1 A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. Ixi, fols. 629, 641; Sir. C^*, vol. xix, fols. 22-24.
» Ibid., Ser. C^^, vol. xvii, fols. 47-48.
means of support for their families and negroes. Moreover, the price of twenty-five livres a quintal for tobacco was not enough when they were forced to pay for merchandise at double and even treble its cost in France.^ At this time the home government added to the difficulties of the tobacco growers by fixing the freight rate on tobacco at fifty livres a ton, a rate that before had been as low as twenty-five livres,^
The royal ship reported lost' and others reached Louisiana early in 1733. Although they had on board a considerable amount of supplies for the colony there was not enough, under the extraordinary circumstances then existing in the province, to have any appreciable effect upon prices, since these combined cargoes did not exceed 400 tons. This supply, moreover, was scarcely enough to dissuade the discouraged settlers from their intention of returning to France. The discontent was great among the " bourgeoisie " and planters in and around New Orleans. The settlers who, just at this time, were beginning their establishments were also much discouraged.* One of these vessels later took on a cargo of 150 "boucauts" (hogsheads) of tobacco, all that was left of the storm-ridden crop, and some peltry at Mobile.'' Further discouragement just now was heaped upon the people of Louisiana by the rejection of their brick and lumber in the markets of France, where they had been pronounced of inferior quality and sold at a price too low to warrant further shipment.*
1 A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xvi, fols. 80-82.
» Ibid., Sir. B., vol. Iviii, fol. 182; vol. lix, fol. 580.
« Supra, p. 174.
* A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xvi, fols. no, 140-141.
* Ibid., vol. xvii, fols. 89-go, 163.
* Ibid., fols. 204-207.
179] TRADE BETWEEN FRANCE AND LOUISIANA lyg
On February 17, 1733, a boat left Bordeaux for Louisiana, where it arrived on May 27, with a cargo of 100 tons. Of this consignment there were sixty tons of wine, nine tons of brandy, ten of flour and the remainder dry merchandise (merchandise seche). The whole of the cargo was of good quality and sold readily. Therefore the vessel was able to leave for France on July 25.^ A second merchant ship arriving about this time also sold its cargo to advantage.^ No more vessels set out from France for Louisiana until August, when three left for the province almost at the same time, one each from the ports of St. Malo, Bordeaux and La Rochelle.^
The first of these crafts to reach Louisiana was the one from St. Malo. It carried only a trade permit for Mobile. Lack of such a privilege for New Orleans, however, was of small consequence to the captain. On reaching the Gulf of Mexico he sailed to the capital under the pretext that he was forced to do so in order to prevent his boat being seized by the English. The colonial officials, however, were not misled by this statement, and asserted that, had this story not been a satisfactory reason for the appearance of the boat at New Orleans, another would have been immediately forthcoming. The captain disposed of some of the merchandise on board, then went to Mobile where he sold wine at 120 livres a cask, brandy at thirty-five sols a pot, and flour at thirty livres a barrel. The dry-goods of the cargo he disposed of at five times the cost, and the other merchandise at a profit of from 60 to 80 per cent. For the return trip he took on tar, deerskins and logwood. He paid for the tar thirteen livres a barrel of 200 quintals,
^A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xvi, fols. 116, 266; vol. xvii, fols. 89-90.
* Ihid., vol. xvi, fols. 38-39.
' Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Ixi, fols. 629-631.
the whole of the purchase amounting to 18,440 livres/ For the remainder of the sales he received a bill of exchange on New Orleans for the sum of 12,349 livres, two sols, four deniers, thus making the amount disposed of 30,789 livres, two sols, four deniers. The vessel then returned to New Orleans where the captain finished buying his cargo for France. Here he sold what was left of the European merchandise and purchased 383 " quarts" of tar.»
The governor and " ordonnateur " requested the home government to send other ships directly to Mobile. They asserted that in so doing it would save the people there from paying a second profit and also many trips to New Orleans for supplies. Moreover, it would stimulate the pitch and tar industry which, it was thought, could be increased to one hundred or one hundred and fifty tons annually. These products the inhabitants of Mobile wished to exchange for wine, brandy, flour and other European goods.^
The vessel from La Rochelle was the second of the three merchant ships to reach the colony. Its cargo was disposed of much to the advantage of the owner. The captain, however, declared the venture unprofitable and asserted he had no desire to bring his boat again to Louisiana while the situation in the cotton and tobacco trade remained unchanged. These products were selling at prices which, he further claimed, robbed him of legitimate gains,
^A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xviii, fols. 8-12. Governor's rq)ort gives wine at 500 livres, the number of skins as 10,000 to 12,000.
" Ibid., vol. xviii, fols. &-12; vol. xix, fols. :i-S, 22-24, I5I-IS7; Sir. B, vol. Iviii, fol. 60; vol. Ixi, fols. 629-631.
* Ibid., Sir. 0», vol. xvii, fols. 89-90; vol. xviii, fols. 8-12; vol. xix, fols. 3-5, 22-24.
The " ordonnateur " nevertheless informed the home government that every trader coming to the province indulged in such talk, and that it was wholly unwarranted by the facts in the case. The sales of the merchandise of the vessel in question certainly seem to bear out the statement of the colonial official, since the captain sold wine at 480 livres a cask, brandy at thirty to thirty-five sols a pot, flour at from eighteen to twenty livres a barrel and the remainder of the goods brought over was also disposed of profitably. The captain took in exchange lumber of all kinds, brick, pitch, tar (eighty "quarts"), and some other colonial products suited to the St. Domingue trade and the balance in a bill of exchange on France. Before leaving the province he bought also some tobacco which he secured permission from the " ordonnateur " to send to France on one of the royal ships. ^
The vessel from Bordeaux was the last of the three crafts to reach Louisiana. The colony was comfortably supplied with a better quality of wine than that coming from Bordeaux, hence it did not sell well. The captain thereupon decided not to attempt immediately to dispose of what he had brought to the province. Instead he rented a room in New Orleans where he stored the wine, in order to hold it until that of a better quality had been consumed when, he believed, he would be able to sell more advantageously. This procedure necessitated a stay in the province of many months. Just at the time that he was able to command 200 livres a cask for the inferior wine the untimely arrival of another vessel from Bordeaux with a better grade on board, put an end to his scheme and he was obliged to sell the 100 casks still remaining, in lot, at 57 livres each. Had
^A. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. xvii, fols. 89-90; vol. xviii, fols. 8-12; vol. xix, fols. 3-5, 22-24.
he sold all the wine on his arrival, he would have received from 140 to 150 livres a cask and not consumed his profits by a long stay in Louisiana where the cost of living was very high. In the meantime, however, he had bought up 100 ** quarts " of tar which he sent to France on a royal ship and he finally left the province with a cargo of pitch and tar for the West Indies trade and 30,000 livres in bills of exchange on France.^
It seems there were no more merchant boats in Louisiana until August, 1734, when one from La Rochelle and two from Bordeaux arrived with a supply of wine, brandy and quantities of other merchandise for which the captains were willing to receive only bills of exchange on France; their vessels were too small to make a cargo of bulky colonial products worth while. This demand on the part of the traders disarranged the finances of the province and gave displeasure to the officials who requested the crown to grant no more subsidies to boats under 200 tons.' The request the home government seems to have granted, for, December 14, 1734, it gave a ship of seventy-five tons permission to carry a cargo to Louisiana, but no subsidy was promised.'
The red wine from the cargoes of two of the vessels was sold in Louisiana at 480 livres a cask, the white at 320 livres, and the brandy at thirty sols a pot, and all sorts of merchandise brought equally good prices. The captain of one of the ships received from the " ordonnateur " a certificate of sales for ninety-six tons and bills of exchange amounting to 47,053 livres, six sols, while another got one for sixty tons and bills of exchange for 92,251 livres, one sol, four
^A. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. xviii, fols. 8-12; vol. xix, fob. 22-24, 69-70. ' Ibid., vol. xix, fols. 82-83; Ser. B., vol. Ixi, fol. 629. » Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Ix, fol. 106.
deniers.^ The supplies from these two vessels brought colonial prices down, therefore the third captain could command but 150 livres a cask for wine. Before the end of his sojourn in the province, however, he was able to advance that price to 200 livres; brandy he sold at thirty, thirty-five and forty livres an " ancre " (sixteen pots). On leaving Louisiana he took with him a certificate of sales for 131 tons and bills of exchange on France drawn on the allowance of 1735 for 16,100 livres, thirteen sols. Another bill of exchange on the same year was drawn for 7,615 livres, two sols, four deniers in favor of a trader who brought merchandise to the province on this vessel.^
During the year 1734 there were three royal ships in Louisiana. These crafts carried merchandise for the support of the province and one brought to it a shipment of lead. On the return voyage they took to France tobacco, cotton, tar and some other products, much of which was shipped by settlers or by men owning vessels in the Louisiana trade occupied in carrying other cargoes to the French West Indies where they received a cargo for the return to France.*
The " ordonnateur " in making an inventory of the supplies brought to Louisiana from France by the eleven merchant ships during the years 1732-1734, inclusive, asserted that it showed an astonishingly large amount of wine and brandy imported into a province where there were so few people. For these years there were but fifty tons of flour, a shortage explained by the large supplies of flour sent to New Orleans from the Illinois country and by the fact that many persons in the province used rice flour entirely for making bread.*
^A. N., C, SSr. C13 vol. xix, fols. 106-107. ^Ibid., fols. 104-107; Sir. B, vol. Ixi, fol. 641. ' Ihid., Sir. C^^, vol. xix, fols. 22-24, 37-4Q-* Ibid., vol. XX, fols. 31-32.
Since 1731 the crops of Louisiana had been Hght and the prospects for 1735 were not promising. This year the lumber output was greatly decreased by the floods that began in December, 1734, and continued well into April. For four months much of the land was under water, thus preventing the men from working in the forests.^ The cotton gin introduced in 1733 * had not been a success, and although some attempts had been made to improve the machine, nothing as yet had been accomplished.^ The quality of the cotton was fine and sold for fifteen livres a quintal in France. In March, 1735, in the grain, cotton brought four sols a pound, while at the same time the seeded was received at the royal storehouse at eighteen sols a pound.*
The tar experiment made at Mobile in 1732 had borne fruit. It was estimated in 1735 that there would be marketed that year between 12,000 and 15,000 barrels of pitch and tar at Mobile; and at Lake Pontchartrain, where the work had been taken up later, between 10,000 and 12,000 barrels. In the French market the price stood at six and eight livres a quintal, respectively. The price seems to have been satisfactory since the men engaged in the industry complained only of a shortage of negro labor for manufacturing, and a lack of vessels in which to send the commodity to France. The crown was asked at this time to do what it could to remove these two obstacles to the production of tar and pitch.' The home government had in some instances allowed the settlers to send their tar to
^ A. N., C, Sir. C*», vol. xix, fols. 37-40; vol. xx, fols. 52-56. ^ Supra, p. 177.
* A. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. xviii, fols. 14-19, 41-44; vol. xix, fols. 8-10.
* Ibid., vol. xvii, fols. 89-90; Sir. A, vol. xxiii, March 30, 1735.
* Ibid., Sir. 0», vol. xviii, fols. 14-19, 41-44, 51-53; Sir. B, vol. Ixi, f oL 653.
France on its vessels free of freight charges. Moreover it had ordered the colonial officials always to give preference on its ships to the tar thus owned. Many of the producers as in the case of tobacco ^ were unable to take advantage of the privilege because it was out of the question for them to have so much of their year's earnings tied up for so long. To relieve this condition the " ordonnateur", in worthy cases, made advances of money to the shippers.^
The tobacco output for the year 1735 was very short. Only the cultivators at Pointe Coupee were able to raise a crop, hence the shipment for the year consisted of what they produced, in all about 100,000 pounds.* The royal government fixed freight rates on tobacco at fifty livres a ton, with the order that tobacco belonging to settlers, as in the case of tar just cited, should be preferred to that offered by the merchants in making up cargoes on its vessels.* The rice crop too was light, and many of the farmers were now turning to indigo as their staple, the production of which was encouraged by an increase in price from three livres, four sols to three livres ten sols a pound.^ On March 30, the prices of colonial products at the royal storehouse were as follows: rice, not hulled, three livres a barrel; indigo, three livres, ten sols a pound; raw pitch and tar, seven livres, ten sols a quintal, in France nine livres; peltry, one livre, ten sols a pound; cotton, grained, eighteen sols a pound; and tobacco, six sols a pound.*
The home government, it seems, sent but one boat to
1 Supra, p. 177. ■
* A. N., Sir. C^', vol. xix, fols. 22-24. 58-59.
* Ibid., vol. XX, fols. 52-56.
* Ibid., vol. XX, fols. 31-32; Sir. B, vol. Ixiii, fol. 593.
* Ibid., Sir. C^^, vol. xx, fols. 52-56, 208-212.
* Ibid., fols. 208-212; Sir. A, vol. xxiii, March 30, 1735.
Louisiana during 1735. It had on board ten tons of wine of a very poor quality, of which a considerable part had soured during the voyage over; a quantity of flour which sold at from thirty to thirty-five livres a barrel, and 200 quintals of lard. For the return voyage the vessel took on sixty-five hogsheads of tobacco, and thirty-three of peltry, about 346 barrels of pitch and 273 of tar, and seven bales of cotton/
In the same year, however, French merchants sent a number of ships to Louisiana. In December, 1734, it appears that the crown had granted to a captain, who was also the owner, permission to carry a cargo of merchandise to the province. The vessel of seventy-five tons left France in that month. About the same time a second such ship set out from St. Malo carrying a trade permit for Mobile only, and a third from La Rochelle for New Orleans.^ On March 29, the crown granted another boat a trade permit for Louisiana.* April 30, a vessel reached the province from Bordeaux with a cargo of wine, brandy and flour, the sales of which amounted to 1,860 livres. For its return voyage the ship took brick, lumber, laths and joists which it carried to the French West Indies.* On July 25, a ship landed at the capital a cargo of 200 tons, most of which consisted of foodstuffs which the royal officials had told the merchants were most needed and always sold best.* The " Comte de Maurepas ", a vessel that had been in the Louisiana service almost from the time the colony was taken over by the royal government, at this time carried to
1 A. N., C, Sir. C^', vol. xx, fols. 31-32, 210, 229-230.
* Ibid., fols. 208-212; Sir. A, vol. xxiii, March 30, 1735. ^Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Ixii, fol. 153.
* Ihid., Sir. O', vol. xx, fols. 85-91, 101-104,
» Ihid., fols. 267-272; Sir. B, vol. Ix, fol. xo6.
the province a cargo of a little more than 209 tons of which seven were salt/ From the colony it took 4,629 pounds of beaver skins and between 2,000 and 3,000 pounds of indigo for which three livres, ten sols a pound was paid, and some pitch and tar. The last two articles were received at the royal storehouse at Rochef ort at the rate fixed by the government, but the request of the trader that he be allowed to sell the skins in Holland was denied, the crown explaining that the trade in peltry belonged exclusively to the Company of the Indies.^ On October 25, the home government granted a merchant of Bordeaux permission to put his boat of fifty tons in the Louisiana trade. He was, however, not to set sail until December, since there were at the time already three such ships in the province.* Another grant, October 29, was made to a merchant to send a vessel to Mobile with a supply of foodstuffs on which he was allowed a " gratification " of twenty livres (reduced from forty livres in 1734) a ton on both the outgoing and incoming cargo. As there were no other ships at Mobile no restrictions were placed upon the time of departure.*
The next year, 1736, the home government had one ship ^ in Louisiana and the merchants five. Three of the latter carried to the colony 226 tons of wine and 450 casks of brandy; sixty tons, 250 barrels, iii " quarts " and 3,600 quintals of flour; 200 barrels of powder of fifty pounds each, and large quantities of dry merchandise (marchan-
^A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. Ixii, fol. 83.
* Ibid., fols. 83, 241; Sir. C^^, vol. xx, fols. 105-109, 257-259.
* Ihid., Sir. B, vol. Ixii, fol. 91.
* Ibid., fol. 233.
^ Ibid., Sir. C^', vol. xxi, fols. 256-260.
disc seche). Of this amount ninety tons of wine, 3,600 quintals, 111 " quarts " of flour and the powder were sent over by the royal government. For fifteen casks (114^ pots each) of wine the crown paid 2,321 livres, fourteen sols, four deniers, and for fourteen casks more it paid 2,100 livres.^ In exchange the merchants took colonial products, in which tar and pitch were included, and the balance in bills of exchange on France, the boats not being large enough to carry on the return voyage cargoes equal in value to the European goods they had brought to the province.* As in the previous years the traders received for each such shipment a subsidy of twenty livres a ton on the foodstuffs carried to, and the products of the province taken from, the colony.' In June of the same year a request was sent to the crown from the "entrepreneur of public works" for twenty tons of coal and a supply of salt. If, however, the crown should be unable to provide both, it was requested, by all means, to send the coal which was needed far more. The royal government was further informed that many blunders, due to the absence of this commodity, had been made in large as well as small undertakings where effective heat was required quickly and could not be gotten from the burning of wood.*
As early as January, 1737, a scarcity of flour made itself felt in Louisiana notwithstanding the fact that quantities of it had been sent over the year before.' There were five vessels in the province in 1737, two of which belonged to the crown, but no description of the cargoes they carried
^A.N., C, SSr. C^*, voL xxi, fols. 243-244, 245-249, 263.
• Ibid., fols. 273-277, 328.329.
• Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Ixiv, fol. 271.
• Ibid., Sir. C", vol. xxi, fol. 287.
^ Ibid., vol. xxii, fols. 121-123, 132-133.
either to or from the colony is given.^ As Louisiana was now entering upon a war with the Chickasaw an increase in both munitions and soldiers was necessary. In order to furnish such supplies with the least possible expense, the crown, July 15, 1738, took away, for six years, the exemption accorded the merchants in 1731.^ Free transportation thus obtained seems to have aroused too much opposition to make its continuance advisable; therefore on November 25, the royal government withdrew the ordinance and issued another renewing the former exemption.^
Notwithstanding the discouraging elements that from time to time entered into the trade between France and Louisiana, it gradually increased, and in. 1738 there were seven vessels in the province, six merchant ships and one belonging to the home government.* With the exception of three cases of medicaments sent from the province to France, the cargoes for these boats are not described. As in the previous years, the merchants while in the colony bought up tobacco, tar, pitch and peltry which they sent to France on ships belonging to the crown, while on their own they took cargoes of colonial products to the West Indies.^ The royal officials were still receiving requests from merchants to be allowed to enter the Louisiana trade. This year it granted a permit to a trader of Nantes, up to the time a port having no vessels engaged in this commerce. Accompanying the permit was the allowance of a " gratification " of twenty livres a ton.*
1 A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxii, fols. 46-50, 128-129, 182, 216.
^ Supra, p. 171.
' A. N., C, Ser. A, vol. xxiii, July 15, 1738.
* Ordonnance du Roi du Novembre 25, 1738, N. Y. Pub. lib.
«* A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxiii, fols. 123-124, 127-128.
8 Ihid., vol. xxiv, fols. 167, 202-203; Sir. B, vol. Ixvii, fol. 49.
Due in part at least to the Indian war then in progress, trade between France and the province in 1739 was very active. During the year eleven vessels, six by the merchants and five by the crown, were despatched to Louisiana. The cargoes carried were made up of liquor, large supplies of lard for the troops, and quantities of other merchandise, also with two of the royal boats bringing to the province many soldiers and 50,000 pounds of powder.* One of these ships had a capacity of 500 tons; * that of the remainder was much less, therefore, they could carry from the colony only a limited amount of tobacco, pitch, tar and cotton to France, and brick and lumber to the French West Indies.
An abuse* that had been practiced while the Company of the Indies was in control of the province was renewed at this time though in a somewhat different form. Then the wine in the casks on reaching Louisiana was found to be short of the amount stated in the invoice; now there was a shortage in the number of casks. One vessel on its arrival in the colony was short sixty-one and a half casks out of a consignment of 170. Nothing, however, was done to remedy the evil.*
In the province itself bad harvests followed hard upon one another. The excessively rainy year of 1737 was succeeded by one, the first part of which was very wet, whereas during the remainder there was a drought, and in 1739 there was too much moisture for the crops.°
^A. N., C, Sir. Ci8, vol. xxiv, fols. 8-9, 25, 85-87, 166-169, 173, ao7, 221, 243, 250-251; Sir. B, vol. Ixix, fols. 250, 251, 334.
» A., B. de, VA., vol. 4817, fol. 186.
3 Supra, p. 168.
*A.N., C, Sir. Ci«, vol. xxiv, fols. 26-28.
'76«/., vol. xxii, fols. 37-41, 51-54, 121-123; vol. xxiii, fols. I34-I37; vol. xxiv, fol. 207.
igi] TRADE BETWEEN FRANCE AND LOUISIANA igi
In 1737 the greater part of the tobacco was grown at Pointe Coupee,—the entire output being estimated at 350,-ocxD pounds—and was put upon the market the next year, one-third in rolls and the remainder in the leaf. For the former the growers demanded from twelve to fifteen sols a pound,^ but for the latter the merchants could be induced to pay only three sols, six deniers. As the last price was too low, the colonial officials requested the crown to fix the price at seven livres a quintal in order to prevent the settlers from abandoning the culture altogether.^ In 1739, the planters of Pointe Coupee put only 130,000 pounds of tobacco on the market, of which 100,000 were in "manoques" and sold at four sols, six deniers a pound, and 30,000 in rolls which brought from ten to twelve sols.* The output of tobacco as well as of other products, furthermore, was lessened in 1739 by the withdrawal of 300 negroes from agricultural work for use in the Chickasaw War.* The home government was asked to repair this loss by sending a supply of negroes from Africa. Since the crown was known to be much interested in the Louisiana tobacco trade, this fact was put forth as the reason for the petition. In order to impress it with the importance of such action, the colonial officials called its attention to the circumstances that France was, at the time, drawing almost its whole supply of tobacco from the English who had 200 vessels engaged in the traffic which amounted annually to 70,000 " boucauts " (hogsheads). The whole of the French side of this trade, it was claimed, would fall to Louisiana if only enough laborers were furnished to produce the tobacco, since the quality and flavor of the article
^A. N., C, Ser. C^^ vol. xxiii, fols. 134-137.
' Ihid., vol. xxii, fols. 37-41. * Ibid., vol. xxiv, fol. 154.
* Ibid., fols. 10-13.
grown in that province were quite as good as those of Maryland and Virginia.^
The rice crops for 1737-1739, inclusive, were light and as a result prices were most unstable. In 1737 rice that in the previous year had been selling at three livres a quintal had advanced to seven livres, ten sols,'^ and the next year went to twenty livres.* Since no improvement had been made in the methods of separating the seed from the fiber of the cotton/ the number of bales put upon the market during the three years in question had not increased much. The decrease of interest in cotton was extended to that in indigo, which also had suffered much from the stress of bad weather. In 1737, an effort was made to enable the small farmer to enter upon the cultivation of the dyestuff. A merchant was granted a permit to establish in Louisiana a factory where the raw product could be brought directly from the fields and converted into indigo. The small farmers, it seems, had not been able to enter this business because they had not a sufficiency of capital and labor to establish and maintain factories. The scheme, however, was never realized.'* In 1737. indigo sold at four livres a pound, which the buyers declared was more than it was worth. The next year, however, both crops were light and, although there were fourteen or fifteen men around New Orleans engaged in the growing of indigo, they were able to put upon the market only about 70,000 pounds of it, which sold at five livres a pound.' In 1739 it was pre-
^A. N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. xxiv, fols. 259-278.
• Ibid., voL xxii, fols. 121-123. ' Ihid., vol. xxiii, fols. 134-137.
• Supra, pp. 177, 184.
M. N., C, Sir. C»», xxiii, fols. 134-137-
• Ibid.
dieted in the early part of the season that the indigo crop of these same producers would be i50,cxx) pounds. The dry weather that set in before the plants were matured cut the harvest to between 16,000 and 17,000 pounds. This decrease, however, did not dampen the enthusiasm of the men engaged in the culture. At this time they sent to the home government for its approval and support a plan whereby the amount of indigo put upon the market could be increased.^
While weather conditions had less effect upon the output of pitch and tar, there were other and quite as formidable obstacles in the way of a rapid increase in the annual production. First there was, as there always had been, a shortage in the supply of vessels to carry the commodities to France.^ Then again the Choctaw in 1739 became unfriendly to the French and it was rumored that they intended to carry away the negroes engaged in these industries. Thereupon work slackened at Mobile, and at Lake Pontchartrain was abandoned entirely and the negroes were taken to a place of safety.* The price of pitch and tar during these years, however, was most encouraging for a large output; the former was selling at sixteen, the latter at twelve livres, a barrel.* Just before the close of the year 1739 the crown reduced the price of tar to six livres a quintal and pitch to six livres, five sols.^ Before the cut in the price was known in the province two French merchants contracted with some of the settlers to take, at the old rates of twelve and sixteen livres, respectively, all the tar and pitch they could put on the market for the next
^A.N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. xxiv, fol. 154.
* Ibid., vol. xxiii, fols. 195-196. ' Ibid., fols. 134-137, 169-174.
* Ibid., Ser. B, vol. Ixviii, fol. 11.
* Ibid., Sir. C", vol. xxiii, fols. I34-I37.
year beginning March i, 1739. The colonists proposed to hold the merchants to their contract, but upon an appeal to the home government the case was decided against them.^
Although lumber had by this time practically ceased to form directly a part of the commerce with France, it was indirectly very helpful to the advancement of trade with the mother cotmtry, by offering an inducement to French merchants to bring shiploads of European goods to Louisiana where they could get a cargo with which to buy another for the return to France. From 1737 to 1739, lumber for building purposes had doubled in value. Planks that had brought only forty livres a hundred at the beginning of the years in question, at the end were selling at 120 livres, thus trebling in value.^ Peltry, however, greatly decreased in quantity due to the war between the French and Chickasaw and to the English traders among the Choctaw.*
The crown and the merchants on their part also encountered obstacles in the way of increasing the trade with Lx)uisiana. In 1738 two of the royal ships, and two belonging to the merchants were wrecked by storms during their stay in the province. In some cases everything was lost, while in others, only the boat and part of the cargo were destroyed.* The crews, however, easily found places on other vessels bound for France, because of the loss of men from yellow fever which at the time was raging in the province. The g^eat swarms of mosquitoes, it was claimed, were responsible for the spread of the disease. On one of the ships belonging to the royal government forty-eight, and on another twenty-two, of the sailors died of the malady and many of the others were tgo ill for further service.*
1 A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. Ixviii, fol. 11.
* Ibid., Sir. C^», vol. xxxiii, fols. 127, 134-137. ' Ibid.
* Ibid., vol. xxiv, fols. 202-203, 221.
^ Ibid., fols. 166, 207, 243; A., B. de VA., vol. 4817, fol. 186.
CHAPTER XIV
Trade between France and Louisiana, 1731-1763 (Continued)
Early in 1740 commerce between Louisiana and the mother country was impeded somewhat by the EngHsh who the previous year had declared war upon Spain and were seizing French merchant ships and holding them for search in order to prevent a contraband trade with the enemy. For example, a French vessel bound for the province was seized and taken to Jamaica where it was held pending the investigation/ Except for an increase from forty to ninety livres a ton ^ in the freight rate on royal merchandise sent to the province on private vessels, the commerce with France was the same as in previous years. On the return voyages the cargoes were still being carried to the French West Indies where they were exchanged for others better suited to the European market.*
During the year there were in Louisiana seven merchant ships and two belonging to the royal government.* One of the latter. May 9, was the first to arrive, but before the end of the month two of the former also had reached New Orleans. One of these had sprung a leak that had caused the
» A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxvi, fol. 128.
* A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. Ixxi, fols. 104-105.
* Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, p. 388.
* A. N., C, Sir. Ci8, vol. xxv, fols. 3-4, 21, 25, 27, 42, 141-143, 165-166, 178, 229-231, 238-239; vol. xxvi, fol. 128.
19s] 195
/
loss of the greater part of the half-cargo of salt on board/ Two of these three boats brought to the province twenty tons of wine which sold at 200 and 230 livres a cask, and even when to this amount was added what the third supplied, there was a shortage for the troops of eighteen tons.'' Large consignments of flour had also been despatched; but even with the 6,000 quintals additional from the Illinois country the amount was inadequate. Therefore it was sold in New Orleans at seventy livres a " quart " ' and in smaller quantities at nine sols a pound. 885 quintals, ninety-five pounds of very poor flour that a trader had been holding for five or six months, hoping to secure a better price, was at this time put upon the market where it brought ten livres a quintal. Officials with salaries of as much as 1,800 livres were by such prices reduced to a diet of bread and water.* The royal ships carried on the return to France cotton, tobacco, indigo, peltry, and as an experiment 33,000 brick worth between fourteen and fifteen livres a thousand.'' From September 11 to 18, 1740, Louisiana was again swept by storms that destroyed crops and property to the amount of 20,000 livres. Rice that had been selling for six livres a barrel by the end of the year advanced to twelve livres." The men engaged in the production of tar and pitch received some encouragement as a partial offset to the losses from the storm by having their tar in the French markets pronounced of very good quality. They were told, however, that the trade would be much improved if the tar were refined a little more before shipment.'
1 A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxv, fols. 3-4- * Ibid., fols. 21-24, 230, 264.
* When applied to flour it was 160 to 200 pounds.
* A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxv, fols. 21-24, 230, 264.
* Ibid., fol. 177; Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, p. 387. '/ A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxiv, fols. 66-67, 97, 130.
' Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, p. 37o; A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. Ixx, Louisi-ane, fol. 7.
197] TRADE BETWEEN FRANCE AND LOUISIANA igy
Had the trade in tobacco been free from fraudulent practices, that article would have sold readily at ten sols, six deniers a pound. It was shipped in hogsheads of which the weight and quality of the contents were taken from the shippers' statements, many of which were found to be false. The " ordonnateur" had already pointed out that such dishonesty would only ruin the trade, yet the practice continued. This official, accordingly, issued an ordinance against it. Henceforth tobacco was to be received only in " monoques " or hogsheads, the packing of which was performed in the presence of an inspector. On casks thus filled and closed for shipment, this official placed stamps, provided him by the superior council, showing the weight and quality of the contents.^ This legislation caused men of a better type to begin cultivating tobacco. In 1740, five or six men gave up growing indigo around New Orleans and went to Pointe Coupee to engage in raising tobacco. The output, it was believed, would soon be considerably augmented.^ In anticipation of this enlarged production, the " ordonnateur " asked the crown to make some provision for an increase in the number of boats to be used in transporting the tobacco from the province. At the same time he suggested that the simplest and most effective way of solving the freight problem would be to throw the trade open to the Spaniards, who would then come to Louisiana to buy French merchandise for which they would pay cash, thus leaving the French ships free to carry to the mother country cargoes of tobacco.*
The frequent use of inferior tobacco in making up the rolls led the next year to the issuing of a somewhat different ordinance, which provided for payment in accordance
1 Le Page du Pratz, vol. iii, p. 390; A. N., C, Sir, B, vol. Ixxii, fol. 14. ' A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xxvi, fols. 15-16. ' Ihid., fols. 150-151.
with actual values. It was decreed that henceforth leaf tobacco only should be shipped to France, but in order to give the colonists a market for inferior grades the crown was to take a third of the shipment from the first crop, a half from the second, and a sixth or more from the third. The three different sorts of tobacco were to be separated, placed in piles and weighed, in order to ascertain whether the above proportions were strictly adhered to. In cases where they were not, the inspector was instructed to take the whole amount offered at the price of third-grade tobacco and to impose upon the offender any fine he thought best. When the consignments were made in conformity with the law, the inspector placed upon the tobacco stamps issued by the council, and it was paid for according to the grade to which it belonged as shown by the stamps.^ The regulation seems to have satisfied the buyers in France; at least no further complaints appear.
The crown, in 1741, had two vessels in Louisiana. One brought a cargo of guns and other war material, and carried back to France a heavy cargo of colonial products, without exhausting by any means the stock ready for ex-jxjrt.' During the year the merchants sent three vessels to the province. The cargoes consisted of royal merchandise for which the crown paid high freight rates and allowed a " gratification " of twenty livres a ton on similar goods carried at their own risk.' Among the items were dry goods, sufficient in quantity to enable the officials to supply themselves with at least the most needed articles of clothing,* and wine which sold at 350, 400 and even 500 livres a cask in European money and for 8(X) when paid for in
^A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxvii, fols. 24-25.
* Ihid., vol. xxvi, fols. 9-10, 145-146, 178; Sir. B, vol. Ixxii, fol. 4.
*Ibid., Sir. C^*, vol. xxiv, fols. 91, 107-109. * Ibid., fol. 91.
colonial paper. All foodstuffs were equally expensive and wheat flour was such a rarity as to have no really fixed price, bread being made from a mixture of corn and rice.^ The " ordonnateur", in fact, informed the crown that there was no other French colony in which merchants disposed of their merchandise so advantageously, selling as they did at 100 per cent profit and in some cases even at 400 and 500 per cent. He stated further that one captain had brought to the colony a cargo valued in France at 30,000 livres and had left with one worth 100,000, and a considerable sum of piastres and bills of exchange for the remainder of his profits. He asserted, moreover, that the above example was not an isolated case but that a second such trader effected an equally advantageous exchange of cargoes.^
Yet the owners of the ships pretended not to be satisfied with the Louisiana trade, from which they attempted, even by dishonest methods, to augment their already large profits. Some of the boats on reaching the province had wine on board belonging to the crown that showed a leakage of as much as one-sixth of the amount (120 pots each) the casks were supposed to contain, and flour in which the weight of the "quarts" varied from 155 to 170 pounds, which difference the trader attempted to account for under the head of tare. Another captain sold wine and flour at Cape Frangais that the crown had given him permission to carry only to Louisiana and had replaced those commodities with " guildive ", meanwhile collecting from the home government a subsidy of twenty livres a ton on the cargo put on in France.^ On examination of the bills of exchange taken back to France by these persons the " ordonnateur "
1^. N., C, Sir. C13, vol. xxiv, fols. 128, 165-166, 185.
' Ibid., fols, 107-109. » Ibid., fols. 165-166.
recommended to the royal government to suspend the exemption on imports and exports granted to the merchants on September 30, 1732, for a period of ten years. Acting upon this advice the crown, December 6, 1741, discontinued the exemption.*
The French merchants in 1742 had four vessels trading in Louisiana, one at Mobile and three at New Orleans; but no description of the cargoes is given. The boats carried lumber and other products to Cape Frangais where these commodities were exchanged for others better suited to the home market.* The crown sent two ships. The first reached Louisiana on February 2, but nothing is told of its cargo except that 100 tons were for the " entrepreneur of public works" and were transported free of freight charges.' The other was seized by the English and taken to Jamaica whence its cargo of merchandise, minus contraband of war, after almost two months delay was allowed to proceed to Louisiana where it arrived in August*
Five merchant ships visited the province in 1743, bringing supplies of flour and wine, one cargo alone amounting to 200 tons. In the sale of their own merchandise they were most avaricious, or as the " ordonnateur " remarked: " the merchants seem desirous of making a fortune out of a single venture; they wish to receive only bills of exchange or silver for their merchandise for which they demand extravagant prices ".'
On the other hand, the home government seems to have sent but one vessel to the colony, carrying thither, flour, wine and other merchandise. It left New Orleans in August with
^A.N., C, Sir. B, vol. Ixxii, fol. 35.
' Ibid., vol. Ixxv, fol. 107; Sir. C^^, vol. xxvii, fols. 38, 109, 142.
* Ibid., Sir. C**, vol. xxvii, fols. 5, 38, 109.
* Ibid., fols. 78, 122.
^ Ibid., vol. xxviii, fols. 24, 31, 103, 114-115, 145.
400 " quarts " of tar costing twenty-five livres a ''' quart ", some indigo at nine livres a pound, 40,000 pounds of tobacco at nine sols a pound and 30,000 pounds of lead from the Illinois country. These commodities were sold in France as follows: tobacco, five sols a pound; indigo, four; and tar for about half the cost in Louisiana. The difference to be sure was lessened somewhat by the price for European goods. In any event the crown felt that the development of the province justified the prices paid.^
The home government, however, had not neglected Louisiana as much as the sending there but one boat during the year might indicate. It had sent supplies to the province on the merchant ships, yet the amount was only about half of what the colony needed. The shortage was in some measure due to the dishonesty of the merchants who had been granted permits to carry supplies to the province. The captains of these ships made stops at the Spanish West Indies and coast settlements on their way over. There they sold to the Spaniards what they could of the merchandise and carried the remainder to Louisiana, where they offered it at high prices, even securing from the " ordonnateur " a certificate that entitled them to a subsidy on the entire cargo as shipped from France. Before the end of the year, however, the home government learned of this abuse and sent word to the officials in question to be more careful in making out such documents, which were to be granted only in cases where the goods were actually sold in that province.^ The crown had also received word from the colony that the casks still showed considerable leakage, a circumstance which made it hard for the home government to provide what was needed for the coming year, 1744.*
^A. N., C, SSr. C^^, vol. xxviii, fols. 20-21, 24, 44; Sir. B, voL Ixxviii, fol. 16. * Ihid., Sir. B, vol. Ixxvi, fol. 2. ' Ibid., vol. Ixxvii, fol. 131.
War between France and England which for some time had been imminent broke out in 1744. At the commencement of the struggle France had 600 vessels employed in colonial trade which brought in i50,o(X),ooo livres annually. By the end of the first year of the war about one-half of the ships, estimated to be worth 90,cxx),ooo livres, had been taken as prizes by the English. The mother country's commerce with Louisiana, therefore, was greatly retarded while that with New France had to be suspended entirely.^ The vessels bound for the former province were obliged for safety to cross the ocean with ships going to the West Indies. During the year 1744 only two boats found their way thither from Europe, of which one belonged to the crown while the other was owned by a merchant of Nantes. Louisiana, therefore, by October was in need of all kinds of supplies.*
Considering the difficult circumstances under which it was carried on, the home government's share in the Louisiana trade from the end of 1744 to the beginning of 1750 was comparatively stable. In each of these years, except 1748 and 1749, it sent out two vessels.^ In the former three * of its ships were in the province and in the latter but one.^ Even this showing cost the crown heavily, for in spite of the precaution taken of sending the boats in squadrons under commanding officers,' several of them were seized by the English.^ In order to keep itself informed
* A., B. A. £., Fr., vol. 2006, fols. 7-12.
' A. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. xxviii, fols. 241, 276-277, 279, 293. 'Ibid., vol. xxix, fols. 109-111, 255; vol. xxx, fols. 93, 159; vol. xxxi, fols. 52, 118.
* Ibid., vol. xxxii, fols. 4-5, 24-25, 52, 222. *Ibid., vol. xxxiii, fols. 66, 79, 115.
* Ibid., vol. xxxi, fol. 13.
' Ibid., vol. xxxii, fols. 33, 88-90.
concerning conditions in Louisiana and the number of vessels still flying the French flag, the crown instructed the captains of its ships to sail directly to and from the province without stops at either the French or Spanish West Indies. Moreover, the colonial officials were commanded to delay the departure of the royal ships only for the most pressing need. Therefore, the greater number of these boats, during the war, remained only long enough to take off and put on the cargoes.^ In many cases the instructions were not followed, yet in 1748 a " wise and prudent" captain of one of the royal ships made two quick trips across the ocean without stops, and remained in the province only a very short time.*
The merchandise consigned was not different in kind from that sent out in previous years. There was, however, a change in the quantity; guns, ammunition, Indian goods, lard and flour bulked much larger.^ In 1745, a single vessel brought to the province 400 quintals of flour valued at twenty-seven livres a quintal; * the next year another carried over a fraction over 2,695 quintals.° In 1747, a royal boat and two merchant vessels when they reached the province had on board 3,600 quintals, a sufficiency for the colony for the ensuing year.^ As usual the royal craft took from Louisiana tobacco, peltry, indigo, tar, pitch, piastres, logwood, lead, and a few other products in small amounts. The two government vessels that left the province for France in 1745 carried such cargoes sent over at the risk of the owners of whom in one case there were fifteen local consignors and in the other nineteen, made up as follows: the local agents of the Company of the Indies,
^A.N., C, Ser. B, vol. Ixxxvii, fol. 8. *Ihid., Sir. C^^, vol. xxxii, fol. SL
* Ibid., fols. 4-5, 40. * Ibid., vol. xxix, fol. 255.
* Ibid., vol. xxx, fol. 144. • Ibid., vol. xxxi, fol. 116.
traders, planters, small farmers, the " entrepreneur of public works ", a major, a lieutenant, and a doctor. Only the agent of the Company of the Indies, Rochemore, Major Macarty, and Dr. Prat had shipments on both boats. The amounts paid the crown for transportation of the former cargo was 9,620 livres, five sols,^ and of the latter 5,401 livres, ten sols.'
^A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xxix, fols. 109-111.
Freight bill for " L'Elephant," 1745:
Liv. Sols.
976 packs, deerskins, 4 liv. a pack 3904
56 hhds., tobacco, 25 liv. a hhd 1400
8 packs, buffalo skins, 4 liv. a pack 32
29 " barriques," buffalo skins, 10 liv. a "barrique" apo
303 " plaques" (bars), lead free
52 " barriques " indigo, 15 liv. a " barrique " 780
18 " quarts " indigo, 7 liv. 10 cols a " quart" J35
65500 lbs. logwood, 2254 logs, I liv. 10 sols a quintal 982 10
6 cases indigo, 3 liv. a case 18
30 sacks tobacco, Spanish, 4 liv. a sack 120
3 " ancres " (10 gals, each) indigo, 3 liv. 10 sols each.. 11 5
2 hhd. of trees, i case seed for royal garden free
25968 piastres 1947 10
Totals 9620 5
' Ibid., vol. XXX, fols. 67-70.
Freight bill for the " Chantieau," 1745:
Liv. Sols.
65 " barriques " indigo, 15 liv. a '* barrique " 975
II "quarts" indigo, 7 liv. 10 sols a "quart" 82 10
I "tierqon" (42 gals.) indigo, 3 liv. a "tier^on" 3
3 bbls. indigo, 7 liv. 10 sols 22 10
476 packs, deerskins, 4 liv. a pack 1904
92 hhd. tobacco, 25 liv. a hhd 2300
219 bars lead free
76594 lbs. logrwood free
45 buffalo skins, i liv. 10 sols each 67 10
8 packs, deerskins, 4 liv. a pack 32
I case, tobacco (carottes), 15 liv. a case iS
Totals 5401 10
On the way to France the above vessels and cargoes were seized and confiscated by the EngHsh. The loss of their part of these cargoes was too great for the local shippers to engage in further ventures of the sort during the continuance of the war/ Therefore in 1748 there were quantities of tobacco and peltry in the province, but no one was willing to take the risk of exporting such commodities to France.^ The next year, however, a vessel belonging to I the crown carried on the return voyage colonial products at the hazard of the European merchants who paid the royal government 2,440 livres, three sols, three deniers in freight charges.*
During the same years, 1745-1749, inclusive, the merchants also sent boats to the province: one each in 1745 and 1746,* four in 1747,° one in 1748,® and five in 1749.^ These craft sailed from the same ports as before the war, except that Marseilles had been added to the list.* For the most part they were sent out by the same merchants, yet the royal officials from time to time were able to persuade a merchant or commercial company to enter the trade." The boats were still small and unable, therefore, to carry any considerable amount of colonial products. Moreover, the merchants preferred cargoes made up of logwood,; sugar and Spanish silver of which there was a great deal in \
1 A. N., C, Ser. O^, vol. xxxii, fol. 33. 2/&«/., fol. 52.
* Ibid., vol. xxxiv, fol. 207.
* Ibid., vol. XXX, fols. 34-35, 169.
^ Ibid., vol. xxxi, fols. 98, 116-118, 212, 252; Sir. B, vol. Ixxxvi, fol. 128.
* Ibid., Ser. C^^, vol. xxxi, fol. 253; vol. xxxii, fols. 4-5, 41, ipo-^ Ibid., vol. xxxiii, fols. 4, 49-50, 7^, 79, 115.
* Ibid., vol. xxxiv, fols. 49-50-» Ibid.
Louisiana during the war. In some instances if such cargoes could not be secured, bills of exchange were demanded in payment. Otherwise, the ships carried back rice, cotton, indigo, peltry, tar, pitch, pine, cedar, cypress and oak lumber,^
The goods imported by the merchants were very similar to those brought thither before the war broke out. One of these vessels, in 1747, carried over one hundred and thirty-one and nine-sixteenths tons on which the crown agreed to pay a " gratification ", which in this case amounted to 2,631 livres, five sols. The bill, however, it was understood, would be paid only on the presentation to the royal officials of an itemized * statement of the merchandise actually sold
* The Present State of the Country, etc., p. 10. *A. N., C, Shr. C»», vol. xxxi, fol. 252.
The required statement:
Tons. "Bar." ^"Bar." ^"Bar."
352 " barriques," wine, 4 to ton 88 o o o
5 "ancrcs" (10 gals, each) brandy
16 to ton 00 I o 2
200 bbls., flour, 8 to ton 25 o o o
60 cases, soap, 40 to ton i 2 o O
no cases, molded candles, 40 to ton. 230 O
12 cases, brandied fruit o 3 I O
25 cases, capers, olives, anchovy I 2 o o
so "ancres" salt pork, 28 to ton... 130 o
SO firkins, butter, 32 to ton I 2 o o
39 cases, olive oil i I o O
22 bbls., goose thighs 00 2 o O
10 packs, paper, linen I 2 O O
5 large packs, woolen cloth 2 I O o
2 hhds., hams 00 3 o O
10 bbls., salt beef i i o O
2 hhds., trumpery, glass beads, etc. 00 2 o o
20 sacks, salt 00 o 2 o
Totals 131 a o {sic) 2
in Louisiana, which statement had to be signed by the " or-donnateur " of that province.^ Another boat in the same year bore a cargo of a Httle more than 164 tons of merchandise even more diversified. It comprised wine, brandy, vinegar, lard, flour, butter, hams, salt, beef, prunes, limes, rope, nails, soap, candlesticks, glass goblets, cork, hoop-wood, long saws, cloth, handkerchiefs, stockings, caps, shoes, Brittany linen, white cloth, wooled cloth, laces, and 150 pairs of silk stockings.^ For the transportation and delivery in Louisiana of about sixty-one tons of flour, munitions and other merchandise owned by itself the crown, the next year, paid a merchant of La Rochelle, at a freight rate of 140 livres a ton, 8,618 livres, fifteen sols.' In March the " ordonnateur " informed the home government that the captain of the serviceable " Comte de Maure-pas " * had delivered the supplies in question.® In 1749, a merchant vessel brought to Louisiana for the home government 1,499 quintals, sixty-five pounds of flour, guns, flints, rope, and all sorts of wine and brandy.®
By 1750, more than 100 vessels had come to the province from different ports. This influx, however, was not altogether satisfactory. The colony was glutted with all kinds of merchandise except goods suited for building up the Indian trade. Because of this over supply the boats were forced to make long stays in order to have their cargoes sold, or were obliged to leave the goods in the hands of an agent. Some of the captains of the ships pre-
1 A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxxi, fol. 252. » Ihid., fol. 212. ' Ihid., fol. 252-253.
* Supra, p. 185.
• A. N., C, Sir. C18, vol. xxxii, fols. 4-5. •/&»(/., vol. xxxiii, fol. 4.
ferred to carry the stuff away with them rather than to employ either of these alternatives.^
From 1743 to 1750 the seasons were the most favorable for agriculture that the province had experienced, therefore the harvests were large. Indigo had improved in both quantity and quality, and at the same time the price had advanced from four livres in 1741 to nine livres in 1743,' hence it was a profitable crop and much of the commodity was put upon the market.* Throughout the period in question the producers spared neither time nor labor in their attempts to improve further the quality and to increase the size of the harvests of this staple.* In 1749, however, the trade was believed to be in danger. The English parliament had placed a bounty of six shillings on indigo produced in its American colonies and it was feared smuggling operations would spring up to the injury of the French article."
The production of tobacco was easier and much less expensive than that of indigo, therefore, during these favorable seasons much of the former commodity was gotten ready for exportation." By 1747 quantities of it had accumulated at Pointe Coupee and New Orleans because of a shortage of vessels in which to transport it to France. Being unable to dispose of the two previous years' crops, the farmers, because of need, low prices, and discriminations against tobacco at the port of shipment, were contemplating abandoning the culture. The governor, however,
1 A. N., C, Sir. C^', vol. xxxiv, fols. 269, 297-300. *Ibid., vol. xxviii, fols. 17-19, 21-22; vol. xxxi, fol. 103; vol. xxx, fol. 71. ' Supra, p. 204. *A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxviii, fols. 271-272; vol. xxx, fol. 112.
• lh\d„ vol. xxxiv, fols. 5-7.
* Ibid., vol. xxx, fol. 274.
succeeded in having them continue the work by assuring them he would do what he could to have the home government adjust the matter satisfactorily. Vaudreuil, thereupon, informed the crown of the grievances of the farmers engaged in this industry and of the fact that the captains on royal ships had taken on cargoes of sugar and logwood when at the time there were 400 hogsheads of Pointe Coupee tobacco on the wharf ready for shipment. He then requested the crown to uphold him in his promises to the tobacco growers, by instructing the commanders of its vessels coming to the province to give this staple preference over other commodities in making up cargoes for France and by issuing an ordinance commanding the " fermier general of tobacco " to take this import from Louisiana at six sols a pound, a price which the governor asserted would satisfy the producers and advance greatly the colony as a whole. Tobacco was the sole export, excepting cotton, as the crown had previously been informed, which the small farmer with one, or at most two, slaves was able to produce.^
The crown, it seems, instructed its captains bound for Louisiana in accordance with the wishes of Governor Vaudreuil and also took up the matter with the French merchants who agreed to send vessels to the province.^ It informed them how to proceed so as to make such ventures profitable.^ By way of encouragement, November 25, 1748, it renewed for six years the exemption granted such ships from carrying to Louisiana men and guns.* The lack of boats from France to the province during the war was due in part to the fact that the merchants had found it
1 A. N., C, Sir. C18, vol. xxxi, fols. 74-75.
' Ihid., Sir. B, vol. Ixxxvii, fol. 10.
'Ibid., fols. 29-30. * Ibid. • i : '
quite as profitable, and the risk from seizure much reduced, if they arranged to have the cargoes carried to the French West Indies, where it was comparatively easy to form convoys for the voyage to and from France large enough to afford some protection from the English, whereas to ship them to Louisiana direct was much more difficult.^ In 1749 the governor reported to the home government that there was at the time no tobacco in the province. This commodity, together with much indigo, he asserted, had been carried to France by three merchant ships and one belonging to the crown.'
Cotton, the other staple of the farmer of small means, was not increased much during the period under discussion. As already observed, a gin had not yet been invented that would with rapidity separate the seed from the fiber; therefore since the farmer could seed only a limited amount he grew only what he could treat in that fashion. In j3j-8^ however, the report of a satisfactory gin operating in France * led some of the growers of Louisiana to send over a quantity of raw cotton to test the new machine. At the end of the war the results of this experiment were not known and nothing further appears to have been done in the matter.* The exports of peltry and pitch and tar had during the war been disturbed by Choctaw hostility.
The exports of Louisiana to France from 1743 to 1746, inclusive, were estimated as follows; 55,000 pounds of peltry at thirty sols a pound, 82,500 livres; 200,000 quintals of indigo at three livres a quintal, 600,000 livres; 170,000 pounds of tobacco at three sols, six deniers a pound, 29,750
* Pownal, App., p. 20,
» A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxxiii, fol. 66.
* Ibid., vol. xxxi, fol. 191; vol. xxxii, fol. 165.
* Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Ixxxi, Louisiane, fol. 7.
livres. To these exports must also be added what the colonists sent annually on the royal ships at their own risk, amounting in value to approximately 100,000 livres. The combined exports, therefore, were worth about 812,250 livres/ Two other writers of the time each estimated the peltry exported at about 200,000 pounds, one placing the tobacco and indigo at 300,000 and the other the tobacco at 450,000, and the indigo at 240,000 pounds. These exports the latter claimed made only two or three good cargoes.^ However conscientiously such statements may have been made, there were complaints of a shortage of vessels for the exportation of tobacco.^ Moreover, in order to relieve the congestion in pitch and tar at Mobile, the crown was requested in 1749 to send thither two ships of 200 tons annually with foodstuffs and other merchandise to exchange for the lumber, tar, pitch, and silver accumulating at the port.*
During the period beginning 1750 and ending 1754 the home government annually despatched vessels to Louisiana. One such boat reached the province in 1750,^ three in 1751,® two each in 1752, 1753 and 1754.^ They carried food supplies, ammunition and merchandise and in most cases officers and recruits for the colonial army.* At the
* A., B. N., Joly Coll., vol. 1726, fol. 242.
» A., B. A. £., Am., vol. ii, fol. 108; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 12224, fol. 113. 3 Supra, p. 208.
* A. N., C, Sir. C^', vol. xxxii, fols. 222-227. ' Ibid., vol. xxxiv, fols. 297, 310.
* Ibid., vol. XXXV, fols. 7, 24, yz, i94, 342.
'' Ibid., vol. xxxvi, fols. 3-4, 121; vol. xxxvii, fols. 34, 57, I37-I38, 151; vol. xxxviii, fols. 6, 90, 141-142.
^ Ibid., vol. xxxiv, fol. 310; vol. xxxv, fols. 24, 7Z, 1945 vol. xxxvi, fol. 27; vol. xxxvii, fol. 277; Sir. B, vol. xcviii, fols. 310; vol. xcix, fol. 3.
/
212 THE COMMERCE OF LOUISIANA [212
beginning of hostilities with England voyages to the colony became hazardous; hence the captains of royal ships bound for Louisiana were instructed to make no calls at the West Indies, except for an absolute need for water or in case the vessel were badly disabled. The commanders were further instructed to set sail from the province as soon as the cargo was taken off and another put on, unless orders from Governor Kerlerec should be received to remain longer. The colonial officials on their part were ordered to hold vessels in the province only when they were sure they could give a satisfactory reason for doing so.^
In May, 1754, one of the royal ships left Louisiana with a cargo made up in part of logwood belonging to a French merchant. As the wood was not on the certified inventory made by the " ordonnateur " for the royal officials, it was believed to have been put on board clandestinely and fraudulently, hence should be confiscated. The crown, however, waived the right and allowed the merchant, on payment of freight charges at a rate previously fixed by the " ordonnateur " on that commodity, to receive the logwood.''
During the same years twenty-eight merchant ships came to Louisiana: five in 1750,' then six,^ four,"^ ten," and three,^ respectively, in the years following. They sailed from La Rochelle, Bordeaux, Marseilles, Dunkerque, St. Malo and Bayonne. Besides the cargoes of troops, ammunitions and supplies carried for
• A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. xcviii, fols. 308-309.
• Ibid., vol. c, fol. S3.
» Ibid., vol. xci, fol. 2; Sir. C^*, vol. xxxiv, fols. 310, 346, 359, 361, 365.
• Ibid., Sir. C", vol. xxxv, fols. 4, 24, 56, 73, 164, 194, 340.
• Ibid., vol. xxxiv, fols. 10, 64, 84, 177, 277.
• Ibid., vol. xxxvii, fols. 25, 28, 34, 57, 60, 71, 157; Sir. B, vol. xcviii, fols. 96, 230.
' Ibid., Sir. C^*, vol. xxxviii, fols. 26, 27, 53, 88.
the royal government, as before/ the merchant vessels brought to the colony merchandise on their own account. One such cargo in 1751 consisted of 750 barrels of flour, 100 barrels of lard and 50 plowshares.^ In order to increase the amount of freight taken on board, the owners and possibly captain, with the connivance of the port inspector at Rochefort, had caused the boat to be loaded in a most unprofitable way. In the bottom of the hold was placed a consignment of coal upon which without dunnage were packed barrels of flour belonging to the crown. During the voyage the rolling of the ship caused the first layer of barrels to work down into the leakage soaked coal. As a result eighty-three " quarts" of flour were totally destroyed.^
The following year the ships were late in reaching Louisiana, a circumstance that made European supplies scarce and increased their price. Not a single vessel came before July; though a little later fifteen arrived almost at the same time. Since several of them were not from France, the amount of merchandise in the province was too scanty to meet all demands and yet leave in Louisiana a sufficiency of European goods to bring down prices.* At the end of the year wine was selling for 400 livres a cask and flour at twenty livres a hundredweight.^ In the preceding year the crown had issued for the province a new set of regulations, one of which, though simply a restatement of an old law,*
^ A. N., C, Sir. C^s, vol. xxxiv, fol. 310; vol. xxxv, fols. 24, 164, 194; vol. xxxvi, fols. 62-63, 177.
* Ibid., vol. xxxv, fol. 340. ^ Ibid., vol. xxxvi, fol. 177.
* Ihid., fols. 229, 269.
* Ibid., fol. 334-« Supra, p. 166.
was of value at this time in keeping the trade in European merchandise out of the hands of speculators. Punishment to the offender and confiscation of the merchandise were made the penalty for a person to go on board the vessel before landing at New Orleans. It was desired to give everyone in the village, at least, an equal chance to buy goods at first hand.'
For the most part the French merchants disposed of their wares to advantage, exchanging them for lumber, Spanish smoking tobacco, logwood, sugar, cotton, indigo, myrtle-wax, and native tobacco and an unusually large supply of peltry." Cargoes made up of a diversified stock like this, were a decided advantage to the colony as a whole over one made up entirely of tobacco. In the latter case a vessel bringing imports valued at 100,000 to 300,000 livres could carry away only 20,000 livres worth of tobacco, thereby, as has been shown, causing difficult financial problems.'
From the beginning of 1750 to the opening of hostilities with England in 1754, Louisiana was comparatively fortunate in its productions for export. The season of 1750, while unfavorable to the com crop, was most admirably suited to the culture of rice; consequently there was plenty of it as food for the slaves and some to put upon the market.* In 1752 the season was variable. The province was visited by numerous and very severe storms that did much damage to the harvests, yet without affecting greatly the supply of corn and rice, because of the large number of farmers that had this year planted them." In 1753 the crops
» A. N., C, Sir. C18, vol. xxxv, fol. 46.
• rt'j 1 ! t-^ _—-»
• Ibid., vol. XXXvi, fol. 270. ^ Ibid., fols. 327-328; A., B. A. £., Am., vol. ii, fol. 198. Supra, pp. ?i, 204.
*A. N., C, Sir. Ci8, vol. xxxiv, fol. 2g7-2f^, 307. ' Ibid., vol. xxxvi, fols. 228, 271.
were again light/ They were followed in 1754 by a year in which there was a splendid yield.^ In 1750 the amount of indigo raised was very large, though much of it was destroyed by a storm that occurred just at the harvest time. The supply in 1752 was again lessened by a storm and too great an amount of rainfall. This diminution, however, was in part balanced by an increase in the quantity planted. The shortage also was compensated for by excellent prices; the rate being from 100 to 105 sols a pound.* Such prices increased the number of producers. On September 21, 1754, the " ordonnateur " estimated the amount for the year at 50,000 pounds. At the time the first crop was already on the market, where it brought the farmer five livres, ten sols and in some cases six livres a pound.* Another writer at this time states that there were in the province forty-seven planters, each owning an indigo factory, and estimates the total output for the year at 82,000 pounds, which he asserted was then selling at the price above quoted.^ In 1750 the quality of the tobacco grown in the province was good but the yield light.® The home government, thereupon, attempted to advance the trade in this commodity and at the same time to further the development of the colony as a whole by providing an easy and advantageous market for it in France. Such an outlet, it was claimed, would cause much more land to be cleared each year and hence a considerable increase in the acreage devoted to the indus-
* A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xxxvii, fols. 70-71.
' Ibid., xxxviii, fols. 26, 176-177. ''
' Ibid., vol. xxxiv, fols. 2g7-2g^, 349; vol. xxxvi, fols. 228, 271.
* Ibid., vol. xxxviii, fols. 176-177. ' Ibid., vol. xxxviii, fol. 262.
* Ibid., vol. xxxiv, fols. 297-300.
try. To this end the crown for a certain cbnsideration granted a Hcense to Jean Girardin whose duty was to find buyers for Louisiana tobacco. The time of the permit was to begin October i, 1750, and to terminate September 30, 1756. For each quintal of such tobacco sold and delivered the royal government agreed to deduct fifty sols from the sum paid for the privilege. In addition he was to receive four per cent on the selling price from the owner of the commodity. Since 1738 the " fermier general " of tobacco in France had been obliged to pay twenty-five livres a quintal, net weight, for Louisiana tobacco, which was more than that paid for the foreign article, therefore, the former often remained some time in the warehouses before it was used. Notwithstanding the amount paid for tobacco in the past, the crown at this time fixed it at thirty livres a quintal, net weight; twenty-seven livres, ten sols of which was to be paid by the " fermier general ", and by the royal government two livres, ten sols, so as to cover the expense incurred in handling the article at the French ports j where it was to be received and placed in the warehouses ■ of the " fermier general" and locked up until it was sold. What was not disposed of by Girardin, if of good quality, I was to be taken by the " fermier general", at the rate stipulated above. To guard against any irregularities that might enter the trade, the crown still further stipulated conditions under which it should be carried on, by ordering that the tobacco from the province should be shipped either in leaf or " monoque ". Moreover it was to be landed only at the ports of Calais, Dieppe, Havre, Honfleur, St. Malo, Morlaix, Brest, Nantes, La Rochelle, Bordeaux, Bayonne, Cette, Marseilles, Dunkerque and Vannes. If shipped to any other port the owner was not to be allowed the exemption of thirty sols a pound, the duty charged on foreign tobacco since May 4, 1749. Violations of the above
rules were to be punished by confiscation of the tobacco and by a fine of 1,000 livres/
The next year the tobacco crop at Pointe Coupee was large and of good quality. The '* ordonnateur " informed the crown that there was a vessel there ready to transport it to France and that the outlook for the future of that trade was promising.^
The fine quality of Louisiana cotton alone kept alive among the planters the hope that eventually it would be made a paying export. Each year a little was sent to France and continued effort was exerted to find some sort of device whereby the seed could be separated from the fiber. In 1752 the " entrepreneur of public works " of the province invented such a machine and was trying it out on his plantation near New Orleans.* This same year the farmers around the capital were making another experiment. They had begun the myrtle-wax industry and already there were a great number of small fields planted and most of these were to be enlarged the following year. It was believed by them that the wax would soon be exported to France and elsewhere, and already small amounts had been shipped.*
During the period under consideration the trade with France and other ports was estimated at 2,056,000 livres, made up as follows: indigo, 82,000 pounds, at five Hvres , a pound, 410,000 livres; 200 hogsheads of tobacco, 800 pounds each, 160,000 pounds, at twenty-two livres, ten solsj a quintal, 36,000 livres; piastres, 300,000 livres; peltry,
1 Arrest du Conseil d'etat du Roy, Octobre 13, 1750, Newberry Lib.,. Qiicago. ' A. N., C, Sir. C18, vol. xxxvi, fol. 229. » Ihid., fol. 272. * Ibid., fol. 229.
25o,(XX) livres; myrtle-wax, 25,cxxd livres; bear's oil, 25,000 livres; pitch and tar, 30,000 livres; lumber, 180,000 livres; and bills of exchange amounting to 800,000 livres.^ For the year 1754 the value of the tobacco shipment to France was stated to have been 50,000 livres, of indigo 120,000 livres, and that of peltry 30,000 livres, making a total for the year of 200,000 livres in these three exports.'
As early as 1755, the war was showing its effects upon Louisiana trade. During the year there came from France to the province no royal boats and but one belonging to the merchants, and that one escaped the ravages of war only to be destroyed by a storm as it was entering the Mississippi river. The greater part of the merchandise on board, 5ome of which was owned by the crown, was saved.' The next year six vessels left France for the colony loaded with royal consignments of ammunition, foodstuffs and troops.* The freight bill for one of these shipments was 3,415 livres, sixteen sols-' For two other bills, one, at 158 livres a ton, was 5,689 livres, fifteen sols, three deniers and the second, at 180 livres a ton, amounted to 15,692 livres, two sols, ten deniers. When these two particular bills were presented for payment the royal government saw no reason for such a difference in rates when the voyages were made only two months apart, and proceeded forthwith to equalize them on the basis, naturally, of the lower rate.'
In 1757 there seem to have been no vessels from France in Louisiana. In March of the following year a merchant
* A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxxviii, fol. 262, 265.
■ Ihid., vol. xl, fols. 6-7; A., B. A. £., Am., vol. ii, fol. 233.
* A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxxix, fol. 74.
*■ Ihid., fols. 140, 213, 223; A., B. N,, Fr., vol. ii335, fols. 97-141; vol. 11 336, fol. 106. ^ A.N., C, Sir. Ci«, vol. xxxix, fol. 213.
* A., B. N., Fr., vol. 11335. fols. 141, 142.
ship from Bordeaux reached the province/ There were no further arrivals until August, when two frigates belonging to the crown and a merchant boat reached New Orleans. On leaving France the convoy had comprised two more freighters, but they had been lost en route. The empty colonial storehouses and ammunition supply, therefore, were not fully replenished, for besides the disaster at sea, the vessels had left in the warehouses at Roche fort 700 tons of royal merchandise put there for shipment by the home government on the request of the governor of the province.^
By 1759 the trade with France was greatly diminished. As early as February the troops were put on half rations. At the time flour was selling at 250 livres a " quart ", wine, 900 livres a cask, with all other supplies equally as expensive.' In June a vessel from Bayonne reached New Orleans with a cargo of 150 tons so varied in its make-up as to meet, in part, the needs of persons in every class of society. The governor, observing the fact, at once secured from the captain of the ship a promise to sell the entire stock at retail, thereby giving everyone in the village an equal chance to make purchases without paying the middleman's profit. Coming under the corrupting influence of the " ordonnateur " the commander broke his promise and sold the whole cargo for 250,000 livres to Rochemore,* who in turn disposed of it at retail at 400,000 livres.*
Such prices as were thus demanded for merchandise, the governor claimed, threatened the very life of the colony
* A. N., C, Sir. C^', vol. xl, fols. 31, 32.
* Ihid., fols. 34, 37, 62, 63, 182; Sir. B, pt. 2, cviii, fol. 3. ' Ibid., Sir. Ci», vol. xli, fols. 30, 76.
* Supra, p. 147.
^ A. N., C, Sir. C^», vol. xli, fols. 120, 132.
and justified him in buying supplies from whomsoever he could, even from the English enemy. The " ordonnateur " and his faction, naturally, since they had practically all there was to sell, stood strongly for the confiscation of all vessels and cargoes found in Louisiana belonging to foreigners.^ The conduct of that officer in this, as well as in most of his other acts, had made him thoroughly hated by the greater part of the population.* In response to many protests against his maladministration, as already observed,' the crown finally recalled the " ordonnateur" who, however, did not leave the province until some time later. The war beyond the borders of the province was even less distracting to trade than the one waged at New Orleans between the two factions among the colonial officials.* Soon after the arrival of Rochemore at New Orleans, it seems, he and the governor had formed a plan whereby they believed the home government could save annually at least 10,419 livres and at the same time have the trade between France and the province better administered. This scheme provided for a commercial company to be formed and put into control of the trade of the province. This project was not adopted by the royal government and there is no evidence that the governor and " ordonnateur " ever came to another agreement upon that or any other matter during the latter's term of office. As a result of this situation trade conditions in Louisiana went from bad to worse."
Disputes over trading matters were frequent and of a violent and disgraceful character. Such disagreements
^A.N., C. Sir. 0», fol. 30; Sir. F«, vol. xxv, foL 35-*md., Sir. Ci«, vol. xli, fol. 32; Sir. F», vol. xxv, fols. loi, 105. » Supra, p. 146. * Supra, pp. 146-149.
• A. N., C, Sir. Ci«, voL xli, fol. 8.
were adjusted by the " ordonnateur's " secretary who decided in favor of the contestant who agreed to pay him the larger sum of money. The " ordonnateur ", in direct disobedience to the royal instructions, began to discriminate against the French merchants in drawing bills of exchange/ In violation of law also he bought up further entire cargoes of European goods which he placed in his own private warehouse and retailed to the people of the colony, pocketing the receipts. For example, he purchased a cargo of " guildive " for the royal account which he disposed of on his own account at a very high price. In another instance a cargo of salt was sold to a merchant of New Orleans. The " ordonnateur " on learning of the transaction ordered the whole consignment to be sold to him, presumably for a supply for the troops. The salt instead found its way to the people through the private warehouse of that official who put the receipts, at the price of three sols, six deniers a pound, into his own coffers.^ When there were no cargoes to buy for the crown and sell as private goods the " ordonnateur " took merchandise out of the royal storehouses and similarly disposed of it, always at very excessive rates. ^
Three other vessels before the end of the year left France for Louisiana, two owned by the crown, the other by a merchant, all carrying ammunition and recruits for the army. The latter ship and cargo, on which the royal government paid freight charges at the rate of 167 livres a ton, was seized by the English on the outward voyage.*
Early in January, 1760, a royal ship and a merchant
1 Supra, pp. 146-147.
* A. N., C, Sir. F«, vol. xxv, fols. loi, 105.
* Ibid., Sir. C^*, vol. xli, fols. 147-149.
* Ihid., fol. 323; Sir. B, vol. cxii, pt. 2, fol. 109; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 11334, fols. 187-188.
boat reached New Orleans with enough supplies to meet the most pressing needs. ^ The following month the crown ordered sent out under convoy from Bordeaux a number of vessels with cargoes of merchandise for New France and Louisiana. Navigation on the Gulf of Mexico at the time was most uncertain, but that on the St. Lawrence river was far more hazardous. Therefore the commander in charge of the convoy, and the captains of the other ships bound for the former province, were instructed to sail for the southern colony if they could not reach the northern, the merchandise on board being selected to make such a change of destination possible.* Whether sent out under this command or not, at least a number of boats left France during the year for both Quebec and New Orleans. There seems to be no evidence that any of those bound for Louisiana ever reached that port.^ The ships that arrived in the province at the end of the previous and at the beginning of the present year were ready to sail for France by the end of April. They were detained longer because of the arrival just at that time of a report that Quebec had fallen. The next month Governor Kerlerec held two war councils in which it was decided to arm these crafts, two royal frigates and a merchant boat, and supply them with food for five weeks, for the purpose of ousting an English man-of-war stationed at the mouth of the Mississippi which had been shutting off communication with the mother country. In the encounter the French were victorious and the English were driven out,* With the entrance to the Mississippi open once more, trade between France and Louisiana was resumed. On December 19,
' A. N., C, Sir. Ci«, vol. xlii, fols. s6-57, 93-» Ibid.. Sir. B, vol. cxi, fol. i. * A., B. N.. Fr., vol. 11336, fols. 106, 171, 193-194. *A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xlii, fols. s6-57, 93-96.
1760, a vessel belonging to the crown set sail for France with two " quarts "of sugar and 400 pounds of coffee on board/
In 1761 conditions in the province were not greatly improved; the warring factions were still present, though one of them was leaderless. The English being now more formidable at sea than ever, it was with great difficulty that the mother country supplied the province with necessary food and war materials. The crown urged the merchants to go on with the work. In June it succeeded in securing a. ship belonging to a merchant of La Rochelle, to whom it paid 167 livres a ton for the transportation, to carry a cargo to Louisiana. Other merchants were solicited, but this year no others were secured.^ In December the royal government obtained the services of a Dutch merchant at Amsterdam to take supplies to the province. The ship left early the next year, carrying with it instructions for the colonial officials to receive the boat and its cargo.^
Unable to find French merchants willing to undertake such ventures, the home government, in 1762, despatched from Bordeaux five ships, each of about 300 tons burden. E^ch vessel had on board soldiers and much merchandise. The royal warehouse by this time was entirely empty and the prices were high.* Wine was selling at 3,5cx> livres a cask and flour at 600 livres a " quart ", 160 pounds.^ The new " ordonnateur " found return cargoes for all but one of the vessels, which finally took 62^ tons of logwood and two small cases of tobacco, commodities belonging to the
1 A. N., C, Sir. B, vol. cxii, pt. 2, fol. 150.
^Ibid., vol. cxiii, pt. i, fols. 240, pt. 2, fol. 30; A., B. N., Fr., voL 11336, fols. 193-194-3 Ibid., vol. cxi, fol. 3.
* Ibid., vol. cxiv, Louisiane, fol. 15; Ser. C^', vol. xliii, fol. 5. ^ Ibid., Ser. C^*, vol. xliii, fol. 122.
J24 ^^^ COMMERCE OF LOUISIANA [224
preceding " ordonnateur'', on which the crown was asked to fix the freight charges/
During the war the exports from Louisiana had increased somewhat in spite of the obstacles that had arisen. This was espyecially the case with tobacco, indigo and peltry.' In 1762 the receipts from exports were stated to be over ^jOOOjOCX) livres.' When Governor Kerlerec left the province in the following year he bore with him letters from the superior council and from private persons appreciative of his efficient administration in such trying times.*
Except in the case of indigo, peltry and tobacco just cited, there seems to be no way to ascertain, even approximately, the proportions of the trade between Louisiana and the mother country during the time the former was a French province. There are, as has been shown in the ac-<;ount of this commerce, records of prices for both the exports and imports. Those paid at different times for indigo and tobacco, on the one side, and wine and flour on the other have been summarized in the following diagrams.
1 A. N., C, Sir. Ci«, vol. xliii, fol. 149.
■ Villiers du Terrage, pp. 147-148.
y Indigo. Tobacco. Peltry.
Livreu Livres. Livres.
1756 270,000 90,000 120,000
1757 475.000 »35.ooo 150,000
1758 540,000 210,000 180,000
1759 891,000 288,000 240,080
1700 1,350,000 480,000 240,000
1761 480,000
1762 410,000 3,600,000 250,000
» Ibid., p. 148.
Years. Livres.
l^i$ 672,000
1756 850,900
1757 1,258,000
1758 1,868,600
1^59 2,886,200
1760 4,440,100
1761 5,611,000
1762 6,662,200
* A. N., C, Sir. F», vol. xxv, fol. 54-
Diagram III shows that the variation in these two imports was not due to freight charges.
ITOO 1701 1710 17IJ 1710 1715 rjJO 1735. IT*0 1745 rTSO 1755 n«0 I76S.
CHAPTER XV The Slave Trade
Before the French established themselves in the Mississippi valley there was a trade in slaves carried on by the Indians of that area.* When the French by actual settlement became the possessors of this territory they soon discovered that it was necessary to buy war captives in order to deal successfully with the natives. La Salle at once saw a way whereby he could make of this traffic a lucrative business and at the same time win the good-will of the savages. His plan was to buy the slaves and carry them back to their people and there offer them for sale. The parent tribe, La Salle discovered, would pay more liberally for one of their own than of foreign blood.^
In 1700 the French found the English of Carolina among the Chickasaw buying slaves.' The same year Iberville sent Tonty to sell beaver skins to the English; the main purpose of the expedition being to ascertain, if possible, the nature and extent of the English slave trade in the valley. From this time onward the French asserted and reasserted that the English created wars between different Indian tribes in the interior solely for the purpose of securing the captives.' Whether the English actually did originate hostilities for such a purpose is not relevant to this account. It is of concern, however, that the French
1 Supra, p. 97.
• Margry, vol. ii, p. 79; A. N., C, Sit. C", vol. i, fols. 31S-322. 52*. »Margry, vol. iv, p. 406; i4. N., C, Shr. C»», voL i, fol. 429. 226 [226
implicitly believed they did, and in order to thwart the English, formed a peace policy.
As early as 1702, Bienville began exhorting the Choctaw and Chickasaw to abandon the English and become friends. He tried to show them that the English aimed only at making them slaves. Moreover, he pointed out that such wars had caused the death of over 1,800 Choctaw and the taking of more than 500 prisoners who had been sold as slaves. He drew the attention of the Chickasaw, on their part, to the fact that they had lost over 800 of their warriors. Bienville told the latter tribes that if they would unite with the former Indians and drive the English from the Mississippi valley, that he would have the Illinois cease their wars upon them. This argument was convincing. The Indians entered into a general peace that lasted for nearly three years, at the end of which time the two nations resumed hostilities and the English came among them to buy up the captives.^ The French peace policy for the time being, therefore, broke down because the English knew how to " have their slaves ". Under the circumstances it became necessary for the French to adopt the English methods.^
The French traders even went so far as to imitate the English in the matter of creating wars for the sole purpose of securing the prisoners.' In 1720 the French "voya-geurs " on the Arkansas and Missouri rivers were said to have brought about tribal differences for that purpose. In order to put an end to such behavior the crown issued a decree that offenders of this sort were to be seized and their merchandise confiscated. Furthermore, all the officials
* Margry, vol. iv, pp. 516-518.
* La Harpe, pp. 89-91.
^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci«, vol. ii, fols. 395-403-
were directed to do what they could to suppress the disorder/ These Frenchmen, however, were clever enough to carry on the traffic secretly and thus escape punishment.'^ The Indians at times, it seems, themselves entered the slave trade of their own volition. In May, 1709, the Alibamon fell upon the Mobile Indians, killed the men and carried some twenty-seven or twenty-eight women and children as slaves to the French at Mobile.'
The officials of Louisiana desired to follow still further the English methods of dealing with Indian slaves. To this end they requested the home government in 1706, 1707 and 1708 to allow them to exchange, in the French West Indies, Indians for negro slaves, the rate being fixed at two of the former for three of the latter. Bienville informed the crown that the reason for such an arrangement was to put the Indians where they would be unfamiliar with the country and, therefore, could not run away. On the other hand, he asserted, " negroes in Louisiana would not dare to, because the Indians would kill them". Another colonial official in his request to the royal government for such a traffic gave as a reason that the English were making profit out of a similar trade. The home government, however, was not convinced by the argument of its agents in Louisiana, and accordingly rejected the proposal.*
On October 12, 1708, a merchant coming to the province from St. Domingue bought fifteen Indian slaves. Notwithstanding the home government disapproved of such transactions, an agreement was made with him to bring
' Margry, vol. vi, p. 316.
' Charlevoix, Hist, and Gen. Desc. of New France, vol. vi, pp. 32-33 ; Carver, p. 348.
*A. N., C. Sir. Ci», vol. ii, fol. 398.
* Ihid., vol. i, fols. SU-SIQ; vol. ii, fols. 57-69, 359-362.
negroes, for each of whom he was to receive in exchange two Indians/ About the same time a similar trade was proposed to the merchants of Cape Franqais.^ The Louisiana officials, it seems, preferred to carry on such exchanges with royal sanction, therefore in 1713 they again requested the crown to allow them to carry on the traffic, which proposal was again rejected.®
In buying from the Indians, and in their clandestine slave dealings with islanders, the French were never able to make as good bargains as did the English in a similar trade. Governor Cadillac acknowledged he was not able to understand the genius of an Englishman who could buy a slave from a native for fifty pistoles (forty-two livres, six sols, ten deniers), for which a Frenchman would be obliged to pay as much as 100 to 105 livres.* These differences in price sometimes led French traders to attempt to secure Indian slaves from the English. In 1716, for example, a nephew of Bienville lost his life while engaged in such a traffic in Carolina. The work, however, wa^ too hazardous to become widespread.°
The unprofitableness of the trade in natives together 'with the inability of the owners to keep them from running away when forced to work, and the royal opposition to it caused the French of Louisiana gradually to abandon this form of servitude." In 1728 Governor Perier pronounced it to be detrimental to the advancement of the province.'-^
1 A. N., C, Sir. 03, vol. ii, fols. i;8, 471-480.
' Ihid., vol. iii, fol. 120.
* Ibid., fol. no.
*/6trf., fols. 65, 511-533.
^ Ibid., fols. 511-533; vol. iv, fols. 241-242.
' Ibid., vol. v, fols. 53-54.
' Ibid., vol. xi, fol. 7.
/The number of Indians held as slaves in Louisiana, therefore, was never large. In 1708 there were eighty of both
^^exes in the Mobile valleyj^^iio in 1721, and thirty-seven in 1725^ Along the Mississippi, in and around New Orleans, there were, in 1721, 118; in 1727, seventy-three; and in 1731, forty-seven. There appears but one census, each, for the IlHnois country and Natchitoches. In it, 1731, 117 for the former district and seven for the latter are recorded. The only inventory of the property of the entire province was made in 1726 and in it there are 229 Indian slaves recorded.^ By 1744 the number had fallen to 122. It was, at this time, asserted that there were very few in Louisiana because the French were at peace with all the Indian nations. The savages still in bondage, it was further claimed, had been taken in former wars and had as yet not been given their freedom.* ^ As might be expected the price of Indian slaves in Louis-
' iana was not high. From time to time a few savages were sold to merchants coming from the French West Indies, but no details of the transactions are given. As late as 1752 a trader from Cape Frangais bought at New Orleans three Indian men and two women, but no figures are quoted.' In 1755 an Indian slave in the Illinois country sold for 733 livres, perhaps as large a sum as was given for a native slave during the French regime.*
Since the French were not permitted by the home government to exchange Indians for island negroes, they early began to make requests for a supply from Africa.' In one
» A., M. des C, Sir. G\ vol. 464.
* The Present State of the Country, etc., p. 26.
* A. N., C, Set. C^', vol. xxxvi, fols. 62-63.
* Register 1755, Courthouse, Belleville, Illinois.
* A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. i, fol. 50; vol. ii, fol. 57-69; vol. iii, foL 120; 5"^. F«, vol. xxiv, fols. 236-237.
/
way or another a black from time to time was procured and in 1712 the number in the whole province was ten/ Crozat's patent, issued this year, gave him the exclusive right to bring annually to the province from the Guinea coast one cargo of negroes.^ The patentee, himself, made but little use of the privilege; nevertheless he guarded it carefully. On July 27, 1717, an English ship anchored at Dauphin Island. The captain asked for a supply of wood and water which was given on the condition that he agree, among other things, to refrain from a trade in slaves.*
The Company of the West in 1717 agreed to take over all negroes belonging to Crozat and to pay for them with their notes or with merchandise. Moreover, it arranged to receive the colonists' unpaid slave contracts and to allow them to finish payment in accordance with the old arrangement or to return the negroes to the Company.* The slave-trading privilege accorded to Crozat in his patent was not incorporated in the one issued to the Company of the West. Through a readjustment^ that took place in 1719, Louisiana passed under the control of the Company of the Indies which owned the right to a trade in slaves.* Its privileges in regard to the slave traffic was extended to include also Louisiana.'^
At this juncture the representative of a small trading company in France requested the home government to allow it, while preparations were being made to secure them
» A. N., C. Sir. C", vol. ii, fol. 178; vol. iii, fol. 65.
' Hist. Colls, of La., pt. 3, p. 42.
» A. N., C, Sir. F3, vol. 241, M. S. S. M.
* Ibid., Sir. C^^, vol, v, fol. 333. 5 Supra, p. 31.
• Margry, vol. v, p. 590.
' Hist. Colls, of La., pt. 3, p. 53.
from the Guinea coast, to procure 1,500 blacks from the English for the province.^ The permission was not granted and no importations of negroes were made until 1721, when the Company landed in Louisiana 1,312, the largest number brought over in any single year.'^ For some time afterward slave ships reached the province from Africa almost every year with cargoes of negroes, and by the end of its control of the province the Company had transported thither more than 6,000 negroes, bringing the whole number landed since/ colored laborers were first employed, close to 7,000.* The colonial officials were required by the home government to make a certified statement of every slave ship, which report contained the number and conditions of the negroes on board. In some cases the number that had died during the voyage was also stated.*
The negroes were drawn from Caye, Goree, Juida, Angola and Senegal, though by far the greater number was obtained from the coast last named.* The mortality while on the journey across the ocean was high.* In one instance, however, due to a very quick trip of only four months from the time the slave ship left France until it arrived in Louisiana, together with especially good treatment of the blacks during the voyage, only nine died. On reaching Louisiana they were fat, spirited and apparently healthy. A few days later, however, many fell sick with flux and scurvy, and 200 out of 341 had to be sent to the
» A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. v, fols. 299-302.
* Infra, p. 249. •Ibid.
* A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xi, fols. 27-29, 51, 131, 315.
* Infra, p. 249.
hospital for treatment, while others were given medical aid on the plantations to which they were assigned/
Scurvy, measles, dysentery, flux, and sore eyes, that sometimes caused blindness, were the most common diseases while on shipboard. When large numbers of negroes were landed at one time, the Company was unable to provide for them warm woolen clothing, therefore, the strong as well as the weak at times found the temperature of the Gulf coast too low for them. Such climatic conditions caused other maladies and aggravated the more common complaints, which resulted in the death of many of the blacks soon after their arrival.^
The procuring of enough food often was a very great obstacle in the way of expanding the slave trade. In 1723,. when 574 were disembarked in Louisiana, there were / provisions available for feeding so large a number only/ for a short time. A boat, therefore, was immediately despatched to Cape Frangais for a supply of food.*
In the distribution of negroes the Company was very practical. It advanced them only to such colonists as were able to provide them with food and clothing and under / anything like favorable conditions would meet the payments as they fell due. In order to make the reimbursements for everyone as easy as possible, the Company divided those desiring to receive slaves into two classes, namely, old and new comers. To the former it allowed a credit of one year on half the price of the negro, and to the latter two years. For the execution of the order all persons who had lived in the province two years or more were to be placed under the heading " old ".* In order to*
^A.N., C, Sir. C", vol. xi, fols. 52-53. 'Ibid., vol. X, fol. 189; vol. xi, fols. 27-29, 315.
* La Harpe, p. 287.
* Dumont, vol. H, p. 240; A., B. A. &., Am., vol. ii, fols. 203-225.
make no mistakes in the placing of the slaves the Company sent out each year an agent whose duty it was to visit all farms and plantations for the purpose of observing conditions there. He was to report to the director what he saw and to name the men who, in his judgment, should receive slaves.^ At the expiration of their term of service, if they wished to become civilians and would agree to take up agriculture, the Company made such advances to soldiers, on reasonable terms, payable, as was always its custom, entirely in farm products.' Augmentation in the number of land owners brought about a corresponding increase in the requests for laborers. In one year alone there were as many as 1,862. The number of negroes asked for in these various petitions ranged from one to fifty.' Such applications were made to the " ordonnateur " who made up the list of names and the number of blacks to be allowed from the recommendations of the Company's agent mentioned above.*
On the arrival of a slave ship the health inspector was at first the only |>erson permitted to go on board. He examined the negroes, separated the sick from the well and put the former under treatment. The latter were allotted to persons whose names appeared on the official list. The distribution was accomplished by placing a string, to which was attached a card bearing a number, around the neck of each of the blacks. Duplicate cards were made and put in a bag from which the men at random each drew out one or more according to his authorized assignment, and took possession of the negroes bearing the corresponding
* Margry, vol. v, p. 625; A., M. des C, Sir. G^, vol. 4^
• Margry, vol. v, p. 625.
*A.. M. des C, S6r. G^, vol. 464. '* Dumont, vol. ii, pp. 240-241.
numbers. The sick were sold at auction. Since the supply never was adequate, the bidding was usually brisk, sick negroes often bringing quite as much as healthy ones. There were some persons in the province who made a business of buying them, taking the chance of being able to cure them and when well of selling them at a considerable advance on the cost. These doctors, it was said, were careful " to put their curative secrets in practice only for themselves "/
The buying of a negro was not easy. The best way, it was asserted, was to strip both " men and women as naked as the hand ", and then to have an " honest doctor " examine them, from the bottom of the foot to the top of the head, looking carefully between the toes and fingers, in the mouth, ears, eyes and other places where disease might lodge. The physician, it was further affirmed, should be especially requested to look for the malady called "plans " (yaws). Its detection, however, did not require an expert, since it caused deep black spots on the skin that were as smooth as glass. It was desirable that the slave buyer, himself, should be able to discover this as well as other defects, since the doctors very frequently were interested in buying slaves and hence did not make a correct diagnosis.^
The Company found it necessary to regulate the slave trade by special legislation. On March 12, 1722, a law y. was passed for the purpose of keeping negroes in the province. The act prohibited, on penalty of a fine of 1,000 livres and confiscation of the slaves, the selling of negroes to persons who would take them from the province.* The sale of slaves was put under still further legal restrictions
* Le Page du Pratz, vol. i, pp. 335-340; Dumont, vol. ii, pp. 240-241.
• Le Page du Pratz, vol. i, pp. 335-340.
' A. N., C, Sir. A, vol. xxiii, March 12, 1722.
on July 25, 1724. Henceforward it was to be unlawful for captains of slave ships to sell negroes, as had been / done sometimes, before the health inspector had examined the cargo. Violations of the law were to be punished by a fine of 100 livres payable to the person who proved the / guilt of the offender.^ By 1725 many of the slaves, received from the Company on credit, had been resold before payment was completed. It was believed the transfer would make it impossible for the officials to seize and sell the negroes at auction in order to obtain the balance due. On December 11, by royal decree, such seizures and sales / were made legal. Out of the money thus received, the Company's claims took precedence over all others, next the second buyer or present owner of the slave, and if there was a remainder, it passed to the man who made the at- , tempt to defraud the Company.'
In 1727 the local director believed it possible to open up a lucrative trade in slaves with the interior provinces of Mexico and communicated the fact to the authorities in France. Nothing came of the proposal, due perhaps to the fact that the Company was about convinced that it was \ impossible to put trade of any kind on a paying basis in J Louisiana.' .---
The crown appreciating the importance of negro labor for the development of the province began, in 1731, to look about for ways and means to augment it.* Before the end of 1732, the officials in France were informed that the colonists, themselves, could not carry on a trade in African slaves but that they could pay for them in cotton
' A. N., C, Sh. A, vol. xxiii, July 25, 1724.
»/&trf., Dec. II, 1725; A., B. N., Fr., vol. 11332, fols. 321-323.
*A., B. A. £., Am., vol. vii, fol. 246.
* Ibid., Fr., vol. 1990, fol. 113; ^. N., C, Sir. C^*, vol. xiv, fols. 36-37.
and tobacco, if only the royal government would bring them to the province. If it could not carry on such a trade, itself, it was the wish of the settlers that it interest the merchants of France to take up the work of transporting blacks from the Guinea coast to Louisiana/ There seems to have been no response to this communication. By 1734, the colonists from both New Orleans and Mobile were making urgent appeals for slaves, offering for them as much as 1,400 livres apiece.^ The governor and " ordonnateur ", thereupon, informed the crown of the need of negro labor for the development of the province.^
A chance to increase the slave trade seems to have presented itself in December, 1733, when there arrived from St. Domingue a merchant boat of sixty tons. During the stay of the proprietors, captain, and two merchants in the province they sold the cargo they brought and bought another to be carried to Martinique, meanwhile formulating with the Louisiana officials a plan for bringing negroes from Africa to the colony. En route to Martinique they stopped at St. Domingue in order to land one of the merchants who was there to take passage on a royal ship bound for France for the purpose of presenting the project to the home government. From the former island the captain was to take the vessel to the coast of Guinea where he was to procure a cargo of negroes for Louisiana. According to the plan formulated before leaving the province the royal government was to be requested to allow these men to buy in France a ship of 150 tons to be used in carrying slaves from Guinea to New Orleans. If the crown granted the permit without remuneration and allowed a " gratifica-
^ A. N., C, Sir. C18, vol. xiv, fols. 36-37.
* Ibid., vol. xviii, fols. 51-53; vol. xix, fols. 25-29.
* Ihid., vol. xviii, fols. 14-19, 41-44.
tion " of forty livres a head on all negroes imported, they were to be sold in the province for 450 livres each. On reaching St. Domingue a letter was despatched to the colonial officials soliciting them to recommend to the home government that a boat of 800 tons be purchased in Holland instead of the one of 150 tons in the original scheme; a subsidy of forty livres a ton be granted on cargoes of colonial products carried from Louisiana, as accorded to French merchants for similar service; and that the selling price of the negroes be raised to 600 livres. The governor and " ordonnateur " jointly sent a letter to the royal officials strongly recommending the proposal, together with the changes. The crown, it seems, took no action in the matter.*
On the failure of the above project the Louisiana agents urged upon the home government the necessity of sending negroes to the province, informing it that a cargo of 200 slaves could easily be paid for in two years, since they would be sold only to planters in comfortable circumstances." The enthusiasm of the royal officials for such a trade perhaps was dampened somewhat by the fact that the sales for the negroes they already had furnished were still 63,200 livres in arrears, which they were assured would be paid at the coming harvest.' This year the " ordonnateur " issued an ordinance that was meant to protect owners from loss of slaves through escape and dnmkenness. The law, however, was enforced poorly, hence brought little relief.*
Three years now passed before another proposal was presented for the building up of the slave trade of the province. In 1737, a merchant of La Rochelle made an offer to
» A. N., C, Sir. 0«, vol. xix, fols. 88-89. QO^i. 198-199.
* Ibid., vol. XX, fols. 105-109; vol. xxi, fols. 25-3a
* Ibid., vol. xxi, fols. 284-286.
* Ibid., Sir. A, vol. xxiii, D€c. 7, 1736.
carry negroes from Africa to Louisiana for from 550 to 850 livres a head, according to the age and quality of the blacks. He pointed out the fact that at this time slaves in St. Domingue were selling for from 1,200 to 1,300 livres each. He made the offer, therefore, only on the condition that the colonists would agree to buy all the slaves he landed. According to the proposal the negroes were to be paid for in tobacco, indigo, peltry or other products suited to the French market. The first payment was to be made from the harvest nearest the date of sale of the negro. The merchant on his part agreed to pay three livres a pound for indigo, three sols, six deniers a poimd for tobacco, and one livre and a half for deerskins.^ y"
Since nothing came of this proposal the home govern^-ment was again informed of the great need there was in the province for colored laborers for the production of indigo and other commodities.^ No negroes being provided, a settler living near Mobile, in December, made a bargain with the captain of an English vessel to open a slave market on the " Isle of Vessels ", situated near the mouth of the Mobile river, where the commander of the ship at this time disposed of five blacks.*
The next year, 1738, the governor and " ordonnateur " jointly informed the crown that it had been eight years since the province had received slaves from it and that the need for a new supply was most pressing, since those in the service were growing old. Therefore for the advancement of the colony as a whole, and for the indigo industry in particular, the proposal of Bienville and Salmon was recommended as being worthy of approval. For a num-
» A. N., C, Sir. F3, vol. 242, M. S. S. M., Feb. 22, 1737.
* Ibid., Sir. C^^, vol. xxii, fols. 37-41, 51-S4.
• Ibid., fols. 198-203.
1
ber of years, fixed by itself, the crown was petitioned by these two officials to permit them, jointly, to form a company for the exclusive trade in slaves between the Guinea coast and Louisiana. The formation of the company was to be made as follows: the crown was to advance it 150,000 livres; to provide a ship and crew secured in France; to exempt it from paying a duty to the Company of the Indies. If it was impossible to supply the vessel, a " gratification " of 200 livres a head was proposed as an acceptable substitute. Under these conditions the blacks were to be sold in the province for 800 livres apiece. As in the case of the various proposals above cited the crown took no action regarding the matter.^
The next year the royal government was requested to g^ant large tracts of land for the establishing of tobacco plantations, and to make to the planters an advance of 600,000 livres to be held for fourteen years without interest. Of this sum 500,000 livres was to be used in buying negroes and the remainder in fitting up the farms. For the fourteen years the crown was to permit blacks to be procured for the province wherever they could be purchased most advantageously. The settlers were to be paid five sols a pound for tobacco, with its transportation to France made as easy as possible. This scheme being less attractive, from the point of view of the home government, no consideration was given it.'
In April the " ordonnateur " informed the crown that the planters were chagrined becaCise their negroes were all old, due to the fact that for twelve years there had been no importations from Africa.* Of the 4,000 blacks then
^A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxiii, fob. 120-131. ' Ibid., vol. xxiv, 268, 274, * Supra, p. 239.
in the province, it was asserted that two-thirds were Creoles, a condition that did not exist even in the Antilles, a prov-^ ince where there was a much smaller quantity of exports produced. Salmon was positive that a cargo of 250 adult negroes brought annually to Louisiana would go far toward removing the shortage in slave labor/ In the latter part of the year Governor Bienville informed the royal government of an opportunity to secure slaves. Two planters from Martinique had come to the colony, secured land, and one of them with ten negroes had begun work on it, while the other had returned to bring over the remainder of their blacks. Through these men the governor had learned that there were many more slave owners in that island who wished to migrate to Louisiana and requested the crown to allow them to do so.^ Bienville further informed the home government that a La Rochelle merchant who, during the year, had a vessel trading in the province, had promised to carry over a cargo of negroes in 1742. These he had agreed to sell in Louisiana for 1,500 livres each, one-third payable on delivery in colonial currency, and one-third at each of two succeeding harvests in native products.* The activities of the officials of the province, therefore, had brought to the colony this year no acquisitions of slaves.
There seems to have been no end to the schemes intended to bring about such results. In 1742, d'Alcour and Dub-reuil worked out a plan of the sort with the full approval and cooperation of the governor and " ordonnateur", d'Alour making a journey to France in order to bring the project to a successful termination. In July, 1743, a re-
» A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. xxvi, fols. 138-139. ^Ihid., fols. 108-109. '' IVxd., fol. 109.
port reached the province that there would soon be a cargo of 200 negroes brought to Louisiana from Senegal, where they had been purchased from the Company of the Indies. In order to help the venture along, the " ordonnateur" made to the promoters an advance in bills of exchange and permitted them ship icx5 tons of freight on royal boats bound for France. The first payment to the Company, 30,000 livres, was due July, 1742; in July of the following year 30,000 pounds of tobacco and 400 barrels of tar were placed on board a vessel to be sent to France to meet the obligation. On the same boat there also were despatched 40,000 pounds of tobacco, 400 barrels of tar and some indigo for the second 30,000-livre instalment.^
In August, 1743, d'Alcour with his vessel reached Louisiana with 190 full-grown negroes on board, what was left of about 250 taken on in Africa.' The venture evidently was profitable, since the crown was at once petitioned to allow a second cargo, this time one of 220 blacks.* About the same time Governor Vaudreuil suggested to the royal government that it was advisable to send to the province the next year 600 negroes, or 300, each, for two or three years. The cost to it, the governor claimed, would be 600 livres and the selling price in the province 1,800 livres a head. The venture, therefore, would bring about two beneficial results, namely, the retiring of colonial paper,* and the providing of the settlers with an adequate number of laborers.' The home government not being convinced of these inherent probabilities rejected the proposal.
* A. N., C, Sir. C^«, vol. xxvii, fols. 5-8; vol. xxviii, fols. 20-21.
* Ihid., vol. xxviji, fols, 84-85.
» Ibid., Sir. B, vol. Ixxix, fol. 38.
* Supra, p. 13s.
» A. N., C, Sir. Ci», vol. xxviii, fols. 83-84.
Vaudreuil, having given up hope of securing negroes through the crown or the French merchants, in 1746, engaged a Dutch trader to import them. He then informed the royal authorities of the action he had taken and proceeded to justify it on the ground, first, that France was not at war with Holland, and secondly, that the advancement of the province absolutely depended upon an augmentation of slave labor/ The Hollander seems to have made no use of the privilege accorded him, therefore another of the schemes for increasing the number of negroes ended in failure.
The struggle between France and England, 1744-1748, diverted the attention of the colonial officials somewhat from the slave trade. As soon as peace was restored many persons in the province began to establish new plantations on the Mississippi above New Orleans. Therefore an urgent need of importation of negroes was soon manifested. In 1752, the " ordonnateur " informed the crown the demand was so great for blacks to clear the land on these farms that some of the planters had deposited money with him to be used in buying slaves for them at Cape Frangais. At the same time he asserted there were a number of men in the French West Indies, especially Martinique,^ who wished to establish themselves in Louisiana. He requested the crown to permit the migration.* Its sanction, however, was not given.
From time to time the merchants from St. Domingue and Martinique brought to the province what blacks they could procure at the slave markets of those two islands. Some of these traders paid willingly the duty customary
'^ A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. xxx, fols. 110-112; vol. xxxii, fol. 32.
^ Supra, p. 241,
' A. N., C, Sir. C^^, vol. xxxvi, fols. 273, 275.
in other French provinces on such importations, while others refused. Not deeming it wise to force such payments without direct instructions from the crown, the governor, in 1754, asked to be informed as to its wishes in the matter.* To this communication there was no reply. In the advancement of such a commerce it seems the royal government was somewhat interested, for in January it was willing to allow a merchant of Bordeaux to enter the trade but refused to aid him in carrying out his project* In the following April it was considering the granting of a permit to this same merchant to transport negroes from the Guinea coast to Louisiana. Moreover it was inclined to allow him a " gratification " on each negro thus imported.' Since the close of the war the slave owners of the province evidently had prospered. At any rate the " or-donnateur ", in September, informed the royal government they were now financially able to pay the capitation tax of five livres that some time before it had proposed to put on negroes.* Just at this juncture war again broke out between France and England, and the placing of the tax was for the time being deferred.
From 1754 to the end of the French control of the province there was very little interest taken in the slave trade. In 1756, an old complaint against Dubreuil was again up for adjustment. In 1739, he had bought some negroes, agreeing to pay for them 30,ckx) livres in three equal annual instalments. In 1742, but 16,000 livres had been paid and the case was taken to the superior council for settlement. Enough of the planter's property to pay the debt
1 A. N., C. Sir. Ci», vol. xxviii, fol. 51.
» Ibid., Sir. B, vol. c, fol. 8.
' Ibid., fol. 52.
* Ibid., Sir. C^', vol. xxxviii, fols. 176, 177-
was ordered to be seized and sold. For some reason the order was not carried out. Although the Count de Maurepas had written the " ordonnateur" a number of times concerning the matter, except for 4,000 livres in 1752, no remittances had been made.^
Three French frigates in 1759 seized an English vessel that had on board 414 negroes. Two-thirds of the number were left at Grenada and the remainder carried to Louisiana. The governor of the latter province did not know how to deal with importations of blacks, since no reply had been given him in regard to his request concerning the duty to be levied on negroes brought to the colony.^ They were therefore held from January to May in order to receive instructions.** With this sale the slave trade of Louisiana as a French province practically came to an end. However, such a commerce with the French West Indies to some extent must have gone on after 1759. At any rate on July 9, 1763, an act was passed by the superior council forbidding the importation of negroes from St. Domingue because so many deaths of whites of that island had occurred, due to poison administered by the blacks.*
At the time of the retrocession of Louisiana in 1731 there were 3,395 negro slaves in the province.'* Through the great industry of the colonial officials, described in the preceding pages of this chapter, and through natural increase, the number in 1746 was 4,730,® and at the end of the French period there were in the entire province about
1 A. N., C, Ser. B, vol. ciii, fol. 4.
2 Supra, p. 244.
' A. N., C, Ser. C^s, vol. xH, fol. 173.
* Hist. Colls, of La., pt. 2, p. 63.
^ A., M. des C, Sir. G^, vol. 464. ■
^ A. N., C, Ser. C^s, vol. xxx, fol. 256.
6,000 black slaves.^ In the Illinois country where such laborers were not thought to be desirable there were, in 1750, 300, and by 1763, 900.*
For the first decade and a half there seems to be no information available as to the prices the French of Louisiana paid for negro slaves. The Company of the Indies fixed them at 660 livres for a black between the ages of seventeen and forty, and 440 for those from eight to ten. Payments were to be made in three equal parts, either in rice and tobacco or notes of the Company. At the end of the first year if the obligation was not met the slave became again the property of the Company. If the negro on being resold did not bring enough to satisfy the debt, the person who bought the black in the first instance was to pay the balance.' In 1723, a dispute arose between the settlers and / the Company over the price of rice used in paying for ' negroes. The former were contending for twenty livres for a barrel that weighed only a little more than 100 pounds, while the latter demanded one of 130, the ordinary weight for such commodities.*
The selling price of slaves did not remain at 660 livres long after it was legalized. In 1722, it advanced to 1,000 livres and for a full-grown, healthy negro did not go below that during the time of the control of the province by the / Company.'' In 1724, however, 800 livres would be received by it if lead were g^ven in payment." There seem
* Dubroca, L'ltincraire des Franqais dans la Louisiatte, p. 84.
* Jes. Rel., vol. Ixix, p. 145.
» La Harpe, pp. 289, 291; A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. vi, fol. 239; Sir. A, vol. xxiii, Sept. 27, 1721.
* A. N., C, Sir. C18, vol. vii, fol. 45-" Infra, p. 249.
* A. N., Sir. C", vol. viii, fols. 103-104.
THE SLAVE TRADE
247
to have been no sales under this arrangement. In 1727, a priest tried to secure a slave from a dying man for 800 livres but no mention is made of the lead. The matter went to the superior council for settlement, where it was decided the negro was still a part of the estate which was later sold at public sale where the slave brought 1,330 livres.^ Blacks sometimes sold collectively' for less than , 1,000 livres.^ Nevertheless the Company, in 1732, was able to secure from 25,000 to 30,000 livres for lots of ten and twelve, all skilled laborers, therefore not an extravagant price.* What quotations are available for the different sexes all show that males usually brought more than:' females," and children much less than adults; * and in 1732 a cash payment of 600 livres was equivalent to 900 on a credit of three years.^ The next year the price was low, blacks bringing at auction only 400, 500 and 700 livres
/
^A. N., Sir. Ci3, vol. x, fols. 249, 250.
2 Dates. Number.
1721 500
1724 7
1731 9
1731 80
1731 87
1732 12
1732 260
1733 SO
1735 54
1736 8
1738 5
1739 225
^ A.N., C, Sir. CIS, vol. viii, fol. 104. * Ibid., vol. XV, fols. 13, 14.
5 Ibid., Sir. F^, vol. ccxlii, M. S. S. M. Women, ?5o; girls, 550; boys, 650.
6 Ibid.
^ A. N., C, Sir. C13, vol. xv, fol. 22.
Livres.
150,000 4,500 -2,700
99,327
87,000...
30,000
182,000
42,000
42,500
10,000
3,000
157,500
750 livres; men.
THE COMMERCE OF LOUISIANA
[248
apiece.^ In 1734, it was doubled, adults selling for 1,400 livres.' A decrease in the importation from Africa caused it, by 1743, to advance to 1,800 livres a head; at this time a lot of twenty-nine men, fourteen women and eleven children brought 42,500 livres.' At a public sale in New Orleans, in 1763, there was a wide range of prices when the slaves were sold either singly or in families.*
* A. N., C, Ser.C^^, vol. xvi, fols. 96, 97; vol. xvii, fols. 167, 169.
* Ibid., vol. xix, fols. 25-29.
* Ibid., vol. XX, fols. 205-207; vol. xxH, fols. 196-197.
* Ibid., vol. xHii, fols. .315-351.
Value in livres of negroes sold singly and in group::.
THE SLAVE TRADE
249
1700 ITOS ITIO ^TI5 (720 f725 1730 1733 1740 1745 1750 1735 1760
Diagram I, the number of negroes landed.
Diagram II, the entire number of negroes in the province.
Diagram III, the entire number of Indian slaves in the province.
Diagram IV, number of negroes taken on board in Africa. Diagram V, the number landed in Louisiana. Variations of the two, mortality during the voyage.
CHAPTER XVI The Domestic Trade of Lower Louisiana
Trade in Louisiana, like the colony itself, developed slowly, due for the most part to the fact that the first settlers were either fortune-seekers or exiles from France because of their crimes; therefore neither class was fitted for pioneer work. Absolute want, however, forced some of them to take up agriculture. By 1710 there were settlers who were producing more than they consumed and this year sold to the officials 8,140 livres, 18 sols worth of native products for the maintenance of the garrison.*
The Crozat regime was most detrimental to trade. In the first place the price offered for colonial products was entirely out of proportion to that demanded for French merchandise. This condition created discord between the settlers and the officials and discouraged the former from attempting to produce in excess of consumption. Secondly, the local agents, following their instructions, persistently encouraged the settlers, even at the sacrifice of their farms, to spend their time in a futile search for mines that were
^ A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, fob. 529-530. Products supplied:
Liv. Sols.
180 quintals, 99 pounds of fresh lard
34 quintals, 79 pounds of fresh beef 6470 lO
116 barrels corn, 14 liv., 8 sols bbl. of 150 lbs 1,670 08
Total 8,140 l8
believed to be located somewhere in the interior of the province.^ The unfair dealings the colonists received from the resident officials caused many irregularities in trade. The " ordonnateur ", writing on June 3, 1716, asserts there were at Mobile not more than forty settlers; that there were so few domestic animals in the province that beef was selling at nine sols a pound, moreover the colonists were finding it hard to provide themselves with food of any kind.^ On August 23 of this year, in order to eliminate some of the abuses, the governor and " ordonnateur " issued an ordinance making it a crime punishable with a fine of 50 pistoles for any person to kill domestic animals belonging to another, without first securing the consent of the owner; at the same time the price of beef was fixed at four sols, six deniers a pound; veal, two months old, at six sols a pound. To sell at a higher rate was to be punished by a fine of 30 livres.^
The Company of the West recognizing that its predecessor's failure was due in part, at least, to a too great restriction of the trade of the province, inaugurated a system that allowed the settlers much liberty in domestic exchanges.* Notwithstanding the unfavorable conditions in which the province had been placed, it had grown. At this time there were in lower Louisiana garrisons at Mobile, Alibamon, Yazou and on Dauphin Island.^ Life in the province, however, was still hard to maintain.^ Meat was very expensive, notwithstanding the fact the price had been fixed by law.
1 A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. iii, fols. 197-207, 210-217, 216-223, 251-253.
2 Ibid., vol. iv, fols. 391-392.
' Ihid., Sir. A, vol. xxiii, Aug. 23, 1716.
* Lettres Patentes, Aug., 1717, N. Y. Pub. Lib. ^ A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. v, fol. 86.
* Ibid., fols. 44-45, 46.
Fowl at the time were selling at three livres, 12 sols, each, and all other provisions at equally high prices.^
By 1720 Mobile, though still the capital, was no longer the only market place in the province. New Orleans already had become one for the planters nearby, and those all along the Mississippi." The trade, to be sure was small. The Company, however, was doing all that it could to augment it.* To this end the colony was divided into nine military districts * as follows: New Orleans, Biloxi, Mol^ile, Alibamon, Natchez, Yazou, Natchitoches, Arkansas and the Illinois country, each district being provided with a garrisoned post.^ In order to regulate prices of merchandise in the different parts of the province, the Company fixed them for Mobile, Dauphin Island and Biloxi at 50 per cent advance on the coast in France. To these prices five per cent was to be added if sold at New Orleans, 10 per cent at Natchez, 15 per cent at Yazou, 20 per cent at Natchitoches and 50 per cent on the Illinois and Missouri.* On September 20, 1721 there was another adjustment of prices, the Company of the Indies fixing them at 50 per cent on the cost in France for the posts of Alibamon, Biloxi, Mobile and New Orleans; at 70 per cent for Natchez and Yazou; at 80 per cent for Natchitoches and on the Arkansas, and at 100 per cent in the Illinois country.^
^A.N., C.SSr. OS, fol. 48.
^ A., M. des C, Ser. G', vol. 464; Le Page du Pratz, vol. i, p. 166; vol. ii, pp. 253-255.
» A. N., C, Ser. O^, vol. vi, fols. 14, 20, 21.
* Supra, p. 26.
» A. N., C, Sir. OS, vol. vi, fols. 218, 219.
« Ordonnatue de la Compagnie d'Occident, April 25, 1719, N. Y. Pub. Lib.
* A. N., C, Ser. 0=*, vol, xii, fol. 204; La Harpe, p. 293.
Biloxi was at this time supplying the new settlers with cattle, hogs and fowls, as well as fresh meat to the crews on the ocean-going vessels/ Every year the hunters went to the St. Frangais river for a supply of salt buffalo meat for the New Orleans market.^ On July 17, 1722 the superior council fixed the maximum price for fowls at three livres, each, for Biloxi; at 40 sols for New Orleans and Mobile; spring chickens at 30 sols for the former and 20 sols for the two latter villages. Everywhere in lower Louisiana fresh beef was to sell for not more than ten sols a pound, buffalo meat, fresh or salted, at eight sols, venison at four livres a quarter.^ A fine of 200 livres was to be imposed upon persons who violated the law. The day after its publication a settler sold beef at 15 sols a pound and was promptly arrested and fined. Other similar offenses were dealt with in the same fashion.* This year part of the salt meat for New Orleans was provided by the hunters of Pointe Coupee who supplied 5,000 pounds of it, cured from 80 buffaloes.^
In 1723 it was claimed by the " ordonnateur" that if every vessel that stopped at Cape Frangais on the way to Louisiana would bring six or seven cows, the number of cattle in the province soon would make it possible for the butchers at New Orleans to kill two animals a week. The price at the Cape was only 40 livres a head and each one in Louisiana would sell for 600, thereby making such transactions very profitable to the shipper. Beef at this time was selling at ten sols a pound, the highest price allowable
1 A., B. de I'A., vol. 4497, fol. 64.
^ Le Page du Pratz, vol. i, p. 150.
' A. N., C, Ser. C^^, vol. vi, fols. 417-418, 421-422.
* Ibid., fol. 329.
" La Harpe, p. 309.
by the law.^ It seems to have been impossible to keep it longer at that rate, therefore, in 1725, the superior council advanced it to 12 sols for fresh beef, and made the punishment for violations 50 livres, payable to the person bringing about the conviction.* In October of the following year the " ordonnateur " asserted that for some months it had been possible to procure fresh meat daily at the markets of New Orleans, due to importation of cattle from St. Domingue.* Two Canadian hunters, in 1727, carried to the capital 480 buffalo tongues from the animals they had killed during the winter. The usual method was to sun dry the flanks and salt the remainder.*
By 1728 there was in Louisiana a great need for standardizing the weights and measures used in trade and May 7, the supyerior council fixed the standards for many articles. In the case of beef 360 pounds, henceforward, were to be considered a hogshead, 240 pounds a cask, 180 a " quart " and 90 pounds an " ancre." ' During the last years of the control of the province by the Company buffalo meat and venison sold at six sols and beef at eight sols a pound, paid in paper money. The suppression of this currency,* however, brought the former to four and the latter to six sols a pound. During this period the soldiers, in winter, were given but two sols a day for meat in order to force them to forage for the remainder of such food. In summer they were allowed a slightly larger amount, since game at that season was not made use of.^
> A. N., C, Sir. Ci3, vol. vii, fol. 19.
* Ibid., Sir. A, vol. xxiii, July 24, 1725. » Ibid., Sir. 0», vol. xi, fols. 117-118.
* Jes. Rel, vol. Ixvii, p. 285.
» A. N., C, Sir. F3, vol. ccxli, M. S. S. M,, May 7, 17-28.
* Supra, p. 122.
» A. N.. C, Sir. 0«, vol. xix, fols. 18-20.
By 1732 the German settlers ten leagues above New Orleans consisted of more than 60 families all very industrious and prosperous. These men supplied the New Orleans markets with large quantities of fowls/ The " ordonnateur" in 1733, bought meat coming from the Illinois country at four sols a pound. The salt used in curing it was of inferior quality and 6,000 pounds of the amount purchased spoiled before it could be consumed. Early in the following year Salmon thereby was put to the trouble of procuring more with which to feed the troops until the end of November when game would be fit for use again.^ In March 1734 one of the settlers petitioned the " ordonnateur " to give him the entire contract for supplying New Orleans with meat at four sols a pound for the soldiers and at five to the general public. The exclusive privilege was granted, perhaps, because it was recommended by Bienville who believed it would be a decided advantage to the province. The cattle for the supply were to be drawn from Mobile, Dauphin Island and Natchitoches where they were raised in excess of local consumption, instead of exclusively from the vicinity of the capital as heretofore.^
An ordinance was issued in 1735 requiring all persons to have game inspected before it could be sold upon the streets of New Orleans. Any one violating the law was to be punished by confiscation of the merchandise and a fine of 50 livres.* In 1737 two butchers were supplying the capital with beef at six sols a pound for the best cuts and five for the poor grades. Cattle continued to be drawn from Natchitoches for this market. In May the supply
1 A. N., C, Sir. C13, vol. xiv, fol. 138.
2 Ihid., vol. xix, fols. 18-20. » Ihid.
* Ibid., Sir. A, vol. xxiii, Jan. 2, 1735.
from that post had not reached the lower Mississippi, due to the bad condition of navigation of the Red river. Commandant St. Denis, at this time, informed the officials that from 60 to 80 head were on the way and could be expected to reach New Orleans some time during the following month. As a protection to the herds in this part of the province veal was not now permitted to be sold.^
On May 18, 1737 the " ordonnateur " issued an ordinance which fixed the price of meat and made it illegal to kill any domestic animal without first having it inspected by an official. The slaughter of suckling calves was forbidden and also of cows, bulls, oxen, sheep and hogs, unless a declaration of such a procedure had been made in advance at the office of the " ordonnateur "." On July 27 Salmon issued another, making it illegal to sell fish that had not been passed upon by a government inspector.*
The disorder in the finances of the colony in 1739 * brought about a disarrangement in the price of many commodities, for example turkeys that had sold at from 50 sols to three livres, each, advanced to ten livres.** Because of the Indian war, nevertheless, it was thought advisable to provide meat to the troops at four, that cost the government six sols a pound, the legal price. Moreover the army officers were, in addition, to be supplied with hams and salted tongues.® Some of the stock-raisers of the province now had quite large herds. Anticipating a greater demand for beef due to the increase in the number of soldiers for
1 A. N., C, Ser. C*', vol. xxii, fols. 148-151. - Ibid., Sir. A, vol. xxiii, May 18, 1737. » Ihid., July 27, 1737.
* Supra, pp. 129-130.
' A. N., C, Sir. C*3, vol. xxiv, fol. 133.
* Ibid., fols. 8-9, 139-140.
the war against the Chickasaw, they advanced the price of cattle. The " ordonnateur " believed the rise unwarranted and on August 29, 1739 issued an ordinance fixing the price to the butchers at the same amount as before the arrival of the troops/
After the close of the Indian war the price of meat became more stable. In 1744 there were " every day at the shambles beef, veal and mutton." In winter the shops had buffalo meat and all sorts of game which, even at that season of the year, did not prevent the killing daily of domestic animals. Pork was common food for all. Much of it was slaughtered by the colonists themselves, therefore did not pass through the shops. The slaves, even, were able to provide themselves with pork and fowls. Domestic beef, at this time, sold at six sols a pound, suckling pigs at 100 sols, each, turkeys at from three to four livres apiece, geese at 50 sols, ducks at 25 sols and teal at 12 sols each.^
By 1745 the butchers of New Orleans were placing such high prices on veal that on March 22 Governor Vaudreuil issued an ordinance making it illegal for them to charge more than three livres, 15 sols a quarter. This ruling, intended to protect the general public, was also beneficial in that it tended to prevent a too great slaughter of young animals, that in a short time would yield a rriuch larger supply.^ By another ordinance, July 12, the planters along the Mississippi were each week to bring to the New Orleans market two beeves to be used in supplying the troops with meat.*
For some time stock-raising in all parts of the province,
^ A. N., C, Ser. A, vol. xxiii, Aug. 29, 1739.
* The Present State of the Country, etc., pp. 14, 19. ^ A. N., C, Ser. A, vol. xxiii, March 22, 1745.
* Ibid., July 12, 1745.
and especially at Mobile and Natchitoches, had been greatly stimulated by the excellent prices of meat. In 1746 it was estimated that there were 10,000 head of cattle in the colony and also many good-sized flocks of sheep and large droves of hogs. It was the belief, at the time, that in future such foods would be adequate to the needs of the province. This conviction, moreover, was strengthened by the fact that salt fish was now being put upon the market in considerable amounts. The by-products, such as cowhides, sheepskins and wool, were selling at good prices, all of which tended to make the trade profitable to those engaged in it.^
When Normant came as " ordonnateur " to New Orleans in 1747 he found the old rule for the sale of merchandise at the different posts of the province not being observed; in some cases the goods sold for more, while in others for less than the legal rate. Moreover the trade contained many abuses which he at once set about to eliminate, at least, some of the more flagrant of them. Since the plan of having different prices for the same kind of merchandise at the various posts of the province had not worked well, he proposed to make them the same throughout the province. Rate fixing heretofore had not worked well. For the most part all commodities went on selling for just the same as before the change. Under the arrangement in question the "ordonnateur" did not propose to include foodstuffs; therefore, he believed it would be observed.*
A contagion among animals in lower Louisiana api)eared in 1748 and continued to manifest itself for about three years, during which time the herds were greatly reduced in size. By 1749 there were frequent shortages in the meat supply for New Orleans. In winter beef, veal, mutton,
» A. N., C, Sir. C", vol. xxx, fols. 242-282. 'Ibid., vol. xxxi, fols. 125-127.
buffalo meat, venison, turkeys and ducks usually could be procured. Nevertheless it was pointed out that game was becoming less abundant each succeeding year and no longer could be relied upon for sustenance when other food failed. This fact no doubt was impressed upon the minds of the officials just at this time by the presentation for payment of a bill of between 1,000 and 1,200 livres for game that during the year had been provided for the table of a commander of a convoy during his voyage from New Orleans to the Illinois country. Therefore in order to make the colony self-supporting in meat it was proposed that the killing of heifers and cows, for the present, should be prohibited absolutely. Moreover it was to be made obligatory for each farmer in that part of the province to keep as many domestic animals as his land would maintain.^ The mortality among beasts had been so high that the above provision was not adequate. In 1751, therefore, the scarcity of domestic animals had become so great that the " ordonnateur " was obliged to finance an enterprise for procuring them from the Spanish colonies. He found it equally necessary, also, to advance money for the establishment of fisheries on Lake Pontchartrain for the purpose of supplying fish at reasonable rates daily to the markets of New Orleans and to the troops.^ Before the end of the year he made such an arrangement with one of the colonists.