the home government when war actually came on.^

The commercial activities of Mobile in this respect had developed rather rapidly since 1748. At the beginning those who entered upon them did so with a small capital in the shape of French merchandise. This stock they sold to Spaniards who occasionally anchored near the village. The sale usually netted good returns, a fact that enabled the participants to increase their stock for the next opportunity to do business. Before the beginning of hostilities with England, however, the authorities at New Orleans tried to draw some of the traffic to the capital. It seems natural enough that they should attempt it when Mobile was enjoying a trade valued at 50.000 piastres a year.*"^—_

* A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xxxiv, fols. 250, 277. ^Ibid., vol. xxxvi, fol. 270.

' Ibid., vol. xxxvii, fol. 58; vol. xxxviii, fol. 209.

* Ibid., vol. xxxix, fol. 50; vol. xl, fols. 246-247.

During the war Spanish vessels came to Louisiana from time to time, but the number naturally tended steadily to decrease as hostilities progressed. On August 28, 1758, it is stated that four months had elapsed since a boat had been sent to Vera Cruz for a supply of ammunition and that nothing as yet had been heard from it.^ In May, 1759, a cargo of 250 hogsheads of salt from Campeachy was sold at New Orleans ^ for twenty deniers a pound.' As the war advanced to the disadvantage of France, the trade necessarily became more and more disturbed. In 1760, the merchants from Mexico found it correspondingly difficult to cash the bills of exchange they received in Louisiana, hence accepted them only with the greatest reluctance. This circumstance in turn hindered efforts to obtain ammunition for the province from the Spaniards.* The traffic seems not to have been entirely destroyed, however, for in 1764 an English estimate put the annual value of the trade with Vera Cruz, Campeachy, Havana and New Orleans at 60,000 pounds.'

1 A. N., C, Ser. F', vol. xxv, fols. 34-35. 'Supra, p. 220.

• A. N., C, Sir. F*, vol. xxv, fols. 101-105.

♦/&irf., Sh. B, vol. cxiii, pt. i, fols. 276-277; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 10764, fols. 243-245.

• B. of T. Papers, Oct. 31, 1764, Ala. Hist Soc Trans. Montgomery. Ala.

CHAPTER XXII Trade with New Mexico and Texas

When the French took possession of the Mississippi valley they believed that overland commerce with Mexico would enable them to share in the wealth of the gold and silver mines located somewhere in that vast province of Spain.^ Excepting for an exploring expedition in 1701, made up of twelve Canadians under the command of Juch-ereau de St. Denis, and despatched by Bienville to the Red river, where they spent six months without acquiring any information concerning the Spaniards,^ nothing in that direction was done until Louisiana passed under the control of Crozat, one of whose projects was the building-up of a trade with the Spanish settlements of the interior.^

In 1712, Governor Cadillac furnished a party of twenty-two men under the leadership of St. Denis with passports, gave them five canoes laden with 10,000 pounds of merchandise and sent them on a trading expedition to New Mexico.* The party passed up the Red river as far as practicable, and then proceeded across country to the Spanish settlements in New Mexico. Informed of the object of the visit the local officials declined to give any definite reply until the matter had been laid before their provincial superiors, an attitude necessitating a long delay. The next

* Margry, vol. ii, pp. 360-364.

* La Harpe, p. 34.

' A. N., C, Set. C13, vol. iii, fols, 223-224, 230; La Harpe, p. 113.

* La Harpe, p. 116; Margry, vol. v, p. 495.

year found St. Denis still awaiting an answer to his proposal. When vouchsafed it was in effect a refusal unless he could obtain permission from the viceroy at the city of Mexico. Here the French leader stayed a long time, but all his efforts were fruitless. Finally he was allowed to return to Lx)uisiana after an absence of nearly three years.^ On hearing the results of his efforts, Governor Cadillac was convinced that trade could not be opened in this fashion. He therefore contented himself with ordering a fort to be erected, 1717, on the Red river among the Natchitoches Indians so as to prevent the Spaniards from encroaching upon French territory.'

St. Denis had a different opinion. In conjunction with several Canadians he formed a commercial company, purchased of Crozat's agents 60,000 pounds of merchandise, which it was proposed to sell to the Spaniards in the province of New Leon, and on October 10, 1716, set out for the viceroyalty where he arrived in October of the next year, sold the goods at a good price to some merchants of Boca de Leon and started on the return to Mobile, arriving there October 25, 1717. En route he was seized, held as a spy and later sent in chains to the city of Mexico. Here he was forced to remain until 1719 when he was able to make his way back to Louisiana. The misfortune befell him because at the time of his visit in 1716 an agreement he had made with the viceroy had become ineffective through the death of that functionary and the unfriendly attitude of his successor toward the French.' The activity of this pioneer, together with the building of the post on the Red river, nevertheless alarmed the Span-

' Margry, vol. v, pp. 496-505, 526-537; La Harpe, pp. 12^131,

' La Harpe, p. 131.

» Ihid., pp. 130, 134, 135-139, 14s.

iards who, as a means of defense against further encroachments, on January 29, 1717, established the post of Adayes on the frontier not far from Natchitoches/

In 1719, the leadership in the development of trade with the Rio Grande settlements was given to Benard de La Harpe.^ To this end he sent to the governor of Texas his passport and a letter in which he expressed his desires in the matter. These he set forth with deference yet at the same time with considerable confidence, as had been suggested to him by the Spanish missionary at Adayes. On May 28, 1719, La Harpe received a reply stating that he was intruding upon Spanish territory which he was commanded to leave at once. Trade with the Spanish in Texas, La Harpe now saw, was not feasible as yet; accordingly a second letter he despatched to the governor on June 9 was much less complimentary in tone. In it he asserted that Texas did not form a part of the viceroyalty of New Spain. As his honor well knew, that province was drained by rivers flowing into the Mississippi, a fact which by La Salle's work in 1684 made it a part of the possessions of the king of France.^

Failing in his attempt to persuade the governor. La Harpe next turned his attention to Father Marcello, the missionary at Assinais, and on April 26, 1719, wrote him as follows: Reverend Father, ..." Your zeal as I well know is very great, but at times you must need help. Touched by these things and having in my possession the means to aid you in your work of the spreading of the Gospel, I make you the following ofifer. You write to your

1 La Harpe, p. 139.

'Ibid., pp. 144-146; Margry, vol. vi, pp. 241-242.

»La Harpe, pp. 189-192, 193-194, 196-197; Margry, vol. vi, pp. 253, 262-267, 274-276.

friends in New Mexico and the kingdom of Leon that they can find at Nassonites or Natchitoches all the European merchandise of which they have need, and, too, at reasonable prices, which will undoubtedly enable them to sell the merchandise at a good profit. With these merchants I will make an arrangement that you are to have five per cent on all sales." " This," La Harpe continued, " will be a sure means of establishing a trade between the two settlements, thereby rendering great service to many persons who otherwise for a long time would be deprived of all European merchandise. Moreover, this trade will make it possible for you to establish your mission solidly." La Harpe then asked the missionary to sell him ten cows and two bulls which he proposed to pay for with com and beans. Along with this letter La Harpe sent the missionary a present of ten pieces of Bretagne and one of damask in order to insure a favorable reply. ^

On May 24, 1719, Father Marcello replied to La Harpe thus : ..." It is not proper for a priest to engage in trade. I propose, therefore, that our correspondence be kept secret, especially since I am on very friendly terms with the Spanish officials. The correspondence which you propose to open, however, meets with my approval and I shall write my friends of your wishes." The missionary then closed his letter with an assurance that he would keep La Harpe informed of " what passes " and a promise to send him four cows and a bull, all the animals that he at the time could provide.^

So far as the records show the correspondence ended

here. What trade grew out of it there seems to be no way

/ of determining. Evidence, however, is available that, if the

' Margry, pp. 268-269; La Harpe, pp. 190-191.

' Margry, vol. vi, pp. 274-275; La Harpe, pp. 194-195.

French on the lower Mississippi were much interested in the settlements on the Red river, it came more from hopes than from realities, so far as trade was concerned. At all events many of the settlers were anxious to accompany La Harpe in the belief they would be able quickly to make their fortunes. Most of them were not inclined to take up agriculture as a means of developing trade, and when pressed to do so deserted. The Indians, however, supported La Harpe, and captured and brought back a majority of the fugitives.^

Taking up the project launched by St. Denis and La Harpe, in 1720, the Company of the Indies proposed to establish a post on St. Bernard Bay, where they could put in a supply of merchandise to be used in promoting commerce with the Spaniards located near the upper waters of the rivers that flow into that bay. Up stream at a spot most conveniently situated a second post was to be built. From this point the French proposed to enter into alliances with the Indians of the region and use them as guides to lead the way directly to the gold and silver mines of Mexico, Moreover, it was asserted, French merchandise carried to the Spaniards would help operations very greatly, since all kinds of European goods were scarce in the interior settlements.^

The post on St. Bernard Bay was never erected, but by 1720 that at Natchitoches had thirty-three Frenchmen, thirty-four negroes and six Indian slaves. The colonists raised wheat, corn, rice, beans, tobacco, melons, potatoes and vegetables, and secured from the Indians peltry and bear's oil for export. With these commodities they managed to do a considerable amount of business. Corn and

* Margry, vol. vi, p. 270; Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, pp. 272-273. ' A. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. vi, fol. 22; Margry, vol. vi, pp. 233, 336.

beans sold at the French post at sixteen livres a barrel and tobacco at thirty sols a pound. At Adayes they sold annually about 200 barrels of corn, sixty of beans and 300 pounds of tobacco. For them they were paid in silver at the following prices: corn and beans at three piastres a barrel and tobacco at fifteen sols a pound. The French, however, had only a slight chance apparently of increasing the traffic in the face of the potentialities represented at Adayes by two plows and some ground already under cultivation. Besides the trade in colonial products, there was a small business, amounting to about 200 piastres a year, done in European goods. The reason for it was the inferior quality and the high price of French merchandise compared with what was offered in competition by the English traders.^

About this itme the English received an order to furnish 450 piastres worth of goods to each of the 100 soldiers stationed at Adayes who were no longer to be paid in silver. On the wares thus provided it was claimed that the Spanish commandant made a profit of at least 600 per cent. Since the viceroy was willing to tolerate the abuse, from this time onward the men of the garrison had no money with which to buy from the French, even had their goods been more desirable than the English articles. Accordingly, while this agreement with the English lasted, the trade with Natchitoches in this respect was reduced almost to nothing. Even after the expenditure of very considerable sums for the purpose of " closing the eyes of justice " the English, it seems, were able to undersell the French, and no improvement in the situation could be expected until the French could lower the price and better the quality of their merchandise. This reduction was impossible, due to the long distance the goods had to be carried on pack-mules.'

' A. N., C, Sir. C»8, vol. vi, fols. 50-51.

' Ibid., fols. 51-52; Margry, vol. vi, pp. 231-232.

St. Denis, the one man in Louisiana who was at all well fitted to deal with the situation, the Company now, 1721, placed in charge of the post at Natchitoches with power over the surrounding territory. He had as his partner in this enterprise Weillart d'Anvilliers, chief clerk of the post, who was to share with him, equally, five per cent on all sales of merchandise made to the Spaniards. Just what they accomplished during their term of office, the former remaining until 1744, it seems impossible definitely to ascertain.^ In 1722, however, a " visitador general", in the person of Captain Antonio Cobian Busto, made a tour of the viceroyalty in order to investigate the affairs of the interior provinces, and found a number of Spaniards engaged ill illicit traffic with the French of Louisiana. He reported the fact to the viceroy who the next year received an order from the king of Spain to put a stop to it. The same year the governor of the province issued an order meant to regulate trade with " gentile tribes ". Governor Bustamante affirmed that New Mexico traders went to Louisiana where they bought annually goods worth $12,OCX). The governor's prohibitory command, April 3, 1723, was to the effect that " The people were allowed to trade with gentiles who came to Taos and Pecos, but some were accustomed to go out in the plains to meet them ",~ the latter act evidently being the unpardonable sin. The remoteness of these provinces made it exceedingly difficult to fulfill the royal wishes and irregularities of the sort probably continued. At any rate in 1725 a small trade was still carried on between Natchitoches and the Spaniards of New Mexico.^

* A. N., C, Set. Ci', vol. xiii, fol. 66; Margry, vol. vi, p. 222.

* Bancroft, Hist, of Arizona and New Mexico, pp. 238-239. 3 A., A, £., Am., vol, i, fol. 26.

In 1731, the officials of Louisiana recommended that the home government send merchandise for the Mexican trade but Natchitoches was not mentioned especially as one of the posts to receive it.^ By 1733, however, they were convinced that traffic on a scale of any size was practically impossible on account of the strong opposition and great activity against it shown by the viceroy of New Spain.^ Two years later the trade with Adayes through Natchitoches was said to be worth between 2,000 and 3,000 piastres annually. However the priest at the former post now asked Father Beauboise at the latter to send him a quantity of cloth, church ornaments, flour, wine and brandy. To use this request as a means of expanding trade in general involved great risk from seizure by Indians and Spaniards alike who were apt to treat intruders with great severity. Therefore the French were of the opinion that, to be profitable, the necessary dealings would have to be carried on entirely by the Spaniards themselves at Natchitoches.' As the latter could not be induced to go there in any considerable numbers, development in this direction would be very slow. In 1737, in fact, the father at Adayes had not received any of the supplies asked for.* Up to this time all restrictions on the traffic had come from the Spaniards. This year, learning of the existence of a small trade in meat between Natchitoches and Adayes, the French officials forbade it. Like many ordinances of the time the prohibition was so poorly enforced that substantially no change in the situation took place.'

The death of St. Denis, 1744, was a blow to the commer-

» A. N., C. Sir. 0«, vol. xiii, fol. 13. » Ibid., voL xvi, fols. 84-85.

* Ibid., vol. XX. fols. 52-53.

* Ibid., vol. xxii, fols. 37-38.

* Ibid., vol. xxi, fols. 256-260; Sir. A, vol. xxiii, Oct. 30, 1737.

cial relations between Louisiana and the interior settlements of Mexico. Related by marriage to the local officials, he had always been able to carry on some trade there.^ The commandant's influence with those at Adayes, however, was much less. Some business was still done but after 1747, when Spanish troops were paid with merchandise from Mexico, opportunities for enlarging it were scanty indeed.^

Under these circumstances Vaudreuil, in 1748, arranged with the viceroy for an exchange of deserters at Natchitoches and Adayes, respectively, a scheme that the governor believed would eventually lead to an increase in the trade. ^ Commerce with the whole of the viceroyalty passing through Natchitoches at this time was worth a little less than 14,500 livres a year.* Vaudreuil left Louisiana in 1752 without witnessing any material improvement in the situation. Nor were matters any better under his successor.

So far as New Mexico proper was concerned, as early as 1703, twenty Canadians started thither from the Illinois country with the idea of trading with the Spaniards for piastres and to find out what they could concerning the mines of New Mexico.^ The attempt ended in failure. Two years later some " voyageurs " from the upper Missouri reached the Illinois country where they gave an account of the frontier settlements of New Mexico, which, however, was too vague to arouse French activity in that direction.®

^A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xxviii, fols. 269-270.

' Ihid., vol. XXX, fol. 249; vol. xxxi, fol. 188.

' Ihid., vol. xxxii, fol. 70.

< A., B. N., loly Coll, vol. 1726, fol. 242.

' Margry, vol. vi, p. 180.

« Ihid., p. 181; ^. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. i, fol. 502.

For a while no further efforts were made there. In 1721, however, interest in the project was revived by the news from the Indians of the area that 200 Spanish soldiers had tried to make an expedition overland, with the object, as the French surmised, of seizing the Illinois country. They were driven back and finally destroyed by hostile Indians. As soon as the commandant of the Illinois country heard of the expedition he sent out a party of men in search of the route traversed by the Spaniards, hoping that it would lead to New Mexico.^ Though unsuccessful, the attempt suggested to Governor Bienville the desirability of constructing Fort Orleans on the Grand river.' In 1723, some trade with the Spaniards, probably a mere exchange of merchandise for horses effected through Indian agents, was carried on at this post.' Nevertheless there is a possibility that the traffic in horses was entered upon directly with the Spaniards themselves, for they very early brought horses to sell to the French at Natchez.* Whatever its nature, the commerce at Fort Orleans did not prosper, and it was even thought advisable to abandon the post altogether or to make of it simply a mission station."^

For a while there seems to have been no interest among the French of the Illinois country in finding the way to New Mexico. On July 24. 1739, however, a party of men from that part of Louisiana reached Santa Fe. The route was long and difficult, nine pack-horses and their burdens being lost in making the trip. The French still had merchandise enough left to make the experiment that had brought them to New Mexico, and to assure for themselves

1 A. N., C, Sh-. Ci«, vol. i, p. 386.

* Supra, p. 30.

* A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. vi, fol. 287; Margry, vol. vi, p. 387.

* Ehimont, vol. i, p. 81. » Supra, p. 30.

friendly treatment during their stay. They were lodged in Spanish homes and were invited to eat at Spanish tables/

While no great advance in the trade was effected, some interest in it was aroused. The vicar and ecclesiastical judge of the province soon after the departure of the Frenchmen wrote to the priest at Natchitoches declaring that the idea appealed to him. He said that his people were without money, but that if there were a possibility of securing merchandise from Louisiana he felt certain that he could induce them to obtain the silver needful to be given in exchange. He remarked there were rich mines of that metal at a place called " Chihuahua ", only 200 leagues from his mission, where Spanish settlers of the province went to trade. If they could procure French goods he was positive they could easily be persuaded to work these mines for all the silver that might be required. On his own account he observed that he had 4,000 piastres ready to make a beginning in the traffic.^

Just what the influence of this expedition on commerce between New Mexico and Louisiana was, it is impossible to say with any definiteness. Some of the men engaged in it returned by water to New Orleans, the remainder went back to the Illinois country over the same route by which they had come. The French, therefore, succeeded in finding the way overland from the Illinois to New Mexico, but so long as they were in possession of Louisiana the route apparently was not used again. Just at the end of the French period, however, they rediscovered the eastern terminus of what later became the famous Santa Fe trail.'

* Margry, vol. vi, pp. 455-464, 466-468.

" Ibid., pp. 464-465.

' Ibid., pp. 460, 466, 467, 468, 472.

CHAPTER XXIII Trade with Florida

Shortly after Iberville planted this colony, he suggested to the Spanish commandant at Pensacola the desirability of entering into commercial relations. As the garrison there was not any too well supplied with food, the proposition was readily accepted. By 1702, therefore, the traffic was fairly well under way, the commodities for the purpose being drawn from the royal storehouse.*

On March 10, 1704 the French supplied Pensacola with 4000 pounds of flour.' Notwithstanding the quantity sent the governor of that post was at Mobile, April 6, beseeching Bienville to send a boat to Vera Cruz for the purpose of procuring foodstuffs for him. The vessel was dispatched May 18, but before its return a ship from Havana arrived with flour on board, 75 sacks of which were hurried off at once to Pensacola.^ Again on December 20, the French furnished supplies to the amount of ICO barrels of flour, 30 quintals of lard and some munitions of war.*

In September 1706 Mobile provided Pensacola with 100 quintals of flour.' It was at this time asserted that

* A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. xxxii, pt. 2, fol. 47; Margry, vol. iv, pp. 502, 552; La Harpe, pp. 71, 72.

« U Harpe, p. 83. • Ibid.

* Ibid., p. 86.

» A. N., C, Sir. a», vol. i, fol. 472.

the reason why Louisiana was always so short of food was because the brothers of Iberville drew so freely on the royal supplies to promote their own private trade at Pensacola. Moreover it was claimed that 1217 livres, 16 sols, 8 deniers of government funds thus tar had been expended in boats that were used chiefly in furthering these family transactions.'

For two months, Bienville asserted on February 20, 1707, the food supply for the province had been short. Nevertheless he was obliged to share what there was with the garrison at Pensacola, where the scarcity was much greater.^ In June he made a consignment of 40 quintals of flour.^ The following year the report to the home government showed that the Louisiana ofificials, since 1702, had furnished Pensacola with something more than 692 piastres' worth of such provisions/ In August, 1709, the future looked dark. There were rations at Mobile for the soldiers for only two months, and the Indians' harvest had been very light. The Pensacola settlement was again facing starvation; therefore, Bienville, out of his meagre amount of provisions, sent it twenty barrels, which was all that could be spared.^

The next year, 1710, before the vessels from France arrived to replenish the royal storehouse, Bienville sold to Pensacola 150 barrels of corn, at from four to five piastres each, thereby forcing the French soldiers and settlers into the woods in search of food.^ In 1711 the

^A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. i, fols. 472-501; Sir. B, pt. 2, vol. xxxii, fol. 47.

* Ihid., Sir. Cia, vol. ii, fol. 5.

* Iberville's Journal, Lib. of Congress, Washington, D. C.

* A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. ii, fols. 519-527. ' Ibid., vol. ii, fols. 427-438.

* Ibid., fols. 519-527.

Louisiana officials secured at Vera Cruz 100 quintals of flour for their distressed Spanish neighbors,' who had as yet made no clearings of any kind. Besides the supplies thus provided, the settlers of Louisiana also had developed a small traffic with Pensacola in vegetables, corn, poultry and other local products. Through it the French colonists obtained a certain amount of silver with which to provide themselves with French goods.'

During the period under discussion, 1702-1712, there were times when Pensacola was in a position to furnish foodstuffs to the French settlement on the Mobile. In 1703 the governor of the former post, learning of the dearth of provisions at the latter, despatched messengers thither with the information that three vessels laden with food from Vera Cruz had just reached him and carried sufficient in quantity for both garrisons. The French were filled with joy at the news. For some time they had been forced to subsist chiefly upon fish and clams. A boat was at once sent to Pensacola where Governor Andres de la Riola provided them with what they wished. On August 16, 1705, also, the Louisiana officials learned from the captain of a French ship that had stopped at Pensacola on the way to Mobile that the Spanish governor had just received a large consignment of food from Vera Cruz and expressed a desire to share it with his French neighbors.* In 1706 and 1707 both garrisons were short of rations. In 1708 a shipment of foodstuffs was dispatched from Mobile' to Pensacola; in April a cargo of such commodities went from the latter

M. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. ii, fols. 641-645. » Ibid., vol. iii, fols. SU-SIS-

* La Harpe, p. 80.

* Ibid., pp. 91-92. ^ Supra, p. 419.

to the former post;' in June the direction of the cargoes was again reversed."

On his arrival in the province, Governor Cadillac at once ordered trading on the part of the colonists with any one but the Crozat agents stopped. The effect of the mandate, if any, was to stimulate it. Under the Crozat rule, furthermore, the French at Mobile began to deal secretly with Spanish ships on their way to or from Pensacola. The transactions took place in the lower bay, sometimes ofif Dauphin Island. On the other hand the Louisiana officials continued to provide the garrison at Pensacola with food.3 In September 1714 Crozat's agents received 150 quintals of flour from France and sold 30 barrels (200 lbs. each) of it to the Spaniards.* Early in 1716 the Louisiana officials sent merchandise to Pensacola to be sold to Spanish vessels from other ports or to the garrison itself.^ The neglect of the post by the Spaniards, in fact, caused it to become a fairly good market for the Louisiana settlers as well, who by 1717 were selling supplies there to the amount of about 12,000 piastres annually.^

The Company of the West from the first considered the trade between Pensacola and Mobile prejudicial to the growth of the province as a whole, and in order to check it, proposed to make settlements upon the Mississippi.' The war that broke out between France and Spain in 1719, however, provided a much more effectual

^ La Harpe, p. 102.

2 Supra, p. 420.

» A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. iii, fols. 469-476. 511-513, 568-570.

* Ibid., fols. 513-515.

' Ibid., vol. iv, fol. 69.

* La Harpe, p. 140.

' Margry, vol. v, pp. 547-549-

means of destroying it.' In 1723 the traffic was resumed, and some of the larger landowners in Louisiana were making plans to increase it by the addition of a **ba-landre " and a half-galere to the boat service on the river and along the coast.' Whether this was done is not clear. In 1725 at all events it is stated that the commerce was being carried on partly by sea and partly by land, and since the close of the war had grown considerably.^ Governor Perier was favorably disposed toward it, and on October 2, 1727, had a talk with the "pagador" of Pensacola, who was at Mobile, on ways and means of furthering such a traffic*