Louisiana Anthology

John Smith Kendall.
“History of New Orleans.”

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Chapter IV
Establishment of the Municipal Government

Within less than one hundred years Louisiana had passed through six changes of government. Originally governed directly by the crown, Louis XIV had put it, in 1712, in the hands of Antoine Crozat. In 1717 it had been transferred from Crozat to the Compagnie de l'Occident. The Company ceded it in 1731 back to the Government of France. Spain acquired the country in 1762. In 1801 the king of Spain had relinquished the province to France and now France had sold all of its rights in this vast and fertile domain to the United States.

At the time of the cession, New Orleans had been for thirty-four years under Spanish control. During the early part of this long period, its interests had been neglected, and its progress had been slow. Onzaga, for instance, admitted that, during the first four years, the population had not increased. The increment by birth had been offset by the loss through emigration. But better times followed. The governmental policies underwent certain relaxations; commerce revived, and by 1785 an official census revealed within the walls of New Orleans 4,980 persons, while by 1788 this number grew to 5,338. There was an increase in the first sixteen years of Spanish control of 56 percent , or, in the nineteen years, of 57 percent . Immigration was not encouraged. The growth of the population was due to natural causes. With the exception of some agriculturalists from Malaga, the Canaries, and Nova Scotia; and the American immigration which Spain at first impeded and then fostered, there were very few imported additions to the total number of inhabitants. In 1778, when Galvez required all the English-speaking residents to take an oath of fidelity to Spain, there were but 170 persons affected by his order. The British traders whom O'Reilly had expelled in 1769 gradually returned to the city, or were replaced by others. The trade concessions of 1782 brought to the city some French merchants; their number was augmented a few years later when the French Revolution compelled the Royalists to seek refuge in foreign lands; a respectable contingent sought the shores of the Mississippi. Some Germans and some Italians established themselves, as they naturally would do, in a seaport. The slave-revolt in Santo Domingo in 1791 drove many refugees into New Orleans, amongst whom were the members of the first theatrical troupe that ever played in Louisiana. Nevertheless, the population remained essentially Creole. Outside of official circles there were few Spaniards, and a number of them were identified with the dominant element through marriage.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century New Orleans was reckoned one of the most important of North American seaports. In 1802, 158 American, 104 Spanish, and 3 French vessels — a total of 265 — with an aggregate tonnage of 31,241, sailed from the harbor. In the following year the import tonnage showed an increase of from 35 to 37 percent . Already, along the river-bank just above the city, "within ten steps of Tchoupitoulas Street," the fleets of flatboats and barges from the upper part of the Mississippi Valley were finding a convenient mooring place. In front of the town, near the Place d'Armes, lay the shipping, often twenty or more vessels at a time, made fast to the bank, where "they received and discharged with the same ease as from a wharf." The small tonnage of the individual vessels, and the depth of water made this possible. Below the Place d'Armes was the anchorage of war vessels, visits from which were not frequent.

The town had already outgrown its original boundaries. It is estimated that there were from 1,200 to 1,400 separate premises, or about 4,000 roofs of one sort and another. Some of the larger buildings were substantially constructed of brick and roofed with slate. Those on the three or four streets nearest the river were sometimes two or even two and a half stories in height. Those farther back were usually one story high, of wood, roofed with shingles, and often elevated on wooden pillars from eight to fifteen feet above the ground. The homes of the poor were scattered in all parts of the city, but especially on the rear streets. Even among the most prosperous classes there were many whose domiciles were small and rude. In the center of the river-front rose the unfinished cathedral, flanked on the upper side by the arcaded front of the Principal, where the Cabildo had held its stately convocations; and on the lower side by a widespreading wooden building occupied by the priests attached to the cathedral. On either side of the Place d'Armes ran two long rows of one-story buildings, containing the principal retail stores of the town. The Government House, the Barracks, the hospital, the home of the Ursuline nuns, and a few other buildings survived here and there from the first French regime. The streets were straight and tolerably wide, but none of them were paved. In bad weather they were often impassable to vehicles. There were few sidewalks; such as existed were made of wooden planks pegged down to the earth, except in the heart of the town, where there were some narrow brick "banquettes." The streets were not lighted. At night it was a difficult operation to find one's way about. All the refuse of the city found its way into the gutters, which were filthy and emitted an unspeakable stench. Business was concentrated largely on Toulouse, St. Peter, Conti, St. Louis, Royal and Chartres streets along the levee. The French were for the most part content to invest their savings in real estate. They were the proprietors of the retail establishments. They lent money — often at one or two percent per month. The Spanish, who, except for those in Government employ, were mainly Catalans, kept the lesser shops and the cheap drinking places which infested all parts of the town. The wholesale business, in fact, almost all the larger commercial establishments of every description, were in the hands of Americans, English and Irish. In society and politics, however, the conditions were reversed. There the Creole was dominant. Creoles held many important governmental employments; they sought commissions in the military forces; they influenced very largely the government of the city.

Around the "Old Square" — the Vieux Carré — as the original city was called — stretched a line of marshy, grass-covered mounds and fosses — all that remained of the fortifications erected by old Spanish governors, and long since fallen to ruin. Just beyond the tiny Fort St. Ferdinand, which was still maintained in tolerable repair, lay the Carondelet basin, with the canal of that name stretching away through the tropical greenery towards Bayou St. John. Both basin and canal had been neglected for years, and were now so shoal that only small craft could use them. Larger vessels coming in with cattle and farm produce from East and West Florida, as they were then called, could approach the city no nearer than the suburban town of St. Johnsburg, on the bayou. The number of vessels arriving at these points in 1802 was 500. They were mainly of small size, the largest of 50 tons, the majority well under that figure.

The moral condition was not good. An intelligent French traveler who visited New Orleans at this time has left a lurid picture of the idle, luxurious, dissipated life which he found in the city. Gambling was the almost universal vice of the men. At the numerous games of chance ship agents, ship-masters, planters, travelers, and the leisured classes generally wagered their entire available funds, and, losing, fell into the hands of a hoard of money lenders who infested the city. The presence in the community of a large class of quadroon women was another undesirable feature. The balls at which these attractive, unprincipled persons figured were already notorious. The respectable white women, on the other hand, had few opportunities for social and mental development. Their lives were passed in a monotonous round of household duties, which left them little material for conversation. There was, moreover in all classes, a singular indifference to law and order. The clergy had little influence over their parishioners insofar as the regulation of their daily conduct was concerned. Education was neglected. Aside from the benefits of travel in Europe, which were reserved for the wealthier classes, the opportunities for improvement were few and not much valued. Smuggling was so generally practiced as to be regarded almost as a profession.

Such, then, in a few of its most striking aspects, was the community which now passed under the control of the United States.

The sentimental regret with which the Creoles had seen the tri-color lowered at the Place d'Armes on the 30th of November, was soon intensified by a variety of circumstances, due to differences of language, usages and habits, as well as to the insolence of some of the American patrols towards the inhabitants. The discretion and firmness of the new governor easily repressed the outward manifestations of this irritation, but he could not immediately change the thoughts and feelings which prompted them. These antagonisms were artfully stimulated by intriguing French and Spanish officials, who lingered in the city for several months, after the cession had put an end to their employments. A captious, irritable spirit resulted, which vented itself in incessant complaints against the individuals who composed the Governor's official family, and especially against the Governor. The starting point of this opposition was probably a fear that annexation to the United States meant the suppression of the slave trade. That trade was "all important to the very existence of the country," as a protesting delegation represented to Congress. It was secretly but persistently carried on through Lakes Borgne, Maurepas and Pontchartrain, and through scores of inlets in the labyrinthine coastline of the gulf, where the channels were indistinguishable from the marshes, and where enterprising but unscrupulous smugglers and buccaneers, like the Lafittes, might easily elude pursuit. Nor were the people pleased to see some of the old Spanish grants nullified, and all titles subjected to official re-inspection.

W. C. C. Claiborne,

First American Governor of Louisiana

From a painting

in the Louisiana State Museum

In part the situation had been prepared in advance of the arrival of the American commissioners by the quarrels that had arisen between Laussat and the Spanish governor Salcedo, and between Laussat and Casa Calvo. As has already been said, these disputes had marshalled the populace into two camps. The long delay which preceded the surrender of the city into Laussat's hands had helped also to irritate the public mind. Now Claiborne was appointed governor of Louisiana with all the powers possessed by both the governor and the Intendant of former times. In other words, he was made the absolute ruler of the land, uniting in himself all executive, judicial and legislative authority — a range and variety of power probably never before or since confided to a single American citizen. His tenure of this despotic power was brief, but, even so, it would have been better had it been still further curtailed. Probably Claiborne's task would have been greatly simplified had Congress immediately created some sort of temporary legislative and judicial authority, some council, or chamber, composed of the best informed men in the city and delegated a part of the governor's too extensive powers to it. Certainly this course would have tended to conciliate the Creoles. Claiborne would himself have made some such arrangement, had he possessed the power.

Laussat, like all revolutionary spirits, was more eager to destroy than to create. With the exception of the new "municipality," he failed to organize new tribunals to replace the Spanish judicial institutions which he suppressed. Yet such were imperatively necessary if the ordinary business of life was to be carried on. Claiborne was compelled to supply the need. He could not reinstitute the courts abolished by Laussat. To do so would have been instantly construed as siding with Casa Calvo and the Spanish faction. At that moment it was not clear that Spain would not dispute the cession of Louisiana to the United States. The Spanish king had registered a protest against the action of the first consul; his minister in Washington had notified the American Government that there existed certain defects in the instrument of alienation which impaired its validity — the chief of which was a solemn promise by France that the territory should never be parted with. It was therefore clearly impossible for Claiborne to allow himself for a moment to be confounded with the intriguing Spanish clique. Unfortunately, however, Claiborne had no specific instructions from the Washington Government as to the procedure to follow in the premises. In taking the course he finally adopted he was guided wholly by his own discretion. He found himself virtually the only person in the community invested with judicial power. The principal, provisional and ordinary alcaldes were all involved in Laussat's suppression of the Cabildo, and disappeared with that institution. Only the "alcaldes de barrio" remained and their usefulness was so limited as to be practically nil. Under the Spanish, the principal jurisdiction in law suits, had, as we have seen, been enjoyed by two "alcaldes," who were annually elected by the Cabildo and who, on election, became members of that body. The Cabildo itself possessed appellate jurisdiction in certain civil suits. The re-establishment of the Spanish tribunals would have necessitated the revival of the Cabildo and the suppression of the new municipality, which was out of the question.

There were other weighty considerations which had to be regarded also. Louisiana was destined to be admitted into the union of American States. Its government had to be assimilated to that of the other American commonwealths as rapidly as circumstances permitted. Claiborne realized that similarity of legal institutions constituted a strong bond of union throughout the United States as it already existed. The differences which had, in fact, existed between the legal customs of France and those of her colonial possessions during the time when Louisiana was under her control, had been deplored by the ablest French jurists and philosophers. It was recognized that these differences constituted a serious weakness in the organization of the colonial governments. If then, these anomalies had proven detrimental under amonarchical form of government, how much more so would they be in a federated community like that of the United States?

But, as a matter of fact, no defense is needed to justify Claiborne in setting up his Court of Pleas. This court was established on December 30, 1803. It consisted of seven justices. Their civil jurisdiction was limited to cases not exceeding $3,000 in value, with the right of appeal to the Governor when the amount in litigation rose above $500. Their criminal jurisdiction extended to all cases where the punishment did not exceed a fine of $200 or imprisonment of more than sixty days. Each individual justice was vested with summary jurisdiction over all cases involving $100 or less, but the parties at interest possessed the right to appeal in all cases to the court itself — that is to say, to the seven justices sitting en banc. This arrangement reserved to the governor original jurisdiction in all civil and criminal matters save as specifically conceded and also appellate jurisdiction over the new tribunal. It had, however, the very great merit of furnishing a method by which the government of the city could be carried on. Without it, the municipality, as constituted by Laussat and temporarily retained in office by Claiborne, was futile.

The Spanish laws were, on the whole, admirable, but the system of executing them was effete and corrupt. Their most objectionable feature was that the judge might hear, examine and decide in secret. Claiborne's new court brought all these operations out into the light; trial by jury was introduced and the judge was amenable to public opinion. But no act of his whole administration caused more dissension in New Orleans, brought upon the author more criticism, than the establishment of this court. No attention was paid to the fact that Claiborne only very reluctantly retained any judicial functions for himself. It was passionately asserted that justice could not be administered by a man who, like himself, had no knowledge of the two popular tongues — French and Spanish. As a matter of fact, Claiborne had at hand competent interpreters; and to the charge that these men did not always possess a thorough knowledge of the law, it may be answered that most of the cases which came before Claiborne were commercial, that the law on such matters is generally the same in all parts of the world, and that it was perfectly possible for him to decide equably without any special study, from his own general knowledge of the principles involved.

Casa Calvo, down to the date of his departure, early in 1806, worked persistently to estrange the people from the governor. Nor can we blame him altogether for this; since, if he really anticipated an effort by his Government to prevent the permanent acquisition of the Province by the United States, such was his duty, looking towards the possible military exigencies of the case. Every effort was made to discredit the Americans; the fact that Claiborne was constantly surrounded by his own countrymen was exploited to the utmost. It was alleged that he thrust as many of these into office as he could, ignoring the Creole population, though this, as we have seen, outnumbered the foreign element in the proportion of 12 to 1. This was an unjust criticism. Claiborne, if anything, favored the "antient population," as "Laelius" called it. Lewis Kerr, who was a citizen of the Mississippi Territory, was made sheriff on account of his special legal and general qualifications; but the clerk of the new court was Pierre Derbigny. Of four newly-appointed notaries only two were Americans. Offices of honor not involving profit were generally assigned to Creoles. All "civil commandants" but two or three, all of the officers of the militia, a majority of the municipal council, most of the judges of the Court of Pleas, and the larger number of the members of the Board of Health which Claiborne felt obliged to create — these were all "antient" Louisianans. Still another sore spot was the use of English in official business. This, said the critics, menaced "old Louisiana" with political annihilation. English was used exclusively in the custom house; the governor's official letters were written in that language, and it was used in his own court. But in the Court of Pleas French as well as English was officially recognized; in the proceedings of the municipality, French alone was used; and French was the medium in which the correspondence of most of the Louisiana magistrates with the new government was conducted. In reorganizing the militia, Claiborne retained the services of the Americans who had been enlisted by Laussat, but he distributed them through the four companies which he created and gave the command of the battalion to Major Dorci re, a Creole, whose language was French. Still another ground of criticism was the surreptitious immigration into Louisiana of undesirable persons, especially negroes from the French West Indies. Claiborne, as a matter of fact, did all in his power to prevent these unwelcome additions to the population. He ordered that all ships should be inspected at the Balize by the officer in command there; they were next detained at Fort Plaquemines [below New Orleans] till the commandant there was satisfied as to the propriety of permitting the resumption of the voyage; and finally, on arriving at New Orleans, no one was suffered to land until the vessel had been inspected by a committee of the Board of Health. In spite of these precautions, however, there was a steady infiltration of undesirable persons.

It is not to be denied that, on the other hand, something was done to justify the fear and distrust with which the Creoles regarded the new government. A writer in the "Gazette" in November, 1804, while on the whole defending Claiborne refers to the "indiscretion of all parties, their impudent writings and discourses, the contests about country dances. [. . .] An essay written merely to gratify the author's humor has been imputed to the governor of the province as a predetermined insult towards its inhabitants; a private quarrel between two gentlemen, one of them English and one of them French, has almost occasioned a riot." At night insurrectionary placards posted around the streets attracted crowds who resisted efforts to remove the incendiary publications. Duels were frequent; Governor Claiborne's own private secretary and brother-in-law was killed in one, in an attempt to refute a slander. In June and July three public meetings were held, at which prominent citizens joined in preparing a memorial to Congress asking to be speedily admitted to the Union, partly because of the commercial advantages which that would entail, but also because it seemed to offer a route by which the objectionable governor might be eliminated. In one instance the attempt of the sheriff and his posse to arrest a Spanish officer was prevented by the violent opposition of 200 men. Swords were drawn and it was not until a detachment of United States troops appeared that resistance ceased. "This city," wrote Claiborne," requires a strict police; the inhabitants are of various descriptions — many highly respectable and some of them very degenerate." It is a remarkable fact that the amiable and patient governor lived down all these multitudinous causes of complaint; and when he died in 1816 he was surrounded by the respect and affection of his people. The details here set forth have interest as shedding light upon the character of the community, but, most of all, because they explain the origins of that prejudice against Americans and things American, which is the great motive in the history of New Orleans down to the Civil war, a prejudice so deep and all-pervading that the Creole population could come to look on the yellow fever with complacency, nay, almost with affection, since, as Gayarr has said, it attacked the stranger almost exclusively and was, as it were, a weapon against those who threatened the "antient" Louisiana, its language and its supremacy.

Etienne de Bor

First Mayor of New Orleans

Immediately upon taking over the government, Claiborne arranged for the government of the city. He issued a proclamation on December 20th retaining in office provisionally all of the functionaries appointed under the French administration. These included the members of Laussat's Municipality, all except Johns and Sauv, who, being opposed to the new governor on general principles, handed him their resignations. The others, "thus re-elected and confirmed," took their seats anew that afternoon.10 Bor was continued as mayor and the post of "adjoint," or deputy-mayor, made vacant by the resignation of Sauv, was filled by the appointment of Cavalier Petit. Claiborne, in a letter to President Madison, commenting upon these arrangements congratulated himself upon having been able to secure a man of the social prominence of Bor to head the administration. As a matter of fact, Bor was one of the most active leaders of the party opposed to Claiborne. He, Bellechasse and Johns were soon conspicuous in the meetings held by the citizens to protest against the "kind of government which had been forced upon them." They were supported by Daniel Clark, now by the new order of things relieved of his consulate. Claiborne does not seem to have been ruffled in the least by Bor's criticism. On the other hand, Bor's views as to the American Government do not seem to have prevented him from discharging his duties as mayor with assiduity and success.

The members of the municipality renewed their oaths before Claiborne on November 24th. On this occasion the governor made a short address outlining their duties, which were, in effect, to continue the same as under Laussat's administration. The council met for the first time under the new conditions on December 28th and held thereafter sessions once every two weeks. It immediately addressed itself to the matter of the condition of the streets, the regulation of the police force, and the reduction in the number of the "taverns," which was inordinately large. On January 9th we find under consideration regulations for the guidance of persons using the river-front for business purposes. At the next meeting regulations were adopted for the government of public balls. On February 8th the council supplemented its previous action with regard to the bakeries by adopting a whole series of regulations. The bakers were important persons in New Orleans at that time. According to Robin, their business was one of the most profitable in the community. "Many of them make considerable fortunes in a few years," he writes, "and that is not at all astonishing. Kentucky and the other parts of the United States which communicate with the Mississippi send their flour to New Orleans. This flour is of varying quality and consequently at different prices, selling at from $3 to $10 or $12 per barrel of about 190 pounds weight. Sometimes the supply is so great in the city that the price declines below that at the point from which it has been brought. Bakers who are farsighted can lay in a stock at these times, and they make a further profit by mixing flours of inferior grade with the superior." Under the Spanish there was a tax of a picayon per pound on bread. The municipality did not continue the tax, but made rules to regulate the price, thus establishing a precedent which was followed for many years. It now also interfered in regard to other articles of food and passed a resolution fixing the price of beef at one "picayon" a pound, mutton one shilling a pound, and veal and pork eight cents per pound. Other ordinances passed at this time provided for the government of the police, and placing a tax on vehicles. This was all useful and important work. The Council was, however, constantly embarrassed by the fact that it was a temporary organization. It was, moreover, eclipsed by the authority of the governor. His approval was required in practically all cases when important legislation was proposed. It is remarkable, then, that on the whole the municipal government worked with as little friction as it did and still more so, that its achievements were so substantial.

Bor resigned on May 26, 1804, on the ground that his private affairs required his entire attention. He was succeeded by Cavalier Petit as acting mayor. The council saw Bor's retirement with regret and adopted resolutions expressing this feeling and also the hope that the vacancy would be filled by a man equally as able and patriotic. At the same time it endorsed James Pitot as a suitable person for the position. On June 6 Claiborne appointed Pitot to the office. Pitot was descended from a distinguished French family, the founder of which was Ti-Pitot, who commanded a squadron of cavalry in the Seventh Crusade. Antoine Pitot d'Aramon, in order to avoid the religious quarrels then in progress in certain parts of France, removed to Languedoc at the beginning of the sixteenth century and thereafter the family was identified with that province. The father of the new mayor was born in Languedoc in 1695 and died in 1771. He was inspector to the army of the famous Marshal de Saxe, distinguished himself as an engineer and scientist, and became a member of the French Academy. The mayor was born in Rouen in 1761a and was educated at one of the best schools in Paris. At the outbreak of the French Revolution he was taken to Santo Domingo. Thence he moved to Philadelphia and then to Norfolk, Va. In early manhood he settled in New Orleans, where he went into business in partnership with Daniel Clark. Pitot built one of the first cotton presses in New Orleans. It stood at the corner of Toulouse and Burgundy streets. Gayarr speaks of him as "a gentleman of respectability and talent." His career as mayor lasted till July 19, 1805, and was signalized by the incorporation of the city, and the taking of the first steps towards the substitution of an elective magistracy for the appointive one.

Pitot exerted himself to introduce economy into the various branches of the administration, and took an especial interest in the police. In the preceding chapter we have seen that among the first acts of the Laussat Municipality was the enactment of a comprehensive ordinance defining what acts constituted offenses against public order. To enforce this ordinance a small police force was subsequently created, with Pierre Achille Rivery at its head, under the title of "Commissioner General of Police in the City and Suburbs of New Orleans." The wretched pay which the members, officers and men received attracted only the riff-raff of the city into the service. A few ex-Spanish soldiers were enlisted but the council soon found it necessary to authorize the employment of mulattoes to fill the ranks. It was, however, stipulated that the officers should always be white men.

The utter inefficiency of this organization occasioned general complaint and in 1804 it was supplemented by a patrol of citizens, drawn from the militia, and under the command of Colonel Bellechasse. This subsidiary force of volunteers was divided into four squads of fifteen men each, each squad serving eight days, and then being relieved by another. The militia patrol did duty chiefly in the outlying districts. It received no part. In 1805, Pitot made a further reform in the police organization by reconstituting the gendarmerie as a mounted corps, with three officers, three non-commissioned officers and thirty-two men. This was subsequently changed so as to give a force of twenty-two mounted men and ten infantrymen. The mayor was made chief of this corps. In spite of some disputes over matters of authority, particularly as involving the right to appoint the members of this force — a right which the mayor claimed was assigned to him by the city charter — the new system worked fairly well. The militia patrol, which was continued, however, fell steadily in popular favor, partly because of its composition, but chiefly because it made considerable demands upon the leisure of the citizens, and they were not prepared to render indefinitely the services required.

On March 25, 1804, Congress divided the Province of Louisiana into two parts — the upper part being annexed to the Indiana Territory,b and the lower part, which corresponds in boundaries approximately to what is now the State of Louisiana, was erected into the Territory of Orleans. Its government was entrusted to a governor, jointly with a council of thirteen freeholders, to be selected by him; and the judicial powers were to be exercised by a superior court and such inferior courts as this council might establish, the judges of the former, however, to be appointed by the President of the United States. New Orleans was made a port of entry and delivery, and "the town of Bayou St. John" was made a port of entry. On October 1 the new government went into operation. Claiborne was retained as governor. He had been formally inaugurated at the Principal at noon, on October 5. He took the oath before Mayor Pitot, and then delivered an oration in English which was translated into flowery French by Pierre Derbigny. The people were displeased at having the legislative council appointed, instead of elected by them; but the national government, through Claiborne, exercised a wise discretion in the matter of introducing the forms of democratic government, and it was some years yet before the heterogeneous population of New Orleans could be regarded as fit to exercise all the functions of American citizenship. However, a long step forward was made in February, 1805, when the Territorial Council furnished the city with a charter. This charter went into effect early in March. With its adoption the real history of New Orleans, as distinguished from the remainder of the Province or Territory, may be said to begin.

The charter consists of some nineteen sections. It begins by precisely determining the area of the municipality. It was bounded "on the north by Lake Pontchartrain, from the mouth of Chef Menteur to the Bayou Petit Gouyou, which is about three leagues to the west of Fort St. John; on the west by Bayou Petit Gouyou to the place where the upper line of the grant or concession formerly called St. Baine, and now called Mazage passes; from thence along the line of the plantation of Foreel to the River Mississippi and across the same to the canal of Mr. Harang; and along the said canal to the Bayou Bois Piquant; from thence by a line drawn through the middle of the last mentioned Bayou to Lake Cataoucha and across the same to the Bayou Poupard, which falls into the Lake Barataria; on the south by the Lake of Barataria, from the Bayou of Poupard to the Bayou Villars; from thence ascending the Bayou Barataria to the place where it joins the canal of Fazande, and continuing in the direction of the last mentioned canal to the Mississippi, and finally on the east by ascending the Mississippi to the plantation of Rivi re and then along the canal of his present saw mill to the Bayou Depres, which leads to Lake Borgne, and from the point where the last mentioned bayou falls into the said Lake Borgne by a line along the middle of that lake to the mouth of Chef Menteur, and from thence to the Lake Pontchartrain." "All the free white inhabitants" of this extensive tract of land, water, and marsh were declared "to be a body corporate, by the name of the mayor, aldermen and inhabitants of the City of New Orleans."

The officers of this corporation were to be a mayor, a recorder, fourteen aldermen, a treasurer and "as many subordinate officers not herein mentioned for preserving the peace and well-order United States the affairs of the said city, as the city council shall direct." It was made the duty of the governor within ten days after the passage of the act to appoint the mayor and the recorder "out of the inhabitants who shall have resided at least two years therein." The mayor and the recorder were to hold office for at least two years, or until their successors were appointed, and then they were to be appointed annually thereafter. The aldermen, however, were to be elected by the people of the city "on the first Monday of next March." In each ward of the city they were to select by ballot "two discrete inhabitants" to be "aldermen, and represent said ward in the city council." The mayor and the municipality were charged to appoint two inspectors and one clerk in each ward to have charge of this election. The clerk was to record in a book the name of each voter; the inspectors were to receive his ballot and, "without inspecting it, deposit it in a box of which one of them shall keep the key." The election was to last from 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M., and then the inspectors were to count the ballots "in the presence of such voters as care to remain." The returns were to be made by certificate signed by the inspectors and attested by the clerk, to the mayor, who thereupon should publish them and notify the clerk of the city council of the results.

The aldermen thus chosen were to compose the city council. The recorder for the time being was constituted president of this body, but with no vote save in case of a tie; in case of his disability a president pro-tempore might be elected. The aldermen were to take their seats in the City Hall (Principal) on the second Monday in March, 1805, and one-half of the members should serve thereafter till the same date in 1806, and the remainder till the same date in 1807; "so that in every ward there shall be an annual election for one out of the two aldermen." The majority of the council would be deemed a quorum. The council would be judge of the election of its own members. It was empowered to select its own clerk, doorkeeper, and other officers. It was required to meet at least once a month. On the third Monday in March, a "fit and discrete" person was to be elected treasurer thereof, who, under bond of $20,000, with the assistance of two secretaries, was to hold office for one year. The council was invested with the power to make and pass laws and by-laws, and these ordinances, after receiving the signature of the mayor, were to have the force of laws. If the mayor should not approve of these ordinances, he was required to return them within five days, with his objection stated in writing. If two-thirds of the council then present were to vote in favor of the law in spite of the mayor's disapproval, then it was to become a law notwithstanding the veto. If the mayor did not return the law within five days it was to be deemed approved; but under no circumstances could an ordinance of the council have force which contravened any provision of the charter, the laws of the Territory, or those of the United States.

To the mayor and council thus acting together the charter gave the right to tax all real and personal property, with a view to raise funds "to supply any deficiency for lighting, cleaning, paving and watering said city; for supplying the city watch, the levee of the river, the prisons, workhouses, or other public buildings, and for such other purposes as the police and good government of said city may require." But it was provided that no tax for police, lighting, or watering might be put on property not within the parts of the city not laid off into streets. To the mayor and council, moreover, was committed the duty of regulating the price of bread, but not of other provisions, nor could they license drays or carts except in a manner specifically set forth in the charter.

The mayor when elected was to take the oath of office before the governor; the other officers were to taketheirs before the mayor. In case of the disability of the mayor the recorder was to act as mayor pro-tempore, and while so employed the council was to elect a president pro tempore who should preside at its meetings.

The ninth section of the charter dealt with the qualifications of voters, who were to be "free white males residing for one year" in the city, "owning real estate valued at $500 or renting a property of an annual value of $100, or, in case of doubt, to be examined under oath." The tenth section dealt with the duties of the treasurer, and the eleventh with those of the mayor. Among the duties of the mayor were: to appoint "measurers, weighers, gaugers, marshals, constables, scavengers, wharfingers and other officials, as directed by the city council; to license taverns and boarding houses; and to license carriages and coaches for hire." Importance was attached to this licensing matter, inasmuch as it was made an offense subject to a fine not to have the proper license, and one-half of such fines went to "the person who shall sue for same," — presumably, the informant. The mayor was entitled to collect $2.50 for every warrant he might issue, and to any other compensation that the council might decree.

The mayor and the recorder were declared by the charter to be ex-officio justices of the peace. The mayor was to superintend the police and make ordinances for the control of the watchmen and the city guard. He was "to be informed of the intent of every order from the council ordering the disposal of any money or public property." No member of the council could be appointed to any employment or office created by the council. Section XIII transferred to the new corporation any estates previously owned by the Cabildo. The following section provided that all ordinances established by the previously existing municipality were to continue in force insofar as they did not conflict with the present instrument. Section XV divided the city into seven wards. The sixteenth section conferred on mayor and council the right to build sewers, drains, canals, etc., in any part of the city; to open and grade streets; to enjoy certain powers of expropriation of property for these purposes; all expenses incurred for these purposes were to be met out of the city funds. The eighteenth section fixed the recorder's salary at $1,000 per annum. The closing section reserved to the legislature the right to amend and alter the charter at will.

Although brief, this document was fairly comprehensive. The verbiage is often quaint, but its terms are clear and definite. It is remarkable to observe that all of the subsequent city charters reproduce the ideas incorporated in this original instrument. In fact, one cannot but admire its homely wisdom. No less authority than the Supreme Court of Louisiana declared that this charter "like all the statutes passed at the commencement of the American government of Louisiana — to the honor of their authors be it said — is a model of legislative style and exhibits its intendment with a clearness and precision which render it impossible to be misunderstood. [. . .] The whole tenor of the act is a delegation of power for municipal purposes, guarded by limitations, and accompanied by such checks as experience had shown to be wise, expedient, and even necessary for the interests of those who were to be affected by it."

In accordance with the new law, an election for aldermen was called for Monday, March 4. The announcement was made in the columns of the Louisiana Gazette on March 1. Mayor Pitot was deeply impressed with the significance of this first step towards local self-government. In the call he referred earnestly to "the importance of the election," and expressed the hope that the citizens "would consider what degree of zeal and reflection is required in" their "first step towards the enjoyment of 'their' rights." It was also pointed out that "the new council would not be restrained, as may frequently have happened to the municipality, from uncertainty respecting the true extent of their powers and the confidence placed in them by the people." The polling places were established at the residences of Messrs. Lefauchew, Coquet, Romain, M'Laren, Macarty and Bienvenu, and "at the Ball Room." The election duly took place and the following aldermen were chosen: First Ward — Felix Arnaud, James Garrick; Second Ward — Colonel Bellechasse, Guy Dreux; Third Ward — LaBertonni re, Ant. Argotte; Fifth Wardomits the Fourth Ward'? T. L. Harman, P. Lavergne; Sixth Ward — J. B. Macarty, Monsieur Dorville; Seventh Ward — Pore, Guerin.

The installation of the new council was effected with some pomp at the Cabildo (as the Principal was now beginning to be called, ignoring the real significance of that name) on March 11. Claiborne appeared at midday in the council chamber, accompanied by various civil and military authorities, and many citizens. "The members of the municipal corps were found present and measures for the public order having been taken, Monsieur the Governor, proclaimed mayor of the new council James Pitot, who previously had filled the place, and when he had taken the oath in that capacity, the nomination of the governor of Jean Watkins to the post of recorder, or assessor, having been officially read, he took the oath at the hands of the mayor, who then received successively those of Messrs. Felix Arnaud, James Garrick, Joseph Faurie, Fran ois Duplantier, Guy Dreux, Pierre Bertonni re, Antoine Argotte, Thomas Harman, P. Lavergne, J. B. Macarty, F. K. Dorville, Thomas Pore and Fran ois Guerin, chosen by the citizens aldermen or members of the common council." Bellechasse was not present. At the close of this little ceremony Mayor Pitot made a short address in which he gave an account of his past administration, and in particular described what he had done with regard to the police, and the economy which he had introduced into the management of the government. He, Claiborne, and the public generally then withdrew. Watkins took the chair and called the council to order. The secretary, Bourgeois, being absent, Achille Rivery was appointed to act in his place. The only business done was the adoption of a resolution authorizing the mayor to put in force all the ordinances regarding the police already in existence. Thereafter the council regularly met under the presidency of Watkins, until July 27, when Bellechasse having been elected president, he took the place.

Pitot resigned his office in July, 1805. In his message of resignation, he said: "My affairs not allowing me to fulfil the functions of mayor, I have sent to the governor my resignation of that post. Appreciating all the marks of kindness and of confidence which I have received at your hands, I beg you to accept my acknowledgements. Give me your esteem and believe me deeply grateful." That was the ceremonious and graceful way in which things were done in those days. A little later, however, Pitot was able to accept another, though perhaps less onerous post, when Claiborne appointed him Judge of the First Probate Court of the Territory. He remained on the bench till his death, November 4, 1831. When this sad event occurred eulogies upon his life and character were pronounced by the leaders of the local bar, including Pierre Soul, Mazureau, and Bernard Marigny. Chief Justice Bermudez, speaking of Pitot's services as a judge, has said that "in the early days and more advanced life of this State, with Judge Martin and his associates, all of imperishable memory and luster, he proved of unappreciable assistance in expounding the new laws which followed the anterior legislation in giving good judicial proceedings a proper form and shape for the administration of justice, and in laying down a solid basis for the statutory jurisprudence with which the state is blessed."

The Author’s Notes

Figure. Waring and Cable, Social Statistics of Cities, Report on New Orleans, 29-32.

Profession. Robin, Voyage dans l'intrieur de la Louisiane, II, 75 ff., quoted in Phelps, Louisiana, 207-214.

Times. Martin, History of Louisiana, Howe's edition, 295.

Citizen. Gayarr, History of Louisiana, IV, 1-3.

Powers."Laelius," in the Louisiana Gazette, November 9, 1804. This article was evidently written with the full knowledge and approval of Claiborne, of whose acts it is a convincing defense.

Territory. Martin, Louisiana, 294. Casa Irujo subsequently withdrew for his master all opposition to the cession, and denied that there had ever been any intention of resisting it.

Justices. Gayarr, History of Louisiana, IV, 3; Martin, Louisiana, 319; Dart, Sources of the Civil Law of Louisiana, 37-40.

Riot.Louisiana Gazette, November 9, 1804. See also the "Esquisse de la Louisiane," printed anonymously in 1804, referred to in Robertson, "Louisiana under the French and the American Regimes," II, 269.

Supremacy. Gayarr, Louisiana, IV, 636.

Disappeared.The official record of the installation of the municipality as preserved in the City Archives of New Orleans reads; "Proces-verbal of the Reinstallation of the Municipal Corps the Day of taking possession of the colony by the United States."Today, December 20, 1803, of the Christian era, the commissioners or agents of the United States, W. C. C. Claiborne and James Wilkinson, being present at the Hotel de Ville, in the meeting room of the municipality, with the citizen Pierre Clement Laussat, Colonial Prefect of the French government, in order to receive from him possession of the colony or Province of Louisiana, and this important act having been effected, His Excellency, W. C. C. Claiborne, named by the President of the United States Governor General and Intendant of said Province, has had read his proclamation, by which he orders maintained provisionally in their functions all of the public officers who existed under the French government, and also all municipal enactments issued to date; consequently Messrs. the Mayor and the members of the Municipal Council (except Johns and Sauv, who have resigned), thus re-elected and confirmed, have taken their seats anew, and the meeting has adjourned to Thursday, the 24th of the current month; in faith whereof the present proces-verbal has been signed by the recording secretary. "Signed: Bor, Tureaud, Faurie, Donaldson, Destrehan, Fortier, Livaudais; Derbigny, Secretary."

Superior. Quoted in Phelps, Louisiana, 211.

Corps.Resolution of May 6, 1805.

Required. See Rightor, Standard History of New Orleans, 110, 111.

United States. Phelps, Louisiana, 222, 223; Martin, Louisiana, 320, 321.

Section. Louisiana Gazette, February 22, 1805. This act was approved by Claiborne February 17, 1805.

Act. Louisiana State Bank vs. Orleans Navigation Co., 3rd annual repts., 305.

Pore,Guerin. Louisiana Gazette, March 5, 1805.

Council. Records of the City Council, in the New Orleans City Archives, Session of March 11, 1804.

Days. See the letters of the mayors in the City Archives of New Orleans, July 19, 1805.

Bernard Marigny. Pitot's son, Armand Pitot, born in New Orleans in 1803 and died in 1885, had a scarcely less distinguished career than his father. He was educated in France, and on returning to New Orleans was named Clerk of the Supreme Court, was admitted to the bar, named translator to the House of Representatives, and became a member of the City Council (1838) and, finally, was made secretary of the commission appointed to revise the Civil Code of Louisiana. For thirty years and more he was the legal advisor of some of the most prominent banks in the city, notably the Citizens' Bank.

Blessed. See King, "Old Families of New Orleans," Chap. XXXV.

Chapter V
The First Two Mayors

The appointment of John Watkins to be mayor, vice Pitot, resigned, was announced on June 27, 1805. In selecting Watkins for the vacancy, Claiborne was governed by the fact that he had served acceptably as recorder and was in line for promotion. He was a physician by profession and had previously been a member of the territorial council. The two years over which Watkins' administration extended were interesting and important. They witnessed, among other things, the incorporation of the College of Orleans, the visit of Aaron Burr, and the establishment of the first Protestant Church in New Orleans. He came into office at a time when people were disposed to complain of the small benefit resulting from the creation of the city government. He had to sustain a good deal of adverse criticism. Two matters of importance urged before the council were, the improvement of the market and the extension of the streets. The existing market had been erected by the Spanish Government in 1791. What was now needed was an extension to accommodate the vegetable venders. The finances of the city were not just then in a condition to permit this work to be done. Not until 1822 was it possible to meet this demand. The growth of the "fauxbourgs" was so rapid that the need for extensions of the streets of the "Vieux Carré" out into the new regions was obvious, but for some reason the council refused to accede to this reasonable demand, and even declined to order the removal of Davis' rope-walk, which blocked the egress from the "Old Square" for a considerable distance along Canal Street. We may suspect that in this opposition to the extension of the streets the prejudice of the Creole against the American figured to no inappreciable extent.

Watkins was more successful in regard to the police. There was a strong prejudice against the "gens d'armes," as they were called. These were composed to a considerable extent of soldiers who had served under the Spanish. A writer in the Louisiana Gazette referred to them as a "nuisance," and said that the corps was "unlawful and unnecessary." In deference to public opinion the council in 1806, created a city police force, known as the "garde de ville." This organization was intended to be a purely civic police. The military element was eliminated. It consisted of one chief, two sub-chiefs or assistants, and twenty men for the city proper; two sub-chiefs and eight men for the Faubourg Ste. Marie, now called the First Municipal District; a total of thirty-three men. The chief was provided with a horse and allowed a salary of $60 per month, from which he was supposed to provide feed for his mount. The sub-chiefs received $20 each, and the watchmen $20 each. The men were armed with the old-fashioned half-pike, and carried a saber suspended from a cross-belt of black leather adorned with a large brass-buckle, on which the words, "Garde de Ville" were conspicuously engraved. The headquarters were at the City Hall (Cabildo). Here two men and one sub-chief were always on duty as a sort of relief force or reserve. The guard was changed in summer at 7:00 A.M. and in winter at 9:00 A.M. This new force went on duty on March 14, 1806. It did not last long. Two years later it was suppressed by the city council as incompetent. There was good ground for this action. Within two months after its organization, it undertook to suppress a riotous demonstration in the city, but not only was unsuccessful, but the mob set upon the watch, deprived it of its weapons, and beat the men badly. For this exhibition of cowardice the council formally deprived the watch of its arms. The grand jury joined in the popular demonstration against the police for its failure to enforce order, and rendered a report in which it declared that "the city was at the mercy of brigands to loot and pillage at pleasure." The case specifically referred to by the grand jury was the murder of a man in the Faubourg Ste. Marie by footpads. The body was left lying in the streets three days, untended by the police, until at last some charitable persons removed and gave it burial.

New Orleans in 1803a

Under Watkins' initiative the council also undertook to deal with the problem of fire prevention. This was a problem always urgent in the early history of the city. Although there was at this time a growing disposition to build solidly of brick, and consequently, there has been no repetition of the great conflagrations of 1788 and 1794 — the majority of the dwellings in the city were of inflammable construction and there was consequently constant peril of serious fires. In 1806 the council passed a number of wise regulations, one of which prohibited the use of shingle roofs, and another provided for the inspection of chimneys, and others still established rules for the police in case of fire to prevent looting and other depredations, of which there was much complaint at this time.

The territorial council passed the act creating the College of Orleans in April, 1805, and in July an organization was effected to put in operation, Ex-Mayor Pitot being chosen vice chancellor. The college was the first institution of learning projected in the Territory of Orleans. It was the outcome of an attempt on the part of the government to create a complete educational system, which would include preparatory schools and public libraries in all parts of the territory subject to its jurisdiction, but which would have the university as its head and crown. The territorial council made various ill-judged plans to finance the institution, including a lottery scheme, but at Claiborne's wise motion, finally determined to impose a tax for the purpose. The city contributed a site and buildings, which were located at the corner of Hospital and St. Claude streets, on the site now occupied by St. Augustine's Church. In spite of further assistance from private parties, the institution was not ready to open its doors till 1811. In the meantime the matter of public education was much neglected. Rev. Philander Chase, who was called by the Protestants of the city to take charge of the congregation of Christ Church, opened a school on his arrival in the city in 1806, which soon had a good attendance, and thrived until his departure in 1811. The Ursuline nuns conducted a successful school for girls, but otherwise there seems to have been no provision for the important matter of the instruction of youth.

New Orleans has always been a predominantly Catholic city, but with the establishment of the American government in Louisiana, there was gradually formed in the city a group of Protestants sufficiently large to make the need felt of a church in which they might worship. As early as 1803 there is record of a Rev. Lorenzo Dow who ministered to the scattered Protestants in the Attakapas. In 1805 the Rev. Elisha Bowman, who was regularly stationed in Opelousas, is said to have occasionally conducted services in New Orleans. In 1805 the Louisiana Gazette printed an appeal to the English speaking population of New Orleans to "show that it was not irreligious." Resolutions to establish a Protestant church in the city were adopted at a meeting held on May 29 at Francisque's ball-room. A second meeting was held on June 2 at the residence of Mme. Forager, on Bourbon Street, between Customhouse and Bienville streets. At another meeting on June 11 it was decided to call a Protestant clergyman to take charge of the proposed congregation, and the sum of $2,000 per annum was guaranteed by subscriptions from those present to pay his salary. On June 16 a vote was taken to see with what denomination the congregation should affiliate, with the following result: Episcopalians, 43; Presbyterians, 7;Methodist, 1. The act incorporating the congregation under the name of Christ Church, received the approval of Governor Claiborne on July 3, 1805. Under this act Protestant services were held, for the first time in the history of New Orleans (except, perhaps, for such occasional ministrations as the Rev. Mr. Bowman had supplied) on Sunday, July 15, 1805, at the residence of a Mr. Freeman. Doctor Chase, who was called to the rectorate, arrived in the city from New York, October 20, 1805. He held his first service at the City Hall (Cabildo) on November 17, 1805. Thereafter Protestant forms of worship were observed regularly every Sunday, though the congregation had no permanent domicile until nearly twenty years later, meeting sometimes at the Cabildo, sometimes at the courthouse, and more often at private residences.

The period of Watkins' administration was one of no small anxiety for Claiborne and the territorial government. The ownership of West Florida was arousing much ill feeling between the Spanish and the Americans, particularly among the hardy adventurers in the West whose insistence had influenced so largely the acquisition of the Province of Louisiana by the United States. Jefferson's desire to settle all such difficulties by diplomacy rather than by force did not appeal to the Kentuckians and Tennesseans, and there was a strong tendency to filibustering throughout the Mississippi Valley. Of this restive spirit both General James Wilkinson and Aaron Burr were eager to take advantage. Burr was then vice president of the United States, but on account of his duel with Hamilton, in which the latter had been killed, he was in ill repute in the North and East, and sought elsewhere fields of activity in which his distressing antecedents would not be remembered, or, at least, would not be held against him.

On the afternoon of July 25, 1805, in "an elegant Barge," with "sails, colors and oars," manned by "a sergeant and ten able, faithful hands," the ostracized vice president arrived in New Orleans. He was fresh from a visit to Wilkinson at Fort Massac, and brought with him now letters from that officer to Governor Claiborne, General John Adair and Daniel Clark. In his epistles to Adair and Clark, Wilkinson hinted darkly at some magnificent design which Burr entertained, and which he would unfold to them. To Adair he wrote: "He understands your merits and reckons on you. Prepare to visit me and I will tell you all. We must take a peep into the unknown world beyond me." He told Clark that "this great and honorable man would communicate to him many things improper to put in writing, and which he would not say to any other." It is supposed that Burr had ideas of separating the western part of the United States from the remainder and setting up there an independent government of some sort with himself at his head; failing which, he dreamed of an attempt against the Spanish in Mexico, with New Orleans as a basis of operations. There was at that time in New Orleans a strong sentiment in favor of independence for Mexico. A society, in which Mayor Watkins was a leading spirit, existed to promote this idea. Burr met Watkins, and through the latter's influence secured the endorsement of this organization. The visitor remained ten or twelve days in the city, during which time he received much social attention. Claiborne, who was not informed of his vague schemes of personal aggrandizement, entertained him at a banquet. Then he departed in the "elegant barge," for St. Louis, leaving behind no definite idea of what he proposed to do, save an impression that he meditated a great filibustering expedition against the Spaniards somewhere, sometime, somehow.

It is not necessary here to follow Burr's subsequent career; suffice it to say that the rumors of his shadowy enterprise were kept afloat in the country a twelvemonth, and served to agitate the public mind everywhere, but especially in New Orleans. Claiborne, partly on the basis of these reports, but also from what he knew of the state of partial mobilization in which the Spanish forces were kept on the frontiers of his territory, anticipated war between the United States and Spain at no distant date, and made what preparations he could for that event. He was surprised, therefore, when in the winter of 1805-6 Wilkinson removed from New Orleans a large part of the little garrison and sent it up into the Mississippi Territory. To supply the gap in his ranks he appealed to the loyalty of the Creoles, and at first met with a gratifying response. Later on, as the first flush of enthusiasm evaporated, he was compelled to find excuses for their delinquencies: "Society," he wrote, regretfully in January, "is now generally engaged in what seems to be a primary object, the acquisition of wealth," to the exclusion of all other objects.

Two incidents which tended to convince Claiborne that he had reason to fear Spanish designs on New Orleans now occurred. The first was the affair of P re Antoine de Sedella, the Spanish monk, who, as we have seen, tried to introduce the Inquisition in the times of Miro, and who, as we shall see later on, having been purged of many faults, ended by dying reverenced as a saint by the entire community. Sedella was apparently wholly under the influence of Casa Calvo, Morales, and the rest of the Spanish clique which for several years after the acquisition of the Province by the United States made its headquarters in New Orleans, and labored to create difficulties for the new government. "We have here a Spanish priest who is a very dangerous man," wrote Claiborne, in one of his letters to the Secretary of War in Washington; "he rebelled against the superiors of his church, and, I am persuaded, would even rebel against this government, whenever a fit occasion may serve." He accused him of "embracing every opportunity to render" the negro population "discontented with the American government." Sedella fell out with the vicar general, Walsh, with the result that in June, 1803, he was deprived of his "faculties," and forbidden to exercise any priestly offices. This action occasioned great turmoil in New Orleans. The people supported him almost to a man, and, as Miss King says, in her delightful account of this famous controversy, "elected" him parish priest in the face of the opposition of his clerical >superior. Watkins supported Sedella, and when he learned that Walsh was meditating the publication of a pamphlet in which the whole matter was to be set forth, interposed to prevent its >publication, on the ground that such a work would tend to cause a violation of the public peace. Walsh took the quarrel up to Claiborne. He alleged "the interruption of the public tranquility," in justifying his request for the support of the civil arm, "which has resulted from the ambition of a refractory monk supported in his apostacy by a misguided populace, and by the constitution of an individual (Casa Calvo?) whose interference is fairly to be attributed less to zeal for the religion he would be thought to serve, than to the indulgence of private passion and the promotion of views which are equally dangerous to religious and civil order." But Claiborne declined to interfere unless there were some actual violation of the peace, and advised "harmony and tolerance." Later on, in October, Claiborne, feeling that Sedella's influence was being used to undermine the position of the Americans in New Orleans, and to prepare the way for a Spanish descent upon the city, summoned the priest to the government house, and, in spite of his protestations of loyalty, required him to take the oath of allegiance, in the presence of Mayor Watkins and of Colonel Bellechasse.

The other incident was connected with Casa Calvo, himself. This wily intriguer went, in October, 1805, on a journey into the western part of the territory. There was this much occasion for his perturbation about New Orleans and the Spanish — in the bank of the little city lay a sum of money reckoned very large in those days — not less than $2,000,000. The bank had been organized in 1804 under the name of the Louisiana State Bank, and opened for business in January, 1805; but in addition, there was a branch of the United States Bank, of Philadelphia, which likewise had on hand a large amount of specie. Claiborne seems to have felt that one phase of the Spanish plot, which he suspected but could not precisely put his finger on, was to loot these institutions. He sent an American military officer to accompany Casa Calvo to Natchitoches, and report his actions; and they were sufficiently suspicious to convince the young governor that immediate action was necessary. On the return of the Spanish nobleman he received a courteous letter suggesting that he and Morales ought now to bring to an end their unnecessarily prolonged stay in Louisiana. They ignored the hint, and in February, 1806, Claiborne sent them their passports, politely wishing them a pleasant voyage to whatever part of the Spanish king's dominions they might wish to proceed. Casa Calvo was naturally very indignant at this procedure, but had no option save to depart. The incident had, of course, the effect of increasing the tension between the United States and Spain, and the young American governor was more than ever certain that he had now to look to hostilities between the nations.

Into this strained situation there was now injected another and troublesome element. When Burr left New Orleans, in July, 1805, it was with the understanding that he would return in the autumn. He never returned but he sent to the city certain emissaries, whose duty it was to keep alive the sentiment in his favor there. The most prominent of these were Samuel Swartwout, Dr. Eric Bollman and Peter V. Ogden. In October Swartwout, with a confidential letter from Burr, went to Natchitoches where Wilkinson had established his headquarters. He was received with much attention, remained eight days, and then returned to New Orleans. What happened after that is not clear. Wilkinson adopted a procedure which cannot well be explained, but which, at any rate was productive of the most singular consequences for New Orleans. He dispatched a letter to the President of the United States, exposing Burr's nefarious schemes, so far as he knew of them. Then he sent Major Porter to New Orleans with a force of artificers and a company of a hundred regulars, and a few days later he himself hastened down to the city. They arrived in New Orleans early in November. Then followed the hurried repairing, remounting and equipping of every piece of artillery in the town, the preparation of munitions of all descriptions, the overhauling of harnesses and the manning of the forts, the issue of contracts for palisades and instruments of defense, and other evidences of preparations for what was supposed to be an expected attack; and the city was plunged into a state of panic.

In the meantime Burr was on his way down the Mississippi with a force of men which rumor multiplied into a formidable little army, but which was actually a mere handful. Wilkinson had ordered it stopped at Natchez. Was he apprehensive that the arch-conspirator would elude his representatives at that point, and make his way down to the city? Or was he fearful that Clark, Watkins, and other known confidants of Burr in New Orleans would, on hearing of his approach, raise the city in his favor? At any rate, he contrived to create in the minds of the loyal citizens the impression that a grave military necessity existed. He demanded that Claiborne declare martial law. The discrete governor refused to take this extreme step, but consented to a meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, and called out the militia, one company of which remained under arms thereafter until the disturbances were at an end. Wilkinson furnished vague but lurid information to the Chamber of Commerce; a large sum of money was subscribed for purposes of defense, and a temporary embargo was recommended on the port for the purpose of facilitating the enrollment of sailors, whom Wilkinson declared he needed. Claiborne mistrusted Wilkinson's motives. He had been advised by Cowles Mead, acting governor of the Mississippi Territory, that Wilkinson was a "traitor [. . .] little better than Cataline." Wilkinson, on the other hand, declared that he "had been betrayed, and therefore 'would' abandon the idea of temporising or concealment the moment after I have secured two persons now in this city." These persons were Burr's confidential agents. On December 14th he arrested Bollman. Two days later Swartwout and Ogden were apprehended at Fort Adams and brought down to New Orleans on a bomb-ketch, which anchored in front of the city. A writ of habeas corpus was sued out, but the people, who evidently approved heartily of Wilkinson's measures, offered a passive resistance to its execution which was entirely effective; the court official who undertook to serve the writ found that he could not hire a boat to take him out to the ketch, and the following day, when he did succeed in getting a skiff, he reached the vessel only to find that Swartwout had in the meanwhile been spirited away. Ogden, however, was set free, but Wilkinson immediately had him re-arrested along with a man named Alexander, and held them both in defiance of writs of habeas corpus issued by judge Workman, an attachment against himself, and an appeal to the governor to sustain the authority of the court with force. Workman resigned by way of protest. Wilkinson was in supreme control of the city.

On January 14, 1807, General Adair arrived in New Orleans with the intelligence that Burr would reach the city within the next three days, but without an army — with, in fact, only a single attendant. One would think that discouraging piece of news would have disposed of any possibility of danger, if any ever threatened, of an uprising in New Orleans, as it did of any possibility of an attack on the city at Burr's hands. Burr, as a matter of fact, never passed Natchez. Wilkinson, however, for some reason, felt it necessary to take Adair into custody. A force of 120 regular soldiers surrounded the hotel at which he was staying, and he was arrested while seated at the dinner table, thrust into confinement, and a few days later removed from the city. That day the troops were all under arms; patrols marched up and down the streets of the terrified city, and every person of whom the commander seems to have felt any suspicion was put under arrest, including Judge Workman. At this inopportune moment a Spanish force of 400 men from Pensacola arrived at the mouth of Bayou St. John and sent a messenger in to the governor to request permission to cross American territory to the post at Baton Rouge. Needless to say, this privilege was refused. The circumstances seemed to justify Wilkinson's wildest apprehensions.

Suddenly the whole strange business came to an end. The community awoke from the bad dream which obsessed it. The Legislative Council on January 22d addressed to the governor a communication in which it disclaimed on behalf of the Creoles any sympathy with or participation in the treasonable designs of Burr. Then the members announced their intention to investigate Wilkinson's "extraordinary measures [. . .] and the motives which had induced them, and to present the same to the Congress of the United States." There is, however, some indication that Wilkinson was acting with Jefferson's approval.

On January 28th the news of Burr's arrest at Natchez was received in New Orleans, and on the 3d of March, that he had been re-arrested at Fort Stoddard, Alabama. About the middle of May, Wilkinson sailed from New Orleans for Virginia, to testify in the trial of Burr. With his departure the last trace of disorder disappered.

In the midst of this exciting episode Mayor Watkins was called on to deal with another danger much more real and terrible in character. This was a conspiracy among the negro slaves to burn the city and slaughter the inhabitants. "It seems that a white man, a fresh importation from Santo Domingo, where he had doubtless served an apprenticeship to the crimes which have plunged that unfortunate island into the depths of destruction, has been for some time employed as a workman in the shops of Mr. Duverne, a respectable citizen of the Faubourg Ste. Marie," wrote Watkins, in a long communication to the council, describing the occurrence, under date of September 28, 1805. "One day this wretch, who was named Grandjean, confided to a fellow employee, a mulatto man named Celestin, who was likewise employed by Duverne, a plan for a general insurrection of the slaves, the success of which would involve the destruction of the lives and fortunes of the whites." "Celestin," continued Watkins, "guided by natural sentiments of humanity, like a faithful slave, and without loss of time, communicated the information to Mr. Duverne, who, in turn, and conjointly with Celestin, apprised me thereof, accompanied for that purpose by Colonel Dorci re. Measures were immediately taken not only to frustrate the plot and apprehend its author, but to secure sufficient proof to convict him of the appalling crime which he was concerting against the peace of the territory. With this object in view we advised several free persons of color, both intelligent and of good character, to get themselves presented to Grandjean as individuals likely to second him in his enterprise, and who, under this disguise, were to obtain from him all the details of the conspiracy, in order to fit themselves to give testimony eventually before the courts. This plan proved successful, for Grandjean committed himself fully to them and explained his scheme, which was to be carried out in the following manner: He said that, although the real leader, he was to be known only to ten persons, who were to be the ostensible chieftains. These ten chiefs were then to communicate the secret to ten others, and so on indefinitely. Messengers were to be sent among the negroes at Natchez and to those at adjacent places. 'Commandeurs' or negro 'drivers' were to be especially won over, and at an appointed hour on a certain day the decisive blow was to be struck. The insurgents were to make themselves masters of the different streets of the city, get possession of the soldiers' barracks, and of the different public warehouses, surprise the state house, and other government buildings, massacre everyone who offered resistance, and finally set the city on fire, if it could not be subjugated in any other way."

As soon as the mayor had in hand all the threads of the conspiracy he called in consultation Colonel Bellechasse, Col. Dorci re and Mr. Duverne. A force of gendarmes was taken along. They surrounded the Duverne workshop. Bellechasse found a position where, without being himself seen, he was able to overhear Grandjean talking to his fellow operatives and obtained in this way a confirmation of the information that had already been laid before the mayor. The place was then raided and Grandjean was put under arrest. He was put in prison, brought to trial and received a life sentence at hard labor in the chain gang.

The mayor brought before the City Council the matter of an award for Celestin and the other colored people who had by their loyalty averted what could hardly have failed to prove a serious situation, even had the projected uprising failed of the terrible completeness which its originator hoped for it. The Council deputed two of its members, Messrs. Pedesclaux and Arnaud, to confer with Celestin's master, a Mr. Robelot, with reference to his manumission; and the price of $2,000 having been agreed upon, the corporation appropriated the money, and the mulatto became a "free man of color." The Council also adopted resolutions eulogizing the other negroes who had assisted in trapping Grandjean and made substantial grants of money in their favor.

A few minor events connected with the administration of Mayor Watkins may also be noted.In the printed text, this sentence and the following all belong to the preceding paragraph. In 1805 steps were taken to improve the paving by requiring the laying of sidewalks, or "banquettes," in front of property throughout the city. It was required that these "banquettes" should be of brick, wood or masonry of some sort, at least five feet wide, with curbs of cypress. In that year, also, Matthew Flannery undertook the publication of the first city directory. We may note, also, an election of councilmen on February 23, 1807, when Por e, Faurie, De Fl chier, Bertonni re, Carraby, LeBreton, Des Chapelles, and F. M. Guerin were elected to the City Council. On August 19, 1805, Claiborne addressed to Mayor Watkins a letter agreeing to withdraw the regular troops from the Cabildo, where they had hitherto been stationed, in order to leave the lower floor of that building clear for the use of the police. Up to this time a detachment of United States soldiers had been on duty there both by day and by night. Their principal duty was to turn out when the ruffling of drums announced the approach of the mayor, line up in two ranks before the great door of the Cabildo and present arms as his honor passed between them to enter or to leave the building. Their place was now taken by the police, but this picturesque ceremony was continued, nor was it abolished until Mayor Freret's time. That democratic official, considering this parade a useless and absurd survival of Spanish days, directed its discontinuance, with the result that his "democratic spirit" was warmly praised in the newspapers.

Watkins adorned his retirement from office with a few flowers of rhetoric. "If I have been so happy as to have served the public usefully," he said, in his last message to the City Council, "it has been due principally to the assistance which you have given me, and to the wisdom of the measures which you have adopted. In this persuasion [. . .] I beg of you to receive the offer of my gratitude and that you will receive the assurance that, if there is anything which can add to the satisfaction furnished by a pure conscience in my retirement, it will be found in the hope that you will honor me with your esteem."

He was succeeded by James Mather, appointed mayor by Claiborne on March 9, 1807. Mather served till October 8, 1812. He was an Englishman by birth, but upon the acquisition of the Province of Louisiana by the United States, seems to have identified himself wholeheartedly with the American cause. His residence in New Orleans dated back many years. As early as 1780 we hear of him as a merchant in good circumstances, contracting with the Spanish Government to operate two vessels out of the port, with a view to import articles required in the trade with the Indians. In 1804, when Bor , Bellechasse, Jones and Clark had refused to serve on the Territorial Council under an appointment from the President of the United States, he had been selected by Claiborne, along with Dorci re, Flood and Pollock, to take their places. The principal event in Mather's administration was the arrival of the West Indian emigrants. A few other incidents, however, may be first mentioned. Scarcely had he taken his seat when he was informed that Burr's friends in the city, including some of the most prominent people, had formed an association and were conspiring with the Spanish to deliver New Orleans into their hands. Claiborne, although disposed to make light of the intelligence, deemed it wise to reinforce the garrison heavily, and this precaution caused the conspiracy, if such there were, to evaporate. In November, 1809, a negro insurrection was averted by the employment of a similar expedient. Disturbances among the negroes on the German Coast, not far from New Orleans, were expected to react on the black population in New Orleans, but the militia was set to patrol the streets and two companies of regulars were hurried to the scene and the peace was not troubled. Finally, in August, 1812, a severe storm did extensive damage to the city. Buildings belonging to the corporation sustained damages to the extent of about $60,000.

In 1806 the population of New Orleans was about 12,000 souls, of whom about 7,500 were whites. Within the next four years the total rose to 24,552. The reason for this remarkable increase was the arrival in New Orleans of several thousand persons who had formerly been residents of the Island of Santo Domingo, but who had been driven from that place by the servile wars. There was also a small influx of Americans. But the increase in the population from this source was smaller than is generally supposed. In 1806 the entire number of white inhabitants in New Orleans whose language was neither French nor Spanish was about 1,400. Three years later the proportion of Americans was about 12 to 100 of the total population — or about 14, counting the white population only. The Santo Domingans, on fleeing from their own island, had found refuge with their slaves and other property in Cuba. But now war broke out between France and Spain, and they were compelled to seek another place of exile. The ties of a common religion, a common language, and a common political sentiment, attracted them to Louisiana. Within the space of two months, from May 19 to July 18, 1809, thirty-four vessels arrived in the port of New Orleans from Cuba, with 5,754 of these hapless people on board. Thirty-two of these vessels were from Santiago de Cuba, one from Havana, and one from Baracoa. They were all small; the hardships of the voyage had been great, even to the point of starvation, and not a few arrived sick and destitute. Mayor Mather has left on record the fact that 400 poor widows, children and old men were cared for by the charity of the community. In this first delegation were 1,798 whites, 1,977 free persons of color, and 1,979 slaves. Subsequently, other groups of fleeing French, white and black, found their way to the city — in all a total estimated at 10,000.

The city was in no condition to receive so considerable an addition to its population. There was a particular objection to immigration from this source. The Creoles did not welcome the newcomers because of their fear that with them would come the terrible spirit which had led up to the servile revolt in Santo Domingo. Claiborne appealed to the American consuls at Havana to stop the movement; the free people of color were ordered to leave the territory, though few of them did so; and other futile measures were taken to fend off the imaginary danger. The Americans also saw the influx of these refugees with disfavor. The latter reinforced the Creoles, who, as a class, were already beginning to show that hostility to the Americans which down to the Civil War prevented the amalgamation into one homogeneous community all of the various elements that made up New Orleans. The price of bread and lodging was forced up abnormally by this sudden increase of population.

Mayor Mather has left us an account of the Santo Domingans. "The blacks," he writes, "have been trained up to the habits of strict discipline and consist wholly of Africans brought up from Guineamen in the Island of Cuba, or faithful slaves who have fled with their masters from St. Domingo as early as 1803. [. . .] A few characters among the free people of color have been represented to me as dangerous to the peace of the territory. [. . .] I have been particular in causing such as have been informed against to give bond for their leaving the territory within the time allotted for such cases." The white contingent excited the good mayor's sympathy. "The whites," he adds, "consisting chiefly of planters and merchants of St. Domingo who took refuge on the shores of Cuba about six years ago, appear to be an active, industrious people. They evince until now on every occasion their respect for our laws and their confidence in our Government. They have suffered a great deal both at sea and in the river. [. . .] Several have died and many are now a prey to diseases originating, as it appears, from the use of unwholesome food and from the foul air they have breathed while heaped together with their slaves in the holds of small vessels during their passage from Cuba." Most of these people supported themselves in New Orleans by hiring out their slaves as day laborers. They were quickly absorbed into the population of the city. Not after this eventful year are the Santo Domingans ever heard of again as a separate class. "The men became overseers, managers of plantations, clerks, teachers, musicians, actors — anything to make the first bare necessities of life. The women did embroidery, sewing, dressmaking, millinery, living or lodging, not in the new brick houses, but in little two-room cottages opposite or alongside. [. . .] It was the refugees from the West Indies that brought the love of luxury into the colony, the Creoles before that time, many believing and maintaining, being simple in their tastes and plain in their living. It would seem, from the constant mention made of it in family legends, that the tropical ease and languor of the West Indian women was indeed as much a novelty in the feminine world as the always emphasized distinction, the literary tastes, and accomplishments of the West Indian men were in the masculine world."

In September of this same year Mayor Mather was called on to face a serious situation which arose as a result of the attempt of the eminent lawyer, Edward Livingston, to get possession of the "batture," or sandy deposits, made by the Mississippi River in front of the Faubourg Ste. Marie.b Livingston was a brother of the celebrated Chancellor Livingston. His home was originally in New York City. He came to New Orleans in 1801 as a fugitive from justice. He was an intimate friend of Daniel Clark, and it is supposed that the latter's influence shielded him from prosecution when New Orleans passed under American control. At any rate, he continued to practise his profession in this city with great success. Livingston purchased a property above Canal Street and claimed as riparian owner all the river deposits between his land and the water line. The claim was opposed by President Jefferson on the ground that the "batture" was public land belonging to the United States under the treaty of cession. The question was long before the courts; in fact, it was not settled until after both Livingston and Madison had been laid to rest, and resulted finally in a decision in the Supreme Court of the United States confirming the title to this immensely valuable property to the City of New Orleans.

The attempt of Livingston to take possession of the property which he claimed led to two outbreaks, somewhat inaccurately remembered in New Orleans as "riots." The "batture" had been used for many years by the city as a commons. Livingston, having obtained an order confirming his claim from the Superior Court of the territory, in August, 1807, sent some negroes to work to dig a canal there, but the citizens assembled in considerable force and drove them away. This took place during a temporary absence of Claiborne from the city. On his return he found the city greatly excited over the incident. Livingston appealed to the governor. The City Council, on its side, passed a resolution requesting the governor to take steps to have its title confirmed without delay. Claiborne was non-plussed. "The opposition of the people to a decision of the court is in itself so improper and furnishes a precedent so dangerous that it cannot be constituted," he said. "But the opposition is on the present occasion so general that I feel myself compelled to resort to measures the most conciliatory as the only means of avoiding still greater tumult, and, perhaps,bloodshed." Livingston lost no time in instituting civil proceedings against the more prominent citizens who had opposed his attempt to take possession of the "batture." On September 15th he again sent laborers to the scene. At 4:00 o'clock the sound of a drum was heard in the streets of the city; the population rallied by thousands, and, pouring out in the direction of the "batture," prepared to enforce their wishes. Only the prompt interposition of Claiborne averted serious consequences; and that only when he agreed to commend to the President of the United States the claim of the city, and to place the matter in the hands of Colonel Macarty, who was present as one of the leaders of the populace. The long litigation which ensued had a bad effect upon the development of the Faubourg Ste. Marie, which might otherwise have become the real center of the city much sooner than it actually did.

Other events which agitated the city in this year were a series of collisions between American and European sailors, who met each other in genuine battle on the levee so frequently that Claiborne felt again the necessity of moving additional regulars into the city. The libelous publications in a newspaper called "La Lanterne Magique," the local organ of the Burr faction, help also to stir up excitement against the Government p89and its offices. The municipality found itself involved in extensive litigation with one Tr m over the property on which the now demolished fortifications had stood at the lower extremity of the city. Tr m , it appears, obstructed the drains there, on the ground that the property was his, having been acquired before the building of the forts. There was also litigation with one Lafon over the possession of a strip of the common lying between the upper boundary of the city and the Faubourg Ste. Marie. Many similar suits were brought on titles which Mather, writing to Claiborne, in August, 1809, said had been outlawed in Spanish times, and were now resurrected with a view to annoy the administration. In 1812 the mayor and the Council disagreed when the latter undertook to appoint commissioners of election without first getting the former's approval. "I must infer that you are determined to oppose all the measures which I may propose in accord with the law," he wrote bitterly; but agreed to issue the appropriate proclamation, with the understanding that his rights in the premises had been vindicated.

Map of New Orleans, 1815

Mather was able to accomplish little with regard to the police but did succeed in organizing a tolerably efficient fire department. The former continued to be the scandal and menace of the city. The "Garde de Ville" created in 1806, having proven a complete failure, was, in 1808, reduced to eight men, who thereafter were known as constables. The militia patrol of 1804 was then revived, with the chief of the "Garde de Ville" in charge thereof. This system continued for fourteen years, with only such changes as arose from the necessity of increasing the number of constables as the city grew in size. The men who served in the patrol were, like the firemen, volunteers. They were private citizens and received no pay.

The frequency of incendiary fires made the necessity of a good fire department evident. In 1807, therefore, the City Council passed a rigid law, fixing the limits in which the building of wooden structures was forbidden, and requiring every householder to have on his premises a well equipped with at least two buckets. A depot for four engines, known as the Depot des Pompes, was located at the city hall (Cabildo). Here were deposited twelve dozen buckets, twelve ladders, ten grappling-irons and chains, ten gaffs and quantities of axes, sledge hammers, shovels and other implements employed at that time, when the principal method of preventing the spread of fire was to tear down the adjoining properties. Six other engines were provided for, one of which was stationed in each of the four "quarters" into which the city was divided for the purposes of combating fire; one at the St. Philip Theater, and one in the Faubourg Ste. Marie. To each engine was assigned company of from twelve to twenty-four men. In addition was a reserve company of thirty "sapeurs," composed of workingmen habituated to the use of tools, whose duty was to tear down property to prevent the spread of fire. A review of the department was held every month, on Sunday, in the Place d'Armes, where the engines, which were operated by hand, were tested.

The firemen were all volunteers, like the militia patrolmen. Their only compensation was a provision by which they were exempted from jury duty. This privilege was enjoyed by the firemen thereafter down to the disbandment of the volunteer fire department, over eighty years later. Provision was also made for a fire alarm service, but it was of an exceedingly primitive order. A watchman was stationed day and night on the upper part of the St. Louis cathedral, whose duty it was, in addition to sounding the hours, to keep a lookout for signs of fire, and on the first sight of a blaze to ring the church bell by way of signal. All the watchmen who were not otherwise specially detailed were required to report to the Cabildo immediately upon the sounding of the alarm. Thence they were to proceed to the scene of the conflagration in squads along parallel streets, obliging all persons whom they met to accompany them, in order to man the engines and aid in extinguishing the flames.

In view of the frequency of incendiary fires the Council in 1807 also passed a resolution offering a reward of $500 for information leading to the arrest and conviction of any person guilty of this crime. The Legislature also took cognizance of the crime by passing an act by which slaves were allowed to give testimony against their masters in cases of arson. In such cases, where the slave furnished the information upon which the prosecution was based, it was provided that he should be rewarded by receiving his freedom. Still another and important improvement concerned the water supply. In May, 1810, the Council made a contract with Louis Gleizes to furnish "a sufficient supply of the Mississippi water not only for the use of the inhabitants but also to water the streets and to extinguish fire in the case of conflageration. " Gleizes laid a system of wooden conduits to various parts of the town. He was paid not by the municipality but by selling the water to the persons with whose houses the system was connected.

The closing years of Mather's administration brought him much criticism. He was accused of being under the influence of certain individuals; of failing to protect the interests of the city by vetoing the unwise measures of the City Council; of hiring people to write anonymous letters attacking his enemies and paying them with public funds. There does not appear to have been any grounds for these accusations. They were, however, in part responsible for the determination arrived at in 1812 to retire from public life. Advancing years and declining health were also considerations which prompted his withdrawal.

The Author’s Notes

1. Unnecessary. Louisiana Gazette, 1805.
2. Burial. Rightor, "Standard History of New Orleans," 111-112.
3. Methodist. Louisiana Gazette, May 31, June 2, 14, 16, 1805.
4. Residences. Smith, "Life of Philander Chase," 63-65.
5. Operstions. Channing, "The Federalist System," 155-159.
6. Superior. King, New Orleans, the Place and the People, 176; Latrobe, Journal of Latrobe, 190.
7. Publication. Records of the City Council, May 29, 30, 1805, in New Orleans City Archives.
8. Colonel Bellechasse. Shea, "Life and Times of Bishop Carroll."
9. Jefferson's Approval. See Jefferson's letter to Claiborne, quoted in Fortier, Louisiana, I, 136: "The Federalists will try to make something of the infringement of liberty by the military arrest and deportation of citizens," he writes; and he expresses the hope that public would in the end approve the actions of Wilkinson, if the infringement did not go too far.
10. Disappeared.See Wilknson, "Memoirs of My Own Times, II, Chaps. VIII, IX.
11. Favor. See Records of the Municipality in the New Orleans City Archives, September-October, 1805, passim.
12. Esteem. Records of the City Council, March 7, 1807, in New Orleans City Archives.
13. Indians. Gayarr , "History of Louisiana," II, 162.
14. Places. Martin, "History of Louisiana," II, 252.
15. Evaporate. Rowland, "Letter Books of W. C. C. Claiborne," IV, 279, 304, 309.
16. Troubled. Ibid., 18.
17. Cuba. Rowland, "Letter Books of W. C. C. Claiborne," IV, 381-402, 403, 405.
18. World. Grace King, New Orleans, the Place and the People, 171, 172.
19. Justice. Sparks, "Memories of Fifty Years," 426.
20. New Orleans. Ibid., 427.
21. Bloodshed. Gayarr , "History of Louisiana," IV, 186. See also Louisiana Courier, November 4, 16, 1807.
22. Populace. Waring and Cable, "Social Statistics of Cities, Report on the History and Present Condition of New Orleans," 36, 37.
23. Officers. Ibid., 37.
24. Vindicated. Records of City Council, September 19, 1812, in the New Orleans City Archives.
25. Pay. See Louisiana Courier, December 18, 1807.
26. Flames. Ordinances of February 14, 1806, and March 14, 1807.
27. Freedom. Rightor, "Standard History of New Orleans," 120-121.
28. Conflageration. Record of the City Council, May 10, 19, 1810, in the City Archives of New Orleans.
29. Funds. Louisiana Gazette, 1810.

Footnotes completed by:

• Elizabeth Thomas
• Angel Stringfellow-Singleton

Chapter VI
The Battle of New Orleans

The time had now come when the citizens of New Orleans might be admitted to the exercise of all the rights and privileges of full-fledged citizens of the great American Republic. The year 1812 is a turning point in the history of the city. In this year the Creole population, augmented by the Santo Domingans, attained its greatest numerical strength, as compared with the Americans, and definitely challenged the rival civilization to that long conflict — the longest and most resolute ever waged against it by a small and isolated community — that lasted to the Civil war. In this year, on January 10th, "the inhabitants of New Orleans witnessed the approach of the first vessel propelled by steam" which ever navigated the Mississippi. In this year Louisiana was admitted to the Union. In this year the charter of the city was amended in a way which permitted the citizens to elect their own chief magistrate. Hitherto that official had been appointed by the governor. And finally, in this year, war broke out between the United States and England, with consequences which, while at first they threatened disaster to New Orleans, ended in the most brilliant episode in all its eventful history.

On November 4, 1811, a convention composed of delegates elected by the people of the entire territory, met in New Orleans and on January 28th following adopted a State constitution. The admission of Louisiana to the Union was effected on April 30th. The changes in the city charter which followed as a corollary to the latter event were embodied in an act approved by the governor on September 1st. This act provided that, on the third Monday following its promulgation, the citizens "who possessed the qualifications to elect" should meet "at the places pointed out by the present mayor and City Council, in their respective wards, and there by ballot elect a citizen to be mayor for two years; and one other citizen to be recorder, also for two years; and two other citizens for each of the first, second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth wards, and one citizen from each of the seventh and eighth wards, of good fame and possessed of property in their respective wards, to be aldermen to represent said wards in the City Council." The mayor, it was provided, should be a resident of the city or of the incorporated suburbs thereof. These officials, when elected, were to enter upon the duties of their offices on the second Monday succeeding the day of their election and continue "to exercise the said duties for two weeks succeeding the election of their successors, and until they [the successors] shall have taken their oath, or affirmation, required by the constitution." The biennial election of mayor and recorder was fixed thereafter on the first Monday of September. The act fixed the length of the term of the aldermen at two years, but divided them into two classes, one of which retired at the end of each year, in such a manner that there was an election for one alderman every year in every ward except the seventh and the eighth. In case the mayor was incapacitated for any reasons to perform the duties of his office, it was provided that his place should be filled pro tempore and that an election should be called within fifteen days at which a person should be chosen to fill out the unexpired remainder of his term. Similar provisions were made with regards to the recorder and the aldermen. The conditions under which the franchise might be exercised were numerous. The voter had to be twenty-one years of age, a free white male, resident in the city for at least one year previous to the election, who had paid a state, parish, or city tax for six months on real estate valued at not less than $500, or paid rent at the rate of $50 per annum. The mayor, moreover, was to have attained the age of thirty and have resided in the city for four years previous to his election. He was required to possess real estate in the city valued on the tax list at not less than $3,000. For his services the mayor was to receive a salary the amount of which was to be fixed by the Council, but might not exceed $4,000 per annum; nor could he, the recorder, nor the councilmen receive any augmentation of salary voted during their terms.

In conformity with the foregoing act an election for mayor was called for September 21st. The proclamation was not signed by Mather, but by Charles Trudeau, "Recorder, filling the functions of mayor." Mather, as a matter of fact, abandoned the mayoralty on May 23rd. It is not clear why he did so, but apparently his age and infirmities made it impossible for him to attend to his official duties after that date. Trudeau, who by virtue of his office automatically replaced him, served until October 8th, when he relinquished the post to his successor. The election took place as ordered, but the ballot boxes were not opened until the 25th, when the Council met and solemnly proceeded to this duty. There does not seem to have been any formal nominations. The voters cast their ballots for any person or persons that pleased them. The consequence was a very scattering vote. Nicholas Girod received 859 votes; James Pitot, 461; D. Bellechasse, 79; and Charles Trudeau, Benjamin Morgan and Monsieur Villemel, one vote each. Girod was accordingly declared elected mayor. For recorder the vote was still more extensively distributed. Pierre Missonet received 712 votes; Charles Trudeau, 174; Felix Arnaud, 168; Thomas McCormick, 135; Monsieur Robelot, 66; J. B. Pr vost, 93; S. Ducourneau, 26; Monsieur Dorville, 22; Bernard Marigny, 5; Zenon Trudeau, 2; Jean Chabaud, 2; and Lebreton Dorgenoy, D. Bellechasse, J. Blanquet, A. Chastant, Monsieur Guinault and J. G. Lespinasse, one vote each. Missonet was accordingly declared elected.

At the same time a complete council was elected, as follows: First ward, John R. Grymes, Maunsell White; Second ward, Ferd. Percy, Paul Lanusse; Third ward, J. B. Dejan, Sr., Honor Landreau; Fourth ward, p93J. Lanna, Nicholas Lauve; Fifth ward, J. Blanque, B. Marigny; Sixth ward, James Freret, Antoine Carraby; Seventh ward, Chevalier Doriocourt, LeBreton Dorgenoy.

The retiring council notified the new officials that the next regular meeting would be held on the following Saturday (September 26th) at 10:00 A.M. and suggested that they attend, presumably in order to get acquainted with the routine of official duty. The new mayor, however, was not installed until October 5th. The occasion was made one of some ceremony. Governor Claiborne was present at the Cabildo, received the oaths and made a short address.

Girod served to September 5, 1814, and was then re-elected at an election held on that date. It is interesting to note that on this occasion the polls were located at the residences of the most prominent citizens in each ward. In the First ward the ballot box was set forth at the home of Stephen Henderson; in the second at that of A. Chastant; in the third at that of J. Lanna; in the fourth at that of Bernard Marigny; in the fifth at that of James Johnson; in the Sixth at that of M. Saulet; and in the Seventh at that of LeBreton Dorgenoy. The mayor's proclamation establishing the election precincts omits to mention where the polls would be found in the Eighth ward. Again there was no formal nomination and again the vote was scattered widely. Girod received 309 votes; Macarty, 286; Labatut, 195; Relf, 102; Dorgenoy, 67; Pedesclaux, 33; Lanusse, 1. Girod was accordingly declared successful. For recorder the vote was: Arnaud, 343; Percy, 326; Pr val, 154; Missonet, 83; Caissergne, 67. Arnaud was declared elected. The new members of the Council were chosen at the same time, with the following result: First ward, Dr. Spencer; Second ward, Alex Choppin; Third ward, Pierre Roger; Fourth ward, J. B. Thierry; Fifth ward, B. Marigny; Sixth ward, James Freret; Seventh ward, Louis Foucher; Eighth ward, Samuel Young.

Girod, fifth mayor of New Orleans, was thus its first regularly elected chief magistrate. He was about sixty-five years of age and looked upon as one of the substantial business men of the city. He had settled in New Orleans in Spanish times and acquired a fortune as a merchant. He owned immense properties above the city, in the vicinity of Girod Street. He made his home, however, in the Vieux Carré , in a house which still stands at the corner of Chartres and St. Louis. He died almost forgotten on September 1, 1840, when, in chronicling his interment, the editor of the Bee commented with melancholy indignation upon the fact that only a few intimate friends assembled to follow to the grave one who deserved better of his fellow citizens. His name is remembered in New Orleans in connection with two matters which may be convenient dealt with here, though a little out of the proper chronological order. The first is a legend which represents him as promoting in conjunction with Dominique You a scheme to rescue Napoleon from his captivity at St. Helena. It is said that the once magnificent residence at the corner of St. Louis and Chartres was erected by Girod for the reception of the emperor, who was to be brought to the p94city by You, on board a swift-sailing yacht provided for the purpose by the conspirators. The death of the emperor, which occurred before the rescue could be effected, is said to have prevented an attempt to put this fantastic plan into execution. The only basis for the legend which has been discovered is the fact that when Napoleon escaped from Elba the news reached New Orleans while the leading citizens were assembled at the St. Philip Theater at a dramatic performance there. The wildest enthusiasm prevailed; the entertainment broke up and the excited populace, amongst whom Napoleon was extremely popular, collected at the Cabildo. The impression was current that the emperor would make for America; nowhere could he count upon so warm a welcome or feel himself so entirely at home as in New Orleans. Mayor Girod made a speech in which he dwelt on these ideas, and announced that he would place his own residence at the disposition of the illustrious exile upon his arrival. The house said to have been erected especially for the emperor was, unfortunately for the story, erected some years previously.9 The other matter which keeps green in New Orleans the memory of Girod is the famous legacy which at his death it was found that he had left to the mayor, as custodian, for the purpose of establishing an institution for the support and education of orphans of French parentage. The will assigned $100,000 for this purpose. The bequest was, however, made the subject of litigation; the city only received $28,000, and that was frittered away without realizing the benevolent purposes which suggested the legacy. The four years of Girod's administration were uneventful except insofar as concerns the war of 1812. That war was unfortunate for New Orleans. It came at a juncture when the future seemed to offer almost limitless prosperity. The Spanish-American countries bordering on the Gulf of Mexico were beginning to free themselves from the yoke of the mother country. Once independent, they promised to be valuable customers of New Orleans. The invention of cotton-handling machinery made it certain that cotton would be one of the world's chief staples. p95New Orleans was already one of the principal centers of the cotton business. The introduction of steam-navigation on the Mississippi River opened boundless vistas of commercial expansion in the Mississippi Valley. All this, however, was postponed by the war. The embargo and the British blockade caused extensive business depression in New Orleans. In April, 1813, the paralysis of commerce compelled the local banks to suspend specie payment on their notes. Money became hard to get. People paid 3 to 4 percent per month on loans. The Creek Indians went on the warpath in Mississippi and Alabama, burning and murdering indiscriminately. A "crevasse" overflowed a portion of the town. Bands of drunken Choctaw Indians perambulated the city streets. The authorities were loath to restrain them for fear of provoking a rising which would lead to a repetition in Louisiana of tragedies such as that at Fort Mimms. A series of incendiary fires produced a state of general alarm. Amidst all these anxieties there was a recrudescence of the "batture" trouble. In this condition of affairs the arrival of occasional prizes taken by the American privateers, occasioned only a passing relief from the prevailing apprehension, discord, and despondency. The first of these prizes was the ship, "Jane," from Glasgow, taken in January, 1813, by the American schooner, "Spy." The "Jane" was a smart vessel which mounted 12 guns and her capture was a clever exploit, in line with the achievements of the American navy in the Atlantic.

The management of the war by the American government was not brilliant. It was attempted to confine the hostilities to Canada. For the benefit of the army on the northern frontier, New Orleans was stripped of part of the little garrison necessary for its protection. The British, on the other hand, were keenly appreciative of the importance of New Orleans as a strategic point in the campaign. Early in the war the Canadian newspapers announced that a great expedition was organizing against the city. The government ignored these rumors until the enemy was virtually at the mouth of the Mississippi. Wilkinson, who was assigned to the command at New Orleans early in the war, was soon relieved and sent to the Canadian frontier. When the foe finally appeared, Claiborne could rely only on some 700 regular soldiers, and a small force of militia. A flat-bottomed frigate which was destined to carry 42 guns was on the ways at Tchefuncta, on the opposite side of Lake Pontchartrain, but she was less than half-finished, and therefore useless. To patrol — nearly 600 miles of coast there were available only one sloop-of-war and six gunboats. Fort St. Philip, on the Mississippi, — about seventy-five miles below New Orleans, was an unimportant work. At the Rigolets, barring the most likely route of an enemy against the city, Fort Petites Coquilles was incomplete and only partially defensible. At the mouth of Bayou St. John a tiny work dating from Spanish times was a negligible element in the system of defense. Later on, two small vessels, the "Louisiana" and the "Carolina," the latter a schooner, were put in service on the Mississippi. The latter, especially, did valiant service until destroyed by a hot-shot from one of the enemy's batteries.

Claiborne was a man of peace. He lacked the iron firmness, the uncompromising resolution which were necessary to hold the fractious city under control at this critical juncture. He had, however, done his best to prepare for eventualities. He had appealed for re-enforcements to the officials in the adjacent States, but none came till the last moment. p96He had, therefore, to depend upon the Louisiana militia. These troops, so far as the country contingents were concerned, showed an excellent spirit; but in the city they evinced a most discouraging lack of zeal and ability to comprehend the serious nature of the crisis which impended. Only after three imperative calls was the Governor successful in getting the city companies into the field. The first effort was made on a requisition for troops from the commander of the United States forces in the Seventh Military District, of which Louisiana formed a part. This was in February, 1814. It not only proved abortive, but nearly involved a bloody clash between the city companies and a contingent of 400 country militiamen who had been collected at the Magazine Barracks on the opposite side of the city. These men offered their services to coerce the insubordinate city commands into doing their duty. The offer was fiercely resented in New Orleans. Only the tactful refusal of Claiborne averted bloodshed. The city companies for the most part flatly refused to volunteer or be drafted. A few signified their willingness to serve in the State; a number were ready to serve in the city, but none were prepared to fight under American officers, and all insisted that they should be relieved at frequent intervals. Something may be said in defense of their unpatriotic and illogical behavior. Wilkinson's dictatorship of 1804 had left behind a bad impression of the American officer. The ill-success of the wars far did not tend to breed confidence in the national government. But their course naturally created grave doubts in Claiborne's and, later, in Jackson's minds.

Claiborne was a man of peace. He lacked the iron firmness, the uncompromising resolution which were necessary to hold the fractious city under control at this critical juncture. He had, however, done his best to prepare for eventualities. He had appealed for re-enforcements to the officials in the adjacent States, but none came till the last moment. p96He had, therefore, to depend upon the Louisiana militia. These troops, so far as the country contingents were concerned, showed an excellent spirit; but in the city they evinced a most discouraging lack of zeal and ability to comprehend the serious nature of the crisis which impended. Only after three imperative calls was the Governor successful in getting the city companies into the field. The first effort was made on a requisition for troops from the commander of the United States forces in the Seventh Military District, of which Louisiana formed a part. This was in February, 1814. It not only proved abortive, but nearly involved a bloody clash between the city companies and a contingent of 400 country militiamen who had been collected at the Magazine Barracks on the opposite side of the city. These men offered their services to coerce the insubordinate city commands into doing their duty. The offer was fiercely resented in New Orleans. Only the tactful refusal of Claiborne averted bloodshed. The city companies for the most part flatly refused to volunteer or be drafted. A few signified their willingness to serve in the State; a number were ready to serve in the city, but none were prepared to fight under American officers, and all insisted that they should be relieved at frequent intervals. Something may be said in defense of their unpatriotic and illogical behavior. Wilkinson's dictatorship of 1804 had left behind a bad impression of the American officer. The ill-success of the wars far did not tend to breed confidence in the national government. But their course naturally created grave doubts in Claiborne's and, later, in Jackson's minds.

New Orleans was full of elements of which, to say the least, the loyalty remained to be proved. The Santo Domingans, who, as we have seen, constituted nearly one-half of the population, were newcomers, unfamiliar and possibly unsympathetic with American ideas. There was an English faction which could be expected to support the enemy, if not actively, then passively. The Spanish could not be relied upon; in fact, they were Spanish fishermen, who guided the British forces through the swamps to the solid lands along the Mississippi River, and thereby greatly facilitated their attack. The Baratarian pirates were possible enemies. In spite of the fact that they were outlaws, Jean and Pierre Lafitte frequented the public places in the city, ignoring the officers of the law, and encouraged by the populace, not a few of whom profited by their illicit trade. There was every reason to suppose that they would co-operate with the Britain in an attempt against a government which menaced their existence. The destruction of their stronghold at Barataria was a necessary element in the defense of the city. Commodore Patterson and Colonel Ross, both regular United States officers, were sent to the city to do this. In the meantime the British had established themselves at Apalachicola, on the Gulf Coast, and were in touch with the Baratarians. The commander, Nicholls, offered the pirate chieftain a captaincy in the British army and $30,000 for his aid. But one of the deepest emotions in Jean Lafitte's dark heart was a hatred of the English. Either this sentiment, or, as was believed at the time, a desire to forestall Pattison's and Ross' expedition, led him now to lay Nicholls' letter before Claiborne, with a tender of his own and his men's services, coupled with the proviso that, in case of acceptance, all prescriptions against them should be annulled.b Claiborne was in favor of accepting p97the proposal, but a council which he assembled for the purpose, after much deliberation, thought otherwise; and Pattison and Ross fitted out their expedition, and, in September, broken up the pirate settlement and dispersed its inhabitants. The pirates fled in various directions; some found refuge in New Orleans, and added a further perplexity to the already complicated situation which Claiborne had to face.

In March, Claiborne had to suppress a filibustering expedition against Texas. In April came news of the fall of Paris and the abdication of Napoleon. This meant that England was now free to devote her undivided attention to the American war. On the other hand, in July, the Creeks sued for peace. With the termination of the Creek war disappeared the danger long feared by Claiborne of a rising of the Choctaws. Another fortunate development followed. This was the appointment of Gen. Andrew Jackson to take command at New Orleans, and the announcement that he would be in the city in a short time.

Jackson's Headquarters, New Orleans Jackson, however, had first to brush away the British from Pensacola, where they had established themselves with the tacit approval of the Spanish commandant. He conducted a campaign with that end in view in the autumn, and was completely successful. But these operations necessarily delayed his arrival in New Orleans. Pending his advent p98everything there went from bad to worse. A little body of patriotic citizens assembled at the Tr monlet Hotel on September 15 with Edward Livingston as president, and after passing appropriate resolutions formed themselves into a committee to co-operate with the authorities in matters relating to the public defense. A few days later a rival body with Roffignac as president was formed for the same purpose. The two were soon embroiled in hot disputes over foolish questions of precedence and authority, and checkmated each other's plans of usefulness. About the same time Claiborne convened the State Legislature to take action upon a request from Jackson that the militia be got ready for immediate service; but it, too, became involved in interminable controversies, and frittered away the precious time without accomplishing anything. The absurdity of its conduct finally stirred one of the members, Louallier, of Opelousas, to an indignant arraignment of his fellow-members. "Are we so situated that we have no dangers to dread? [. . .] Shall we always confine ourselves to letters and proclamations?" he asked, impatiently. "Are we always to witness the several departments entrusted with our defense languishing in a state of inactivity, hardly to be excused even in the most peaceful times? No other evidence of patriotism is to be found than a disposition to avoid every expense, every fatigue. Nothing as yet has been performed. It is the duty of the Legislature to give the necessary impulse." Everywhere was visible the need of a real leader; and he was at hand.

Jackson reached the city on December 1. His rough manners and imperious tone offended the Creoles, but his energy, persistence, and serene self-confidence speedily begot a spirit of confidence on all sides. Then, all at once, the community found itself. The city shook off its lethargy. The cantankerous spirit of the last few months evaporated. In its place appeared a zeal, patriotism and self-sacrifice which is all the more startling and all the more moving because of the stubborn fractiousness which preceded it. Here was a man who knew his own mind, and spoke with authority, and immediately everybody was glad to obey. The Legislature busied itself getting together money to put at the disposal of the commander for building fortifications. It called on slave-owners to place their negroes at his orders for the same purpose. Many promptly complied. The women went to work making uniforms and providing comforts for the troops. The French consul, the Chevalier de Tousac who had served in the Revolution, was precluded by his office from participating personally in the campaign, but he urged his compatriots to enroll. Among those who thus enlisted in the American army was General Humbert, one of Napoleon's veterans, who had commanded the French army that invaded Ireland, in 1798. About the time that Burr visited New Orleans he had come to the city to make it his home thenceforward to his death in 1823. p99 Another veteran was named Roche. He had served under Napoleon in Egypt. He was of great service in equipping and drilling the militia. When Jackson reviewed the troops immediately after his arrival, Roche's battalion was the "only perfectly armed, well equipped and really well disciplined battalion in the local forces." One old Frenchman whose age made it impossible to join the army, sent 700 coats, valued at $4,000, as his contribution to the good cause. Lafitte renewed his offer of service, and Jackson, who had in one of his proclamations issued from Mobile had denounced the Baratarians as "hellish banditti,"c but who had the virtue of inconsistency, promptly accepted him, and assigned his men to the artillery, or sent them to man the forts. Jackson had brought with him a small force of frontiersmen. He was re-enforced in December by Carroll with 2,500 Tennesseans, and by Coffee with 1,200 more. In all his forces were between 6,000 and 7,000 men when the time of action finally arrived. At present his care was to strengthen the fortifications. He visited the river forts, reconnoitered the country around the city, and ordered all bayoux and irrigation — ? or drainage — ? canals leading through the swamps in the vicinity of the city to be obstructed or filled in. This order was vitally important; it was slackly carried out. The officer responsible for its execution was left exonerated from all blame by a court-martial; it is not clear whose negligence was responsible for a failure which enabled the British to approach unmolested within easy striking distance of the city.

Other steps taken by Jackson which may be attributed to his want of confidence in the fickle population of the city, gave great offense there. He proposed, for instance, that the writ of habeas corpus be suspended, and that the State Legislature adjourn. The former was desirable in order to facilitate Pattison's impressment of sailors; the latter seemed necessary to avoid the danger of divided authority. Claiborne pointed out to the Legislature that this was no time for calm deliberation and the making of laws; but the legislators got the idea that it was a patriotic duty to remain in session. Jackson got around the awkward situation by proclaiming martial law. All strangers thereafter had on arrival to report themselves at the office of the adjutant-general; no one and no vessel might leave the city without a passport; all the street lights were extinguished at 9 P.M., and good citizens were expected to be indoors at that hour. This difference with the Legislature led to important developments, as we shall see later on. Meanwhile, Jackson distributed his men with great judgment. The Garrison at Spanish Fort was increased. Major Lacoste and a company of colored men, and one from Feliciana, were stationed at Gentilly, to defend the road from Chief Menteur. The city was under the control of General Labatut. He had a force of veterans under him, largely men who were by age incapacitated from more exacting service in the field. Jackson gave a captain's commission to a Negro named Savary, and directed him to raise a corps of free men of color. This command was attached to Major D'Aquin's regiment of militia. The command of all the Negro troops was given to Colonel Fortier. They did good service in the engagements which were shortly to occur. Savary's men distinguished themselves in the fighting p100on December 23, and received special mention in Jackson's orders after that battle. Juzan enlisted all the Choctaw Indians in the vicinity of the city. St. Rome, editor of the Courier de la Louisiane, and St. G me, a French emigr , to whom we shall have occasion to allude again, were put in command of battalions. Maunsell White raised a company of Irishmen. A volunteer company of riflemen was formed by a Virginian named Beale. Beale was a crack marksman and socially prominent. Many Americans enlisted in his command, among others Lewis, Chew, Story, Montgomery, Kenner, Henderson, McCall, Lind, Sheperd, Baker, and Parmelee — ? all men whose names are well remembered to this day. Beale's company was stationed on the Rodriguez Canal. Coffee encamped — four miles above the city. Governor Claiborne, with the First, Second and Fourth Regiments of Louisiana militia, were to cover the approaches of the city from the direction of Gentilly Ridge. The British expedition consisted of over fifty vessels, some of the largest size, like the great Tonnant, 80 guns, which had been one of Nelson's prizes at the battle of the Nile. There were five 74s. The fleet was under the redoubtable Cochrane, whose exploit of burning the capitol at Washington had made his name of dread all along the Atlantic coast. The troops were about 7,500 in number, under Gen. Sir John Pakenham, a distinguished soldier, who had won his knighthood by leading a singularly gallant charge at Salamanca. The force was divided into three divisions, commanded respectively by Generals Gibbs, Lambert and Keane. It was composed for the most part of veterans of the Peninsula wars, and was splendidly armed and equipped. The first clash between the British and the Americans took place at Fort Bowyer, a small fortification thrown up two years before by Wilkinson, to protect the approaches to Mobile. Here the British were severely repulsed. The next encounter was with a small American flotilla under Captain Jones, which a British scouting expedition ran foul of near Malheureux Island, off the Rigolets, at the entrance to Lake Borgne. The Americans, after a gallant resistance, which cost the assailants near 300 men in killed and wounded, were captured. On the 20th of December a disguised British officer, guided by Spanish fishermen from a settlement on Bayou Bienvenue, reconnoitered the territory below the city as far as the river, and, returning, reported that the city might easily be approached from that direction. Bayou Bienvenue, was a considerable stream which flowed into Lake Borgne from the west. It rose close to the lower suburb of New Orleans. It was habitually used by Spanish and Italian fishermen to get their wares to market. No heed had been given to these humble people; they came and went daily, and thus their treachery was facilitated by an intimate knowledge of the situation in the city. Bayou Bienvenue, was among the streams ordered obstructed; it was one of those ignored in the execution of Jackson's orders. Had these instructions been carried out the British advance might have been retarded until news had had time to reach the contending armies that peace was actually concluded between America and Great Britain on December 24th, and thus the sanguinary affair of January 8th might have been avoided. p101However, this intelligence did not arrive till February 18th. In the meantime, the campaign had been fought and won.

Battle of New Orleans From the print made by Laclotte The British made their way up Bayou Bienvenue, through Bayou Mazant, and by the Viller Canal. On December 23rd, 3,000 British soldiers appeared unexpectedly at the Viller plantation, captured the American outpost there, and found themselves upon the open plain alongside the Mississippi, with nothing between them and New Orleans in the way of fortifications. They were exhausted with the hardships of their journey through the swamps. Therefore it was decided to rest and wait for the arrival of re-enforcements. They were also restrained by the idea which they had received from some of their prisoners, that the Americans in New Orleans numbered 12,000 well-armed troops. Otherwise, it is possible they might have pressed on, taken the town by surprise, and won a brilliant success. The news of their approach was brought to Jackson by young Major Viller , who made his escape from the plantation at the approach of the enemy, and by hard riding reached Jackson's headquarters on Royal Street early in the afternoon. Jackson determined to attack at once. He immediately ordered forward towards the Laronde and Lacoste plantations a detachment of Marines under Major Carmick, who fell, badly wounded, a week later; a corps of artillery, the Mississippi Dragoons, the Orleans Riflemen, the Tennesseans, Major Plauch 's battalion of militia, and the free men of color — ? in all about 1,200 men. The "Carolina" also dropped down the river. At 7 P.M. this vessel opened an unexpected fire on the British position. Jackson attacked all along the line. The engagement which followed, while a hot one, reflected little credit upon the generalship of either commander. The British right attempted to outflank Jackson's left, but fell in with a division under General Coffee, and was only saved p102from capture by an unfortunate order, which restrained Creoles at the moment when they were about to charge with the bayonet. The night was very dark and foggy. Companies lost themselves. Some fired into their friends by mistakes. There were long series of hand-to-hand combats. Under cover of the smoke and fog, the British withdrew towards the Viller plantation. They were saved from a serious disaster by the arrival of their main body, which, hearing in the distance, the sound of firing, had hastened its advance up the bayoux, and pressed forward to the support of the sorely-beset advance guard. The loss was over 400. The American loss was 24 killed, 115 wounded, and 75 prisoners.

Jackson, on his part, fell back at daybreak — about two miles nearer the city and took up a position along a canal which ran from the river towards the swamp. This was known as Rodriguez's Canal. It was a little drainage ditch, partly overgrown with grass, which had to be largely re-excavated in order to make it a definite military obstacle. This was to be the permanent American line. It was only — four miles from the city. There is an interesting story to the effect that in selecting this position Jackson was influenced by the advice of Livingston, who was now serving on his staff, and St. G me, to whom allusion has already been made. In 1804 the celebrated French General Moreau paid a visit to New Orleans. He rode over much of the adjacent country. One day, on passing this particular place, accompanied by St. G me, he had commented on its advantages from a military point of view, and said that, if New Orleans were ever attacked, there was the spot where the enemy could be most effectively resisted. This remark was now repeated to Jackson, and is said to have determined his decision. During the subsequent days preparations for the defense went rapidly on. A low breastwork was thrown up all the way from the river to the woods. In the woods less care was taken to fortify the line. Some cotton bales belonging to a merchant resident in New Orleans were seized and incorporated into the fortifications, apparently to face the embrasures where the artillery was placed. Jackson established his headquarters in a plantation residence just inside the lines belonging to a Mr. Montgomery. During the subsequent fighting this building was struck repeatedly by cannon-balls, some of which remained imbedded in its walls, where they were seen more than twenty years later, neatly gilded by the then owner of the property.

Rodriguez Canal Along the Line of Which General Jackson Posted His Troops at the Battle of New Orleans, January, 1815 The weather was very bad — ? cold and wet. The British suffered keenly from it, and from the scarcity of supplies. Jackson had had the foresight to remove everything possible from the vicinity. Their foraging parties therefore had constantly to push farther and farther afield, as far, in fact, as Detour des Anglais, and usually with small success. The miry ground made it difficult to bring up their heavy guns. Jackson caused the levee to be cut in hopes that the rising river would flood the country and drive the enemy away; but the water only served to swell the current p103in the canals and bayoux, and in this way facilitated the labors of the enemy without covering the country, as Jackson had expected would happen. Pakenham arrived on the 25th. On the 27th the destruction of the "Carolina" relieved the British from a serious annoyance. No longer exposed to its batteries, they were enabled to push forward to the Bienvenu and Chalmette plantations. The loss of the schooner was made up to the Americans in part by Pattison's establishing a battery on the other side of the river, which, fitted with guns from the "Louisiana," did good service from this time on.

Jackson kept two regiments in advance of his position, mainly on the Laronde place. These scouts ascertained that great activity was in progress in the British camp. It was clear that attack was to be expected. This came on the morning of the 28th. The British numbered about 5,000 men. Jackson had now in line about 4,000 men. The superior artillery fire of the Americans pulverized the British attack, and it recoiled after suffering a loss of between 200 and 300 men. The American loss was 7 killed and 10 wounded. On the night of December 31st the British erected three "demilunes" in front of the American position, partly of earth, but strengthened with hogsheads of sugar requisitioned from adjacent sugar-houses. Heavy guns from the fleet were mounted here. The infantry fell back, and left to these formidable engines the task of breaking the American lines. The firing began early in the morning and lasted one and a half hours. For a time the American line was thrown into confusion by the British fire, and especially by the rockets, a form of missile quite new to the backwoodsmen and Creoles, some of which set fire to the cotton-bales in the American parapet. But You and B luche soon destroyed the British works with a well-directed fire from their batteries, and the anticipated attack was abandoned. That night the British withdrew their undamaged guns.

This failure nerved Pakenham to renewed efforts. It was clear that unless he could carry the American position in one determined assault he must retreat to his ships and acknowledge the campaign a failure. He determined to attack on both sides of the river at once. He himself would command forces operating against Jackson's main position, but Colonel Thornton was assigned to the duty of carrying the American positions on the opposite side of the Mississippi, where General Morgan with a somewhat heterogeneous force, was stationed. In order to get troops across it was necessary to extend the Viller Canal to the river, and bring up barges along that route — ? a heavy task, which required time to complete. Therefore, the final attack was not ready till January 8th. In the meantime Jackson had been re-enforced, and had approximately as many troops at his disposal as the British commander. The morale of the Americans was excellent, and while they lacked the technical training of their opponents, their long experience as hunters and Indian fighters gave them an incomparable advantage. The battle which was now about to take place has a special interest as probably the first fair test of the system of fighting which had till then been in vogue, as compared with the loose, irregular order in which the Americans habitually fought, and which thereafter was gradually adopted throughout the world as the only effective battle formation.

The disposition of the American forces on January 8th is a matter of some interest. On the road along the levee was a battery of artillery p104under Captain Humphrey, U. S. A., supported by St. G me's dragoons. In the most elevated position along the line, — 70 feet from the river bank, was another battery under Lieutenant Norris. — Fifty yards farther towards the woods was B luche's battery, and 20 yards further another under Lieutenant Crawley. Then at an interval of 170 yards was a fifth battery under Colonel Perry and Lieutenant Kerr; and a sixth, at a corresponding interval, was under Lieutenant-General de Flaujac. The eighth battery was in bad condition and unable to render any service during the battle. Here a corporal of artillery was in charge. On the river was a redoubt held by detachments of the Seventh and Forty-fourth Regulars, under Lieutenants Ross and Marant. The line was held thence by the Orleans Riflemen, Major Pierre's detachment of the Seventh Regiment; the colored troops under Majors Plauche, D'Aquin and Lacoste; and beyond these, the remainder of the Forty-fourth Regiment, commanded by Captain Baker. The positions in the woods and swamps on the left were occupied by the troops under Coffee, Carroll, Adair and Bellevue. The right wing was under the general command of Colonel Ross; the left, of General Coffee. The American standard fluttered from a staff planted where the tall shaft of the commemorative monument rears itself today.

A little after daybreak on the morning of the 8th the British moved out of their camps and spread across the level ground, about two-thirds of the distance between the river and the woods. Apparently, about 6,000 men were in line. At 8:30 a rocket went up on the British right as a signal to begin the attack. A single cannon shot from the American line gave the corresponding signal. The foe moved to the attack in perfect order. On the extreme right the advance was so rapid that before the American battery there could fire its third shot the British were in the p105redoubt and had overpowered its defenders; but in a desperate attempt to scale the breastworks beyond, they were repulsed, the commander killed, and the Americans were able to retake the position in part. At the opposite extremity of the line the attack was obviously a feint. Coffee was able easily to repulse the feeble onset. In the center General Gibbs opened the attack under terrific fire from the American guns. The Forty-fourth Regiment was charged with the duty of bringing up the scaling ladders with which it was expected to mount the American parapet. For some unaccountable reason these necessary implements were forgotten. The mistake was discovered only after the troops had come under fire. It was then necessary to halt and wait while the culprit regiment went back to equip itself with the ladders. No more trying position than this of waiting passively under a severe fire; the British stood it as long as human nerves could endure the strain; then Gibbs took the responsibility of ordering the attack pressed home without further delay. The men advanced within 100 yards of the American position, but here they were greeted by a continuous sheet of shot, and began to waver. Only the frantic efforts of their officers held them momentarily in position under the terrible punishment. In the meantime Pakenham led up the Forty-fourth with the missing ladders. The American sharpshooters were concentrating their fire especially upon the officers. Pakenham's horse soon fell. He mounted a small black pony and urged his men forward by his own dauntless example. They struggled into the ditch, set their ladders against the parapet, and attempted to scale the top. It was a valorous attempt, but was met with equal courage, and after a moment of desperate effort broke and recoiled. Keane now ordered up a regiment of Highlanders hitherto held in reserve; the whole line led by him, Gibbs and Pakenham in person, surged forward, only to recoil again at the very foot of the American works. Pakenham, struck by a charge of grape shot, fell mortally wounded; Keane was disabled, and when Lambert arrived on the field with the reserves, he could do nothing but cover the retreat of men hopelessly shattered and making for cover. The British loss was over 2,000 men, of whom 289 were killed. The American loss was 71, including only 13 men killed. The only point at which the British entered the American lines was at the river redoubt. The battle had lasted not more than 25 minutes.

On the opposite side of the river the British, however, scored a success which, but for the death of Pakenham, and the resulting discouragement and disorganization of the army, might have been improved into a decisive advantage. Thornton was expected to cross the river on the night of the 7th, surprise Morgan, and as soon as this was done signal by means of rockets the fact to the British main body, which would then deliver its attack on Jackson's position. While the Americans would be busy with the attack on their front, Thornton would move up, recross the river, and cut off Jackson from the city. Unfortunately, the barges necessary for this movement were not all got up through the Viller Canal, owing to the collapse of its banks, and only three-fourths of the force allotted to Thornton ever became available for the execution of the manoeuvers. The current of the river swept the little flotilla down far below the point of intended landing, with the result that the attack on Morgan was delivered many hours late. Gibbs, having waited in vain for the concerted p106signal from across the river, was finally compelled to attack without it; with the result already described. Morgan's men rested upon Patterson's redoubt with its battery of naval guns. His force broken at the first onslaught. They fell back in disorder as far as Verret's Canal, in what is now the Fifth District (Algiers) of New Orleans. The British captured a flag which was afterwards hung up at Whitehall, in London, as a trophy of the battle. Thornton's men remained at the redoubt, inactive, till the next day, when they recrossed the river.

The only other incident of the campaign was a feeble attempt on the part of the British fleet to ascend the river and pass Fort St. Philip.d This attempt was abandoned on the 18th. Lambert had enough to do to get his beaten army away. He was unable to return by way of the bayou, as he had come, on account of the loss of many of his boats. He was compelled to build a road along the bank from the battlefield to Lake Borgne. This took some days. It was January 18th before he was in a position to abandon the scene of the disaster. His heavy guns were spiked; campfires were left lighted, and stuffed uniforms were substituted for the sentinels as they were withdrawn — ? all to deceive the watchful enemy. The following morning, however, General Humbert, inspecting the British line with a telescope from the attic of the Montgomery house, saw birds perched upon the figures of what he supposed to be sentries. He guessed at once what the British had done. The intelligence was communicated to Jackson. The news was confirmed an hour or two later by an officer who arrived under a flag of truce to ask that the wounded whom the retreating British had been forced to abandon, should be cared for. This of course was done. The British fleet, however, did not disappear from American waters for nearly a month longer. It sailed March 17, and arrived to deliver its passengers in Europe in time to participate in the Battle of Waterloo, where Lambert especially distinguished himself.

On January 21st Jackson ordered most of his troops back to the city, leaving guards at the exposed points. But the army was not disbanded. He himself removed his headquarters to the Marigny Mansion, on Victory Street, where he remained until the celebration of the victory on the 23rd. On the latter occasion a triumphal arch was erected in the Place d'Armes; pretty Creole girls dressed to represent the States scattered flowers before the victors' feet, and a Te Deum was sung in the cathedral. For a moment it looked as though in the glory of the victory all the rancors that had preceded it had been forgotten. But on February 2nd, when the State Legislature adopted a resolution of thanks to the gallant volunteers from Kentucky, Tennessee and Mississippi who had done so much to insure the victory, there was no mention of Jackson, who had done most of all. That resolution was significant of a situation which may here be but briefly described.

Jackson was not officially notified of the conclusion of the war until March 13th. Unofficially, he had news to that effect as early as February 13th. On that date Cochrane wrote him that he had received the intelligence in a bulletin from Jamaica. The citizens saw no reason why under such circumstances the army should not be disbanded and martial law p107rescinded at once. Jackson thought otherwise. The fact was that the misunderstandings between Jackson and the Legislature had left behind a harvest of mutual distrust. On December 23rd a rumor had been circulated in New Orleans that in case of defeat Jackson intended to burn the city. Of course, any such action would have worked untold hardship upon the population. A committee of the Legislature was sent down to Jackson's headquarters to ascertain the truth. The general fell into a great rage. There was no foundation for the report. It would have been wiser for the commander to have explained this to his interrogators. "If I thought that the hair of my head knew my thoughts," he exclaimed, by way of only answer, "I would cut it off and burn it." And he bade the committee return and say, that if driven from his lines and compelled to retreat through New Orleans, "Your honorable body [. . .] will have a warm time of it." Murmurs, reproaches, questions crossed each other. The debate which followed in the Legislature was represented to Jackson as an exhibition of disloyalty. He instructed Claiborne to close the assembly, which was done, and for twenty-four hours Labatut's men kept guard at the portals and prevented the members from entering. Then Jackson, having been furnished with a copy of the proceedings, and realizing that an unjustifiable construction had been put upon them, cancelled his order and the Legislature resumed its meetings. But the incident served to increase the local feeling against the general.

This unfortunate controversy was supplemented by a series of events which followed after the successful close of the campaign. Jackson involved himself in heated controversy by his act in arresting the editor of the "Louisiana Gazette" for publishing news of the peace; prematurely, as Jackson thought. The desire of the French who had enlisted to be mustered out led them to apply to their consul. Jackson suspected that this official lent his office to the service of other than those rightfully entitled to its protection, and expelled Tousac from the city. Louallier published a vehement protest against Jackson's conduct in refusing to disband the army or terminate the martial law. Jackson ordered him arrested as a spy. Judge Dominique Hall, who issued a writ of habeas corpus in favor of Louallier, was promptly consigned to a cell in the barracks for aiding in the "mutiny." The clerk of court was threatened with the same fate when he tried to issue the writ on the plea that his official duty required him to obey the order of the judge. The marshal of the court was met with similar menaces when he attempted to serve the writ. It must be confessed that Jackson's conduct in these matters was arbitrary and irritating. Nevertheless, as a soldier, it was not in his power to disband the army until officially directed to do so. The propriety of continuing the martial law may be debated. The general paralysis of business, and the fact that some of the families of men detained in the service were in want, would probably have justified a milder and more conciliatory course. But Jackson was first of all a soldier, with no very sympathetic feeling for the civilian point of view. Dick, the United States District Attorney, who applied to Judge Lewis for a writ of habeas corpus for Judge Hall, was arrested; and Lewis p108for having issued the writ, was likewise taken into custody. Louallier having been tried by court-martial and acquitted was released; the other parties involved in the regrettable squabble were also speedily set at liberty. Finally, on March 15, the official notice of the termination of the war was received, and with it orders to pardon all military offenses. Jackson complied fully and promptly. On March 21st his enemies had their revenge. The general had been haled before Hall's court and fined $1,000 for contempt of court in having resisted its writs. The fine was paid on the spot. Then the gallant soldier's admirers — ? he still had a few in the city which he had saved — ? drew his carriage to Maspero's Exchange — ? where, in a room on the upper floor, he and his officers had planned the campaign — ? and there he made a speech in which he commended to them his own example of submission to lawfully constituted authority.

A few incidents connected with this memorable chapter in the history of Louisiana may be appended here. During the battle the women and children of the city assembled regardless of creed at the chapel of the Ursuline nuns on Chartres Street, and there awaited in tears and prayer the news from the scene of conflict. The Abbe DuBourg implored at the altar the help of the Most High, and asked the intercession of Our Lady of Prompt Succor. How soon and how effectively these supplications were answered has been seen. Jackson gratefully attributed to Providence his signal success, and on his return to the city went in person to the Ursuline convent to thank the community for their intercessions on his behalf. As soon as the British withdrawal was confirmed, he addressed a letter to the Abbe DuBourg in which he asked that there be public services of thanksgiving in honor of the victory.

The battle cost the life of the owner of land upon which it was fought. The scene of the conflict was the Chalmette plantation; it was the property of a wealthy and respected citizen, Ignace Martin, Sieur de Lino de Chalmette, a man of the most distinguished ancestry, whose wife was the daughter of the Marquis de Vaugine. On the approach of the British he and his family were compelled to abandon their stately home. One of his grand-daughters has left a narrative of the terror of that eventful day, when the faithful slaves hastened through Jackson's lines carrying what they could of family plate, crystal, and other valuable heirlooms — ? only part, however, of the splendid furnishings of the building. De Lino found refuge in a small house on Bourbon, between Conti and Bienville. After the battle, on February 2nd, he rode down to his deserted home, only to find that it had been committed to the flames. The loss was irreparable. He was too old to repair his shattered fortunes. Within a few days he passed away and was laid to rest in the St. Louis cemetery.

Jackson remained in the city until April 6th, when he and his family left on a steamboat via the Mississippi on his way to Tennessee. They went by boat as far as Natchez, where the general was detained for a time by the trial of a suit brought against him by Blennerhassett, remembered for his brief connection with Aaron Burr. Otherwise the trip was a p109continuous ovation. He reached the Hermitage in May, there to enjoy the repose which twenty-one months of the most strenuous exertion richly merited.

The labors and anxieties of the war had proven very burdensome also for the mayor of New Orleans, although during all of this critical period the functions of the city government had been limited to the transaction of routine business, and carrying out the measures suggested to it by Claiborne and by Jackson. Girod's private interests had suffered during the long period of depression entailed by the hostilities; now that they were ended, it seemed to him necessary to give his entire time to putting them in order. These various motives led him to send his resignation to the City Council in August, 1815.

The Author’s Notes

1. Civil war. Waring and Cable, Social Statistics of Cities, Report on New Orleans, 37.
2. Mississippi. Martin, "History of Louisiana," 354.
3. terms. Moreau-Lislet, "General Digest of the Acts of the Legislature," 1804-1827, pp118-122. In 1816 this act was amended by the addition of clauses prohibiting any member of the city government from participating directly or indirectly in any contract with the city. In 1818 the date of the election of the mayor and recorder was transferred to the first Monday in May, and the time at which the new officials should take their seats, to the third Monday in September following their election. — ? Ibid., 124-126.
4. successor. The only matter of interest occurring during Trudeau's incumbency was a hurricane which raged over the city on August 19, 1812, doing great damage. He addressed a long message to the council a few days later, giving details of the effect of the storm upon city property.
5. LeBreton Dorgenoy.Louisiana Courier, September 25, 1812.
6. address.Records of the City Council, October 5, 1812, in the New Orleans City Archives.
7. Samuel Young.Louisiana Courier, September 7, 1814.
8. St. Helena.Castellanos, "New Orleans as It Was," 148. Castellanos gives the story on the authority of Mayor John L. Lewis.
9. legacy. Statement to the author of Gaspard Cusachs. See also "Some Bonapartes in America," by H. B. Seebold, M.D., in the New Orleans Catholic Monthly, July, 1915. The author of this paper accepts as a fact the New Orleans plot to rescue Napoleon. "That the Emperor Napoleon I felt it confident of being rescued from the Island of St. Helena is proven by the letter which was written to Joseph Bonaparte while at Bonaparte Park by Marshal Bertrand, constant companion of the Emperor. [. . .] That the scheme was a substantial one is a fact. It started in New Orleans, and had interested parties in St. Louis, Philadelphia, Bordentown and Canada. The originator was a millionaire of St. Louis, named M. Girod,'+BadF+'Girard'+CloseF+' (see further on).',WIDTH,170)" onMouseOut="nd();"> who was a close friend of M. Girod of new Orleans. M. Girod's lieutenant was M. Peugny of St. Louis, who was an ex-officer of Napoleon's army, who had been decorated with the Legion of Honor, being related to Count de Montholon, who shared Napoleon's exile in St. Helena. All was in readiness when news of the Emperor's death reached New Orleans. M. Girod had erected at his own expense a home close to his own (old No. 124 Chartres) and furnished it elegantly, ready to receive the Emperor when he should arrive. The grandsons of M. Peugny, now prominent men of St. Louis, have in their possession documents and souvenirs that came from St. Helena." Dr. Seebold mentions that Prince Charles Louis Napoleon Achille Murat, son of the King of Naples, and nephew of the Emperor, practiced law in New Orleans. He had his office in Exchange Place, and his residence on Esplanade between Bourbon and Dauphine. He died in Tallahassee, Fla., April 18, 1847. A commission made out to Murat is preserved in the State Museum in the Cabildo. It is quite possible that the story of the attempted rescue of Napoleon by New Orleans conspirators has arisen from a confusion of the names of Stephen Girard and of Nicholas Girod. Thayer's Note: For a more cogent and detailed account of the apparent plot, and a photograph of the house, see Macartney and Dorrance, The Bonapartes in America, pp263-265. According to the same authors, pp136-137, Achille Murat settled in Florida; and owned a plantation "near Baton Rouge". The same chapter includes an excerpt of Murat's highly unflattering description of New Orleans, p140.
10. intervals.Gayarr , "History of Louisiana," IV, 322-324.
11. face.arton, "Life of General Andrew Jackson," I, Chap. LIV. See also Harper's Magazine, "The Defense of New Orleans," January, 1865.
12. usefulness. Waring and Cable, Social Statistics of Cities, Report on New Orleans, 39.
13. impulse. Martin, Louisiana, 369.
14. 1823 Humbert was interred in the Girod Street Cemetery. When in the '80s that burying ground was reduced in size along one side in order to widen a street, his tomb was dismantled. His skull was preserved by the late Maj. W. M. Robinson, afterwards city editor of the New Orleans Picayune. Humbert had been a prominent Mason, and this relic found an appropriate resting place in the rooms of the Polar Star lodge. The rest of the skeleton was cast into the common resting-place to which were consigned the dead dispossessed in the process of the rearrangement of the cemetery, and forgotten. The fate of the skull is likewise involved in mystery. — ? Statement of W. M. Robinson to author.
15. forces. Heloise Hulse Cruzat, in Times-Picayune, January 10, 1915.
16. city. Waring and Cable, Social Statistics, 40; Harper's Magazine, "Defense of New Orleans," January, 1865.
17. Ridge Heloise Hulse-Cruzat, Times-Picayune, January 10, 1915. These dispositions were changed as the campaign developed.
18. captured. The American loss is variously stated; some authorities give forty-two killed and wounded. Phelps, however, says sixty men were killed. — ? Louisiana, 267.
19. Jackson. Castellanos, "New Orleans as It Was," 72. There is no reason to question Castellanos' statement. He had opportunities to converse with persons who took part in the battle, and gives the story as an "historical fact."
20. placed. Nolte, "Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres," 216.
21. Mr. Montgomery. Waldo's Illustrated Visitors' Guide to New Orleans, 17.
22. property. Heloise Hulse Cruzat, in Times-Picayune, January 10, 1915. An interesting fact connected with this building, which still stands, in a good state of preservation, is that it was here that Lafayette was received when he visited New Orleans.
23. minutes. Parton, "Life of Jackson," II, 206.
24. onslaught. Parton, "Life of Jackson," II, 213-217.
25. battle. Seymour, "The Story of Algiers," 11; Parton, 217.
26. 23rd. Waldo, Illustrated Visitors' Guide, 17. This book was the work of John Dimitry.
27. law. Courier de la Louisiane, March 3, 1815.
28. cemetery. Heloise Hulse Cruzat in Times-Picayune, January 10, 1915.
29. Burr. Parton, "Life of Jackson," II, 328.

Chapter VI: Author's Notes

1. Charles Trudeau served as the acting mayor of New Orleans in 1812 (May 16, 1812 — October 8, 1812.
2. crevasse A deep open crack.
3. Bayou Bienvenue.a 12.1-mile-long bayou in southeastern Louisiana.

Text prepared by:

• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage
• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux

Footnotes completed by:

• Elizabeth Thomas
• Angel Stringfellow-Singleton

Chapter VII
Macarty and Roffignac

Auguste Macarty, who served the city as mayor from September 7, 1815 to May 1, 1820, was a member of an influential Creole family allied by marriage to one of the last Spanish Governors, Miro. Another relative was L. B. Macarty, who served as Secretary of State under Governor Claiborne in 1812; and still another was the aristocratic Mademoiselle Macarty, whose vast plantation just above the city ultimately became the site of the suburban town of Carrollton, and is now part of the Seventh District. The resignation of Girod had, as we have seen, brought Macarty to the Principal as acting mayor; it was now necessary to hold a special election for an officer to fill out the unexpired testimony. "Mr. A. Macarty will receive the suffrages of a great number of the citizens of New Orleans for mayor at the election which takes place in September next," ran a paragraph in the Louisiana Gazette on August 22nd, 1815, announcing his candidacy. The election took place on September 7th, and resulted in Macarty's election without opposition. Col. P. F. Dubourg, who had been mentioned as a rival candidate by certain "citizens fond of good order and a strict observance of the laws,"1 withdrew from the contest in the latter part of August. That Macarty filled this provisional term with credit to himself and satisfaction to his constituency may be inferred from the fact that in the following year, at the regular election, he was again elected mayor. On this occasion he was opposed by Ferdinand Percy, whom he defeated by the extraordinary disparate vote of 813 to 87. At this election the candidates for the council were Nathan Morse, Zenon Cavalier, Fran ois Dreux, Eug ne Laveau, Edmond M ance, J. B. Plauch , James Freret, Thomas Bryant and S. C. Young. These were all elected. For recorder the candidates were J. Soulie, Felix Arnaud, James Sterrett and Zenon Cavalier. Soulie was elected, receiving 813 votes. His next nearest competitor, Arnaud, received 12 votes.

Macarty's first term was signalized by an outbreak of a disease which we now recognize as yellow fever, but which the medical knowledge of that day was not sufficient to recognize. The Medical Society, after long debate, pronounced it "American typhus." The mortality appears to have been considerable. The measures to counteract the spread of the disease were pathetic in their inefficiency; as, for example, the watering of the streets, which was undertaken as a sanitary procedure calculated to eradicate the fever. It was believed that the epidemic was brought to the city from Havana, and an official inquiry was addressed to the Governor at that city, with a view to collect information on the subject for future use, but it elicited merely the reply that no unusual diseases prevailed in that city, and that the infection could not have proceeded thence. An important consequence of this visitation was the creation of the first Board of Health in the history of the city, which came into existence in 1817, under an act of the Legislature, the provisions of which p111were certainly comprehensive. It required that all premises be kept clean, that oysters be not sold from May to September; that no refuse be allowed to accumulate in drains or gutters; that slaughter houses in the city limits be licensed and inspected, and all unauthorized slaughtering of animals be stopped; that dressed meat in transit through the streets be kept covered, and that no burials be made except in the public cemeteries. The public markets were, moreover, required to close at noon, in order that they might be thoroughly cleaned; and a contract was made for the proper collection of garbage and street cleanings; the collector having a bell at the neck of his horse in order that householders might have warning of his approach and set out the refuse which they desired to have carried away. These regulations were enforced by the police. A species of quarantine was also instituted, under which the mayor had the right to prevent the landing from the shipping of anything deemed injurious to health. The Board of Health operated till 1819, when the law under which it existed was repealed, and the Governor of the State was invested with the right to establish quarantine by proclamation. In that year, also, a registrar was appointed for the Parish of Orleans to compile the statistics of births and deaths. He was empowered to charge a fee for his services in this particular. Hitherto the collection of vital statistics had been in the hands of the clergy.

Otherwise, the first term of Mayor Macarty was occupied with the routine business of the city, the character of which may be inferred from an enumeration of the more important ordinances passed during this time. In October, 1815, for example, the contract was let for the collection of the tax on gambling houses, which tax went to the support of the Charity Hospital. Other ordinances dealt with the details of paving; the carting of firewood; port charges;6 the fees for public balls;7 the compensation to be made for houses torn down to prevent the spread of fire; regulating gambling houses;8 granting quarters to a society organized to promote a library;9 prohibiting bathing in the Mississippi in front of the city during daylight;10 prohibiting the erection of wooden houses within the city limits;11 requiring the citizens to clear their premises of the deposits left by the long-standing water from the Macarty crevasse;12 prohibiting any interference with the "natural drainage;"13 regulating the p112hire of slaves by the day;14 and providing a system of house numbering.15 Annually an ordinance was passed regulating the price of bread.16 A good deal of attention was paid to the public amusements. There were several ordinances in which attempts were made to regulate balls and theatrical performances, which appear to have constituted chief diversions of the day. The ordinance on the theaters is of sufficient interest to warrant a description here. It provides that no person might open a theater without having first procured a license from the mayor, who likewise should prescribe the day and hour at which the performances might take place. The interior of the building should be carefully swept between performances, and as soon as the doors were opened, must be lighted; and these lights must not be extinguished until the spectators had all departed. Tickets should be sold only in proportion to the seating capacity of the auditorium. During the performance the doors between the auditorium and the parts of the house "behind the scenes" should be kept closed, and only members of the management and of the police force might penetrate into that mysterious professional arcanum. All plays must be submitted to the mayor in advance of production, and receive his approbation, which should not be extended to any composition such as might tend to "corrupt the morals or disturb the public tranquillity." The penalty for failure in this regard was a fine of from $20 to $100; the mayor might, moreover, at his discretion take steps to prevent the performance, or even close the theater altogether. Any actor or actress who failed to appear when his part required, unless prevented by "unforeseen accident," or who committed "any indecorous action," or was "wanting in respect to the public," was liable to a fine of from $5 to $50. Persons entering the theater without a ticket were, on detection, to be fined not less than $5 or more than $15. The audience was forbidden to behave "boisterously," to leave the seats while the curtain was raised, or to "shriek or use improper language." Moreover, it was required to leave when so required, or run the risk of arrest and a fine of from $10 to $50 per person. No white person might occupy seats set aside for colored spectators, or vice versa, under heavy penalties. Moreover, carriages waiting outside for spectators must observe an order of precedence to be fixed by the mayor. Guards to prevent the peace went on duty half an hour before the entertainment began. Finally, the management was required to provide tubs filled with water at various points in the building, as a precaution against fire, and keep a "fire engine" ready on all days of performance.17 Another ordinance provides that no spectator may enter a public "spectacle" carrying a stick, cane, sword, sabre, or other arms; all such articles to be deposited at the door with an employee stationed there to receive them.18 p113 We may note in passing an election for aldermen on August 27, 1817, at which the following were elected: First District, H. Landreau; Second District, F. Percy; Third District, P. Urtebuise and F. B. Languille; Fourth District, M. Blache, "ain "; Faubourg Ste. Marie, J. Roffignac; Faubourg Marigny, L. B. Macarty.

The election for mayor in 1818 brought about a spirited contest. The candidates for that office were Nathan Morse, "whose zeal for the public weal needs no eulogium,"19 J. Roffignac, John Chabaud, and Auguste Macarty. Macarty was re-elected. He received 354 votes, as against 222 cast for Morse, 112 for Chabaud, and 69 for Roffignac. There was only one candidate for Recorder — ? Soulie; who was re-elected by 756 votes.20

This second term of Macarty was uneventful. The city was deeply interested in the litigation which arose over the grant made by the State Legislature, in a moment of ill-advised generosity, of the monopoly for steam navigation on the Mississippi for a period of twenty-five years to Livingston and Fulton, in recognition of their enterprise in bringing down the river the steamboat "New Orleans," in 1812. This litigation was carried to the Supreme Court on the ground of unconstitutionality, and ended in the revocation of the grant, greatly to the satisfaction of the commercial interests of New Orleans which saw "the prosperity of the city, so dependent upon the upper country, greatly restricted, if not materially jeopardized," by its existence.21 The Council, at Macarty's suggestion, addressed petitions to the United States Government, soliciting donations of public funds for the Charity Hospital and the College of New Orleans; and to build a lazaretto at English Turn. The last-named request was based upon the allegation that "the disease of the previous summer was introduced from the West Indies," and was apparently motived by the not unreasonable feeling that the national government ought to take steps to prevent a repetition of the event.22

Nothing came of these petitions, nor of a similar petition requesting the building of a custom house "near the center of the town [. . .] on the ground where with stands the arsenal in this city, and near where are situate the magazines."23 In May, 1818, an "Inspector General" of police was appointed under an ordinance of the Council. His duty was to inspect streets and "banquettes" and, generally, to look after the health of the city, as well as to superintend the enforcement of the laws. He may be regarded as the first chief of police in the history of the city. In March, 1819, the city entered into a contract with Benj. H. B. Latrobe, for the erection of water works to be run by steam. Latrobe erected a small building with appropriate equipment on the levee near the French Market, and for many years supplied the city with water for drinking purposes and for public uses. Up to this time drinking water drawn from the river had been hawked about the city by itinerant vendors, who sold four bucketfuls for a "picayune" (6 cents) or a hogshead for 50 cents. The public water supply was derived from shallow wells, which, however, did not supply potable water. Latrobe's enterprise, unpretentious as it p114would seem at the present time, was looked upon as a remarkable improvement upon these antiquated methods of supply.

The repeal of the law establishing the Board of Health has already been alluded to. The opposition to this body was unquestionably based principally upon the idea that its regulations hampered unnecessarily the growth of the port. There was, also, some resentment towards it as a creature of the State Legislature, thus representing the tendency of that body to interfere in purely local matters. This interference was hotly resented at all times in the early history of New Orleans. In the latter part of 1818 the Board proposed to levy the tax which it was empowered by the Legislature to impose, and with that end in view made a demand on the City Council for the assessment rolls. The Council refused to supply the document, on the ground that the board had not been elected by the people of the city, or by the Council, and that the city charter "assured to the citizens the right to appoint the public officers necessary for the administration of the police of the city."24 It seems probable that the inability of the Board to obtain funds as a result of the Council's perfectly correct attitude, was what led to the changes which resulted in the concentration of the quarantine power in the hands of the Governor in 1819.

Other matters which engaged the attention of the city government were embodied in the ordinances which assessed fines on all property-owners whose chimneys caught fire through lack of proper cleaning;25 prohibited the accumulation of combustible materials in public places;26 forbade all persons to carry through the city "banners, pictures and caricatures calculated to disturb the public peace";27 regulated dogs;28 prohibiting slaves from sleeping in houses other than their masters', or hiring rooms in such houses even with the consent of their owners; ordering that all strangers "liable to the prevailing malady" should dwell as much as possible on the outskirts of the city, in huts to be provided gratuitously by the city for their use during the progress of the epidemic of 1817;29 and providing for the payment of physicians to attend the "sick poor" under similar circumstances.30 The interest of the city fathers in public amusements is illustrated by the fact that John Davis, the impresario of the Orleans Theater, applied in October, 1818, for a loan of $15,000 — ? an immense sum for that time — ? to be used in completing his theater; a request which was promptly granted, and a mortgage taken as security.31

The Council, however, was not so ready to pay the salaries of the judges of the Criminal Court; declining to make the necessary appropriations in July, 1818, on the ground that the "funds of the city were to go to certain specified purposes, and the salaries of these judges had nothing to do with the affairs of the police."32 We must note, also, as of interest in this period, the fact that the city accepted from Jean Gravier a donation of a site for a market in the square bounded by St. Charles, Camp, p115Poydras, and Girod;33 and that the people of the Faubourgs Ste. Marie, Delord, Annunciations, and LaCourse were given permission to unite to erect a market house.34

In 1818, also, the limits of the city were extended to the lower boundary of Mlle. Macarty's plantation. The annexed region was made the Eighth Ward.

It will be seen from this survey of Macarty's career as mayor, that it covered a period of municipal growth, although nothing of outstanding importance occurred. The population was steadily increasing. In 1810 the population of the city and its suburbs was 24,552, having trebled since the Cession, under the administration of the American Government.35 In 1815 it had increased to 33,000, and in 1820 to 41,000. Emigration "pressed in from all the States in the Union and from almost every kingdom in Europe." The commerce of the city increased in a corresponding ratio. In 1817, for instance, the products of the rapidly developing Mississippi Valley were delivered at New Orleans in 1,500 flatboats and 500 barges. Four years later there were 287 steamboats, 174 barges and 441 flatboats, but the value of the receipts had jumped to the then impressive figure of nearly $12,000,000 — ? an increase of between $5,000,000 and $7,500,000 in a period of five years; and this in spite of the financial inflation and collapse which swept the country between 1815 and 1819. In fact, New Orleans was now upon the threshold of that era of great prosperity, so long predicted as the consequence of its location; than which, in the language of one of her citizens, none ever existed more suited "for the accumulation of wealth and power."36

During the mayoralty of Count Roffignac New Orleans entered upon that new era. Louis Philippe de Roffignac was born in Angoul me, France. His godfather and godmother were the Duke and Duchess of Orl ans, whose son afterwards ascended the French throne, as Louis Philippe. At fourteen young Roffignac was a page in the duchess' household; at seventeen, he held a commission as lieutenant of artillery in the French army. He first saw service in Spain, under his father, who held an important post in the forces operating in that country. At twenty-four he was promoted captain for gallant and meritorious service in the field. He was in the French army sent to America, and in 1800 found himself in Louisiana. Under the Treaty of Paris, French citizens were entitled to the same privileges of naturalization as natives. He availed himself of the opportunity to identify himself completely with New Orleans, which he ever afterwards regarded as his home. His attachment to the country of his adoption was profound and sincere.

In Louisiana he held many offices of honor and trust. He served ten consecutive terms in the State Legislature. When the Louisiana Legion was formed, in 1822, he became its colonel. He already held the rank of brigadier-general, a rank conferred in recognition of his services in the American army at the battle of New Orleans, seven years before. He was active in business also, serving for a time as director of the State Bank of Louisiana. His connection with the City Council covered a long term of years. He was a member of that body when elected mayor. p116 As his term drew to a close Macarty, weary of the cares of office, announced that he would not be a candidate for re-election. His retirement was followed by a contest which aroused more interest than had previously been known, though, perhaps, judged by present day standards, the canvass was only mildly exciting. At that time it was the custom for candidates to make their ambitions known by a modest announcement in the papers, as we have seen Macarty doing. This usually took the form of a statement that a number of his friends desired to recommend him to the voters as a suitable person to fill the coveted position. There were no primaries and no conventions; on the proper day the voters cast their ballots for whatever candidates they preferred, and the City Council tabulated and announced the result. In this way Roffignac's candidacy was put before the people early in April, 1820. A few days, no less unostentatiously, J. B. Gilly was nominated. Gilly was likewise a member of the city Council. "He cannot rectify all the evils in the police," said the card published by his friends, in the Gazette, on April 20th, "but he can better it." Towards the end of the month, Gallien Pr val also entered the race. The election took place on May 1st. Roffignac received 537 votes, Gilly 388, and Pr val, 112. At the same time Soulie was again chosen Recorder practically by a unanimous vote.37

Roffignac's administration lasted eight years. He was repeatedly re-elected apparently without opposition. On the whole his administration was successful, in spite of many handicaps. He seems to have been the first official in New Orleans to appreciate its dawning commercial importance, and set himself earnestly and laboriously to prepare the city for its coming greatness. The contemporary press is full of accounts of hard work done by him. The timid accused him of extravagance, because he did not hesitate to incur debts in carrying out his ambitious projects. In 1822, for example, he induced the State Legislature to authorize him to issue "city stock" — ? bonds — ? to the amount of $300,000, which were used "exclusively for watering and paving" the city. He restored order to the finances of the city by a policy of systematic retrenchment. Soon after taking office he made a sweeping reduction in salaries, his own included. A little later, by disposing of a large part of the real estate owned by the city on a system of long-time ground rents, he created a new and much needed source of revenue. He gave constant attention to the cleaning of the streets. In the first year of his administration he caused trees to be planted in the Place d'Armes (Jackson Square), which till then had been a bare and somewhat unsightly expanse of untrimmed grass. In the same way he beautified Circus (Congo) Square and the levee in front of the city. A year later Councilman Montgomery, seconding and extending the mayor's efforts, introduced into the Council an ordinance to plant sycamores all around the city, and the town was speedily girdled by beautiful trees, some of which survive to the present time. Roffignac also advocated the extension of the levee in front of the city, and when the project was opposed in the Council, on the ground that funds were lacking with which to pay for the work, a patriotic citizen, Nicholas Girod, offered to do it at his own expense. The city fathers, shamed at this evidence of a public spirit superior to p117their own, gave way, and somewhat reluctantly authorized the expenditure. Attempts were made also to improve the sanitary condition of the city, by developing a natural drain in the rear of the American quarter; widened and deepened a few year later, this became the Melpomene Canal. In 1821, looking in the same direction, a quarantine was established, but having failed to protect the city from the yellow fever, was discontinued in 1825, as ineffective.

Roffignac was a constant advocate of paving the city. Experiments in 1817 in the American quarter had demonstrated the fact that cobblestones could be successfully used, in spite of the alleged instability of the ground. In that year a block on Gravier Street, between Magazine and Tchoupitoulas, had been laid with this material by Benjamin Morgan with satisfactory results. The mayor urged the use of stone pavements in the "Vieux Carré ," as well as in the American quarter. The money obtained from the bond issue of 1822 went in large part for this work. A Northern business man named Scott was induced to take the contract. He paved several of the main streets, including St. Charles, with cobblestones, over which fine gravel was laid; and substantial stone curbing was put along the sidewalks.38 The work, however, does not seem to have been carried very far, as in 1835 we hear that only two streets had been paved through their entire length. Roffignac's work, however, was a great improvement. Parts of it were still in existence thirty years later, when the system of paving with square granite blocks came into vogue. In 1821 the city was lighted for the first time. Posts were erected at the diagonal corners of the principal streets, and twelve large lamps, with reflectors, were swung from them on ropes. This was regarded as a notable example of progress, in a community in which until then every individual abroad after nightfall was compelled to carry his own lantern. The custom of carrying lanterns, however, lingered in New Orleans till 1837.39

The fact that the Legislature held its meetings in New Orleans and possibly for that reason, felt a special interest in its affairs, caused it to continue to pass much purely local legislation, to the renewed chagrin of its people. There was justifiable complaint, for example, when the Legislature granted a monopoly for supplying the city fish. Other acts were more progressive. The law authorizing the Council to fix the wages of day laborers was repealed; the possession of property was made a condition of eligibility for election to the mayoralty, the council, or the recordership. The recorder, for instance, was required to possess property valued at $3,000. On the other hand, the salary attached to this office was raised from $500 to $1.000. The City Council was in 1825 invested with the powers of a Board of Health, the law of 1821, with its elaborate sanitary provisions being thereupon repealed. In Roffignac's time New Orleans was divided into eight wards. In 1821 the rapid growth of the city made it necessary to define the limits of the port. On the left bank it was fixed between the Bourg Declouet (near the present site of the United States Barracks) and Rousseau's plantation; while on the right bank, its upper limit was McDonogh's plantation, and the lower, Duverje's plantation (Algiers).

p118

Throughout his administration Roffignac was troubled by the problem of public order. The police of that and succeeding administrations were wretched.40 Roffignac reorganized the gens d'armes who were included in the police force. Their main duties were to help put out fires, repress tumult, and keep the negro population in a properly submissive state. At that time the city was constantly filled with strangers who came thither in barges and flatboats, with cargoes of flour, corn, cured meats, and other products. They were largely from the Western country. In New Orleans they found a profitable market for their wares. Most of them were honest farmers and traders. But in their wake came hordes of reckless men, gamblers and criminals, who fattened on the river business and settled in numbers in the city. Their behavior was so reprehensible that Governor Viller felt compelled to allude to it in scathing terms in his message to the State Legislature in 1818. Some of the other difficulties of the situation may be inferred from the fact that in May, 1820, sixteen men were arrested for piracy41 and two of them were executed after having been found guilty by the Criminal court which, to curb this lawless element, had been set up in 1818. In 1825 another step was taken in the same direction, when the "city court" was added. This consisted of one presiding and four associate judges. It replaced the justices of the peace, some of whose functions, however, were now committed to the mayor, the recorder and the councilmen.42

Another source of disorder was the licensed gambling halls. Gambling in New Orleans was a problem which both the Legislature and the Council strove in vain to solve. Licensing and suppression were tried alternately, neither with satisfactory results. A law of 1811 had prohibited gambling anywhere in the State, but three years later it was deemed advisable to permit gambling in New Orleans at least. A system of municipal regulation which was then introduced was attended only by the most deplorable results; it merely "encouraged this alarming vice under sanction of the law," as the preamble to one of the acts on this subject runs. In 1820, accordingly, the legislative prohibition was re-enacted. Apparently, however, the financial needs of the community made it necessary for the city fathers to resort to every expedient to raise money; among others, to taxes on gambling. A new law was passed in 1823, therefore, to authorize the licensing in New Orleans of six gambling halls, each to pay a tax of $5,000. Part of the revenue thus procured was devoted in 1825 to the support of the College of Orleans.

The gambling halls remained open day and night, and were a prolific source of disorder and crime. It was necessary to maintain a strict watch over the frequenters of these resorts. The night police were too few to perform this duty effectively; moreover, they were notoriously inefficient. The newspapers of the day contain endless reports of robberies, assaults and felonies of all kinds, committed in the very center of the town. In 1822 there were fifty so-called "constables," who patrolled the town by night in small squads. They had the right to halt and examine any wayfarers whom they might encounter; and there was much complaint about the arbitrary way in which they exercised p119their powers upon responsible men and women. In addition, there was a sort of volunteer police, in part recruited from the local militia organization, and in part from among the citizens. Its character can be inferred from one of the city ordinances, which makes it a misdemeanor, punishable with a fine of $10 and the publication of the names of the offenders, for anyone to refuse "to walk the square watch" when commanded to do so by the commissioner of his square.43 The usual punishment for minor offences was the pillory. Here culprits were exposed from morning to sunset, on a platform in the Place d'Armes, with a great placard inscribed with their names and offenses hanging around their necks. This punishment was visited upon both white and black down to 1827; when it was abolished as far as the former were concerned, but as for the negroes, it remained in constant use down to 1847.44

Another fertile source of anxiety to the Mayor and Council was the fire department. Incendiary fires were frequent in New Orleans throughout Roffignac's administration. An organized gang of incendiarists operated in the city in 1827 and 1828, the existence of whom came to light only when two members were discovered by the citizens in the very act of applying the torch to some buildings in the rear of the town. Somewhat earlier, two negroes were arrested on charges of conspiring to burn the town.45 To these problems Roffignac addressed himself with characteristic energy and courage. The city had no regularly organized fire department. There was, however, a board of fire commissioners organized in July, 1816. They were thirty in number, five in each of the six wards into which the city was then divided. They carried white truncheons as emblems of office. Their duty was "to repair to the place of fire in order to employ and direct all persons, whether free or slaves, who shall come to the fire, by forming them into ranks for the purpose of handling buckets to supply the fire engines with water; to keep as far as possible from the fire all idle persons; and for that purpose they shall call upon the city guard" [in Roffignac's day the Gendarmerie was regularly detailed for the purpose] "to station a sufficient number of sentinels to keep back the idle multitude; to superintend and facilitate the conveyance of the engines and other implements necessary for extinguishing fires, and to direct them to the most suitable places, to be put at the disposal of the workmen; to call upon and employ a sufficient number of carts for the transportation of the aforesaid implements, as well as the effects and furniture of the persons most exposed to the danger of the fire."46 A short time later we find an appeal made to the people generally to enroll in the fire companies, and notice was given that free men of color would be encouraged to form companies of firemen or engineers, or "sapeurs," as they were officially termed. This matter was taken up by Roffignac in his first official communication to the city council, and reference is made at intervals thereafter to the same subject throughout the first years of his administration.47 These companies were to consist of sixty men each. They were formed, p120but their efficiency could not have been great, as Castellanos speaks of the members usually being found at the end of the fire lying drunk in the streets.48 Apparently, at this time a small monthly wage was paid to persons enrolled in the fire department. In July, 1824, the defects of the system were so obvious that Roffignac felt compelled to assemble the leaders for a conference at city hall. As a result of their deliberations the council undertook to enlarge the force. A special committee which was charged with the investigation, recommended that an additional company be recruited from among the lamp-lighters and the city guard, to be paid at the rate of $3 per month each. The demand for improvement in the department, however, continued, though it is not clear that any further steps were taken to meet it, down to April, 1829, when the organization of the Volunteer Company No. 1 initiated the volunteer fire department of New Orleans, which, in one form or another, was thereafter the highly efficient reliance of the community for the performance of an intensely important public function.

Some attention was also given to education, although not till long after Roffignac's time was the idea of free public schools developed. The principal school in the city was the College of Orleans, founded in 1811. It received an appropriation of $1,000 annually from the State. It was managed by a board of regents down to 1821, but in that year the organization was altered, and a board of administrators appointed by the governor was put in charge. This institution was obliged by law to receive eight indigent students, who were instructed without charge; but fees were exacted from all the other students. This institution came to an end in 1826, as a result of the prejudices of the population against the regicide, Lakanal, who had been appointed director by the administrators. Lakanal was a very eminent man, and as far as attainments went, admirably suited for the position; but the loyal people of New Orleans would not entrust their offspring to the blood-stained hands of the veteran republican, and the withdrawal of their patronage led to the closing of the school.a It had many illustrious pupils; among them the great historian, Gayarr .

The state law of 1826 required the city to open one central and two primary schools, which were placed under the direction of a board of regents, with authority to employ a director. These schools were each to receive and educate gratis fifty poor children, between seven and fourteen years of age. To these needy scholars textbooks were furnished free. The only condition imposed upon them was that they should attend regularly. A year later the total number of poor students to be received into these schools was fixed at $100. For the support of these institutions a tax of $1,500 was laid upon the two theaters then open in the city, "to encourage these useful and ornamental institutions," as the legislatures defined their purpose, somewhat ambiguously, in the title of the act. Other cultural enterprises were likewise inaugurated in considerable numbers in Roffignac's time. The Physico-Medical Society came into existence in 1820, with the famous Dr. W. N. Mercer as one of its founders. The Mechanics Society followed soon after. A year or two later a free library was formed "for the purpose of extending knowledge and promoting virtue among the inhabitants."b Judah Touro, the well-known p121Jewish merchant and philanthropist, was expected to provide a building in which the library could be domiciled; and for that reason his name was coupled with the foundation.c The First Methodist and the First Presbyterian Churches date from this period.49

A regrettable incident which occurred towards the close of Roffignac's administration was the burning of the State House. This building stood on the lower corner of Toulouse and Front, or Levee, streets. It was erected in 1761, and had witnessed every important act of the government since that date, including the various cessions of the Province of Louisiana, now to France and now to Spain; and was at this time used by Governor Derbigny as his official residence. The fire which destroyed it was probably accidental, though at the time it was freely said that it was a case of arson. The building was entirely consumed, and then the flames extended along Front Street into Chartres, destroying, in all, six large structures, including the residence of Baron Pontalba, and causing a loss estimated at $150,000. There were several casualties. A negro child was burned to death; a white man died as a result of drinking acid under the impression that he had found a bottle of wine; and another man was fatally hurt under falling walls. The colored firemen on this occasion, at least, rendered heroic service. A few days later the city council recognized their deserts by voting them a gratuity of $300. The legislature, deprived by fire of its usual meeting place, first reassembled in Davis' Theater on Orleans Street; and then moved to the upper story of the old Ursuline Convent, which had for some time been in use as the Central School of the city.

A pleasanter incident was the visit of the Marquis de Lafayette to the city. The Marquis had come to the United States to renew old friendships, visit the scenes of his first battles, and look after some property which had been presented to him by the American Congress in recognition of his services in founding of the republic.d Lafayette and Roffignac were friends and correspondents of many years standing. In January, 1825, Lafayette wrote to Roffignac, acknowledging an invitation to visit the city, and announcing that he would arrive early in the spring. The legislature, apprized of the Marquis' intention, appropriated $15,000 for his entertainment. The steamboat "Natchez" was dispatched to Mobile to convey the distinguished guest to the city. With it went a delegation of prominent citizens, headed by Joseph Armand Duplantier, who, with Roffignac and the banker, Vincent Nolte, was probably the only person in New Orleans at that moment having a personal acquaintance with the celebrity. Duplantier had been a comrade in arms; Nolte had known him in Europe, and is said to have provided the cash with which the impoverished old soldier undertook the long journey to America.50

The "Natchez" discharged its distinguished freight at Chalmette on April 10th. Lafayette came ashore escorted by General Viller and Duplantier, and was conducted to the plantation house which, in 1815, had been used by General Jackson as his headquarters during the battle of New Orleans. Here Governor Johnson made him an address of welcome, to which he feelingly replied. Accompanied by a brilliant cavalcade, in which history makes mention of Bernard Marigny, "and p122many ladies," the illustrious guest proceeded to New Orleans, entering the city between two lines of troops, amid the cheers of the crowd and the booming of cannon. In the Place d'Armes an arch — 68 feet high, designed by Pili , had been erected in honor of the event; and here Mayor Roffignac received the visitor. Lafayette was then taken to the city hall, where Denis Prieur, at that time recorder of the city, greeted him on behalf of the city council. Both to Roffignac and to Prieur, Lafayette made fitting replies. The Cabildo had been elaborately fitted up for the reception of the city's guest. From the balcony overlooking Chartres Street Lafayette reviewed the troops as they paraded that afternoon in his honor. He was then permitted to withdraw for repose to the stately suite prepared for him at the Hotel des Etrangers. The next day the Legislature in a body called to pay its respects. Then came the members of the bar, headed by Pierre Derbigny, who made an eloquent address on behalf of his fellow professionals. That night the Marquis visited both the French and the American theaters. In the ensuing days Lafayette received numerous delegations of one sort and another, all of which declaimed long addresses in honor of the eminent patriot. At meals at his hotel the more distinguished citizens of the city sat down with him to the number of thirty at a time. In all Lafayette remained five days in New Orleans. He departed on April 15th, on the "Natchez," for Baton Rouge, where further festivities awaited him.51

Roffignac determined at last to pay a visit to his native land. Anticipating a long, though not a permanent, absence, he felt that he should give up his post as mayor. Accordingly, in May, 1828, the city council received and accepted his resignation. Flattering resolutions were adopted on this occasion. They drew from the retiring official a letter in which he alluded with much good feeling to the work which they had done together. "In the government of a city, just as in that of a state, no useful forces can exist except such as are derived from public opinion," he wrote, "and this opinion never manifests itself spontaneously except when the measures proposed are profitable to the mass of the citizens. Keenly alive to the importance of this commercial city, now advancing to the front rank in the metropolitan center of this Union, I have been anxious to introduce all the improvements which the progress of the age has placed at our disposal. I have been of the opinion that a slow advance was not in keeping with the spirit of the age, nor with the wants and interests of an active and enterprising generation. I have thought, in other words, that this great mart of so many wealthy states should be in a position to offer to industry and to commerce everything needed to facilitate and hasten their operations. I have not shrunk, in order to bring this useful result about, from borrowing capital, as I am convinced that the financial resources of an opulent city like ours with its yearly increasing revenues, will be able to liquidate its liabilities through a funding system both gradual and not at all onerous."52 In these plans he said, in conclusion, he had attained complete success.

On the eve of his departure he was received in the council chamber and took an affecting farewell of his associates; on April 13th he embarked. The remainder of his life was spent in France in the elegant p123literary and social pursuits of which he was extremely fond. During his residence in New Orleans he had maintained a regular correspondence with many illustrious writers; at his death a great mass of letters from the most eminent men of his generation was found among his effects. He died under tragic circumstances at his chateau, near P rigueux, in the latter part of 1846. For some time previously he had suffered from a chronic disease; while seated in an invalid chair, examining a loaded pistol, he was suddenly overwhelmed by an apoplectic stroke and fell to the floor. In the fall, the pistol exploded, and the charge lodged in Roffignac's head, causing instant death. The suspicion of suicide, which naturally arose under the circumstances, was disposed of by a medical examination, which revealed the facts. Roffignac was a man of real ability, although his enemies accused him of being vain, conceited, and disposed to arrogate to himself credit for many things which were really achieved by others.

To the period of Macarty and Roffignac belongs the development of the "American Quarter." This part of the city grew up outside of the "Vieux Carré ," upon a vast tract of country which had originally belonged to the Jesuits, and by them had been developed as a sugar and indigo plantation. Part of this property was conveyed by Bienville to the Jesuits in April, 1726. This first acquisition included an area bounded by what today are Common, Tchoupitoulas and Terpsichore streets, and the Bayou St. John, which stream then flowed for a considerable distance parallel with the Mississippi, near where Hagan Avenue now runs. The tract measured — about 3,600 feet front by about 9,000 feet in depth. To it in the following January was added a further grant — about 1,000 feet wide by 9,000 feet deep, immediately above the original tract; and in 1745 the Jesuits, by purchase from Monsieur LeBreton, extended their property up to what is now Felicity Street. The space between Canal and Common streets was reserved by the French government for public uses, and was known as the "terre commune." After the expulsion of the Jesuits from Louisiana, in 1763, their possessions were declared forfeited to the crown. Their plantation was parcelled out into five portions. The part which was adjudicated to the city passed through the hands of various purchasers, and in 1788 was inherited by Mme. Bernard Gravier. A year or two later, in the reaction of prosperity that followed upon the great fire of Miro's time, and stimulated by the consequent movement of expansion which, at that time, caused the city suddenly to outgrow its ancient boundaries, she caused a portion of her estate to be laid out into streets and squares along what was called the Tchoupitoulas Road, from the upper boundary of the "terre commune" to the lower boundary of another portion of the Jesuit estates which had now become the property of one Delord. Mme. Gravier called the prospective suburb Ville Gravier; a few years later, after her death, her husband extended the streets, squares, etc., back as far as the further side of St. Charles Street, and in her memory gave them the name of Faubourg Ste. Marie. Street names which still survive interestingly perpetuate incidents in the history of the Faubourg — ? recalling Gravier, the founder; Delord, Foucher, and other of his fellow-capitalists; Magazine Street, so-called from the immense "magazine" or storehouse upon which the lower extremity of the thoroughfare abutted, near the site of the present customhouse; Camp Street, which owes its name to the fact that a "campo de negros," or slave-camp, probably for the reception p124of cargoes of African slaves, stood upon it midway between Poydras and Girod; St. Charles Street, named in honor of the King of Spain; and the Rue de la Briqu terie, which led to a brickyard, and is now called Carondelet; while still another, originally Salcedo, was renamed in honor of Carondelet's wife, Madame la Baronne. Julien Poydras, who wrote verses and was at one time member of the Territorial Council, purchased the corner of Tchoupitoulas and the street which now bears his name; Claude Girod owned the corner of Tchoupitoulas and what is now Girod; and still another lot on Tchoupitoulas became the property of a free woman of color, named Julie, after whom Julia Street is named.53

In 1801, when Maunsell White arrived in New Orleans, and for the first time strolled down Poydras Street, the Faubourg Ste. Marie consisted of five houses. Between Common and Poydras, from Magazine to Carondelet, the whole space was given up to truck-gardens. The site of the St. Charles Hotel was the garden of "old Mr. Percy." But the conditions of life in New Orleans were changing, and this lonely district was destined to prosper and improve from this time on. The Creole merchants continued to rely upon their European connections. The new trade which sprang up in the next ten years with the North and West, by way of the Mississippi, was suffered to fall into American hands. The produce fleets drifting down the river, found a convenient landing along the batture, in front of the Faubourg Ste. Marie. By 1816 the lower end of Tchoupitoulas had become a busy and important street. There were few business houses above Canal Street; those which had ventured so far afield were located here, overlooking the river. Along the bank ran a low levee crowned with willow trees, to which the keel-boats and the immense flatboats called "chalants" used to be tied. When the river fell, the great "chalants" were left high and dry on the batture and were broken up for firewood or timber. The side-pieces called "gun-whales" were used to make sidewalks over the "great quagmire," as an early writer calls the Faubourg Ste. Marie. "Above Canal Street there was not a street paved. There was not a wharf upon which to discharge freight, consequently the cotton bales had to be rolled from the steamers to the levee, which in the almost continued rains of winter were muddy and almost impassable at times for loaded vehicles. Below Canal Street the levee was made firm by being well shelled, and the depth of water enabled boats and shipping to come close alongside of the bank, which the accumulating batture prevented above."54

Tchoupitoulas Road, which was the prolongation of Tchoupitoulas Street, ran as far as Carrollton Point, where lay Mlle Macarty's plantation. Above Delord Street, as far as what is now the Fourth District, but which was, in 1816, the plantation of Fran ois Livaudais, the road was lined with pretty, rural residences, surrounded with truck-gardens or sheep-pastures, dairies, and orchards, where slave labor earned a respectable income for city-dwelling masters. Through the middle of the Faubourg ran the old Poydras Canal, long neglected, and at this date a sink of pestilential filth.

The Livaudais plantation suffered heavily severely from the flood from the Macarty crevasse of 1816. In fact, all the back region of the plantation in this section was observed. But when the water ran off, it p125was found that a great quantity of silt had been carried in and deposited, and that the level of the land had been raised over a foot. A few years later, when the speculative enterprise of Caldwell and Peters transformed this rural district into a great and flourishing city, the beneficial effects of what had been at the time regarded as an irreparable catastrophe were seen, and the plantation, divided into lots and streets, was sold at fancy prices.55

The attention of James H. Caldwell and of Samuel J. Peters was drawn to this district about 1822. They at first planned to develop the opposite end of the city — ? what was then called the Faubourg Marigny. For at the close of the eighteenth century, at the time that the Ville Gravier was laid out, the same impulse of expansion led to the creation of several other Faubourgs. The aristocratic suburb of St. John sprang up along the road which led northwestwardly from the city to the Bayou St. John; at the end of which a prosperous village arose where a bridge then crossed and today still crosses the stream. In 1816 this settlement was known as St. Johnsburg. Elsewhere might be seen the clustered roofs of Annunciations, St. Claude, DeClouet, and Daunois; and just below the lower line of the city — ? where Elysian Fields Avenue ran northwest from the river, the princely estate of Bernard de Marigny was being laid out in streets and squares and offered for sale. The depth of the river in front of the Faubourg Marigny seemed to indicate this as the logical theater of the future commercial development of the city. Caldwell developed a magnificent scheme of warehouses and cotton presses on Elysian Fields; a hotel opposite the terminus of the Pontchartrain Railroad; gas works, water works and many other important enterprises. Bernard de Marigny was approached with this object in view; he was notoriously a hater of the Americans, and disinclined to sell to them; but after long dickering, a price was fixed on, in consideration of which he was willing to part with practically the whole of his extensive property. Marigny seems to have promptly repented of his agreement. "When the necessary legal document had been drawn up," says Castellanos, in relating this incident, "all the parties in interest met at the notary's office, to ratify the agreement and conclude the sale, except Mrs. Marigny, who, it was surmised, had purposely absented herself at her husband's suggestion. As her dotal and paraphernal rights were involved in the matter of transfer, her refusal to ratify the character broke up the project. Mr. Peters, it is said, was so enraged at this act, which he bluntly described as double-dealing, that, turning to the Saxon-hating Creole, he cried out: "I shall live, by God, to see the day when rank grass shall choke up the streets of your old faubourg,' a prophecy that has, unfortunately, been verified to the letter."56

Marigny was severely blamed by the rest of the Creole population for thus yielding to his anti-American prejudices. This feeling ultimately worked his political destruction. Thereafter he was not looked on as a safe leader, and when he became a candidate for the governorship, they refused to support him. His action, however, indicates the extent to which the estrangement of the two races had proceeded at this early date. In turning to the Faubourg Ste. Marie, Peters and Caldwell now frankly undertook to exploit these antagonisms. They felt that the p126Americans would flock into a quarter where they could be separate from those whom they regarded as their oppressors. The two men purchased a considerable part of the holdings of Jean Gravier, son of the original owners, to whom the property had now passed by inheritance. With the assistance of Banks, Pritchard, and other local capitalists, they developed the tract so rapidly, that by 1835 the new quarter rivalled in population and exceeded in wealth and importance the original "Carr de la Ville." Gravier yielded to the speculative fever of the time, embarked in a vast enterprise designed to develop the remaining part of his property, and met with reverses which reduced him to the direst poverty. He died in October, 1834, at age of ninety-five, and was laid to rest in a grave, the location of which has now been long forgotten. "During the last period of his earthly career he had been the object of attack from designing ingrates, who sought by every means known to the law to dispossess him of his long-acquired acres and to precipitate him in his decrepit and imbecile state into a condition of hopeless embarrassment."57

Neither Peters nor Caldwell were natives of New Orleans. The former was a Canadian of American descent. He was educated in New England, and began his business career in New York. He arrived in New Orleans in 1821, being then twenty years of age. Within eight years, by dint of indomitable energy and remarkable powers of organization, he had succeeded in acquiring a commanding position in business circles, and was elected a member of the city council. The first two years of his residence in the city were spent in the employ of a well known merchant, like himself, an emigrant from the City of New York. In 1823 the firm of Peters & Millard was formed, with Samuel J. Peters as senior partner. It dealt in groceries, wholesale and retail. It soon ranked among the wealthiest and most honorable firms in the South. Peters' election to the council was a remarkable event. Up to that time no person not a native had represented in that body any precinct of the Old Square. He was, however, elected by a large majority. He was made chairman of the committee on Streets and Landings, and in that capacity inaugurated a system of public improvements which led to the building of over — four miles of levees along the river-front, and the paving of over — sixty miles of streets "with commodious sidewalks, not surpassed by any of our northern cities," as he himself remarks, in his autobiography. At the end of two or three years he determined to withdraw from politics, and devoted himself to plans for the general betterment of the city. The Chamber of Commerce was founded about this time under his inspiration. He became president of the Pontchartrain Railroad; of the City Bank; and was instrumental in building the Merchants Exchange, a building, which, long dedicated to other uses than its original ones, still stands on Royal Street, near Canal.58

Caldwell, the other moving spirit in the great enterprise which meant so much to New Orleans, was an Englishman. He was a player by profession. His theatrical career in the United States began in the District of Columbia, in 1817. He was invited to go to New Orleans with a company of actors in 1820. On arriving in that city he took over temporarily the St. Philip Theater, and there introduced the English p127drama to a public which till then had heard only French. It was at this early date, apparently, that he formed the idea of constructing in one of the faubourgs a theater which would be dedicated exclusively to the production of plays in English. At first his plan was to locate this edifice in the Faubourg Marigny, but after the failure of that project, he transferred the location to the new American quarter, and on May 29, 1822, laid the corner stone of what was afterwards known as the American Theater. The building was opened on May 9, 1823, while yet incomplete; but it was complete in every detail when it opened for its second season on the 1st of January following. It is not necessary here to follow in detail the history of this theater, nor of the St. Charles Theater, which was Caldwell's second and more magnificent theatrical venture. The importance of the American Theater resides in the fact that it was the first important structure erected in the new quarter; from its completion it is customary to date the rise of that section of the city. Other important enterprises followed within the next ten or fifteen years; the St. Charles and the Verandah hotels were built, and the New Basin Canal and Shell Road inaugurated. The last-named was intended to do for the new quarter what the Old Basin, or Carondelet Canal, was doing for the Vieux Carré ; and this purpose it efficiently served, with the result that the commercial, as well as the mercantile, supremacy of the American part of the city was assured. Caldwell had a part in many of these undertakings. He was associated with Peters in the building of the St. Charles Hotel. Through his energetic efforts gas was introduced into the city as an illuminant. The first building lighted in this way was his American Theater. He subsequently organized companies which extended the services into almost all parts of the city, and into the suburban town of Lafayette.

The Author’s Notes

1 Louisiana Gazette, August 19, 1815. 2 Louisiana Gazette, September 4, 1816. 3 Louisiana Courier, August 29, 1817. 4 Courier, October 4, 1817. 5 Dodd, Report on the Health and Sanitary Survey of New Orleans, 1918-1919, pp4-5. It may be of interest to add that there was no organized health supervision, apparently, from 1825 till 1841, when a new Board of Health was established. There was, however, a vigorous Medical Society, and two physicians were detailed from this body to act as medical advisors to the mayor. The Board of Health established in 1841 lasted only a few months. The Medico-Chirurgical Society became the acting board of health down to 1855, when the State Board of Health took over the active sanitary supervision of the city. In 1877 the State Board of Health was given control of the work of controlling vital statistics in New Orleans. In 1898 a City Board of Health was created, which has been in charge of the health of New Orleans ever since. 6 Ordinance of December 11, 1815. 7 Ordinance of Jan. 26, 1816. 8 Ordinance of October 21, 1816. 9 Ordinance of September 21, 1816. 10 Ordinance of June, 1816. 11 Ordinance of June 24, 1816. 12 Ordinance of June 7, 1816. 13 Ordinance of December 15, 1817. 14 Ordinance of December 10, 1817. 15 Ordinance of August 11, 1817. 16 Ordinance of September 24, 1816. This ordinance stipulates that if flour cost $2 per barrel, then 52 ounces of bread should be sold for a "shilling;" if $5, then 47 ounces, if $6, then 42 ounces, etc. There seems to have been great profit in the baking business, and many attempts were made to impose taxes and licenses on the bakers with a view to help out the city's revenues, which were already beginning to be inadequate. 17 Ordinance of June 8, 1816. 18 Ordinance of October 27, 1817. 19 Louisiana Gazette, May 5, 1818. 20 Ibid. 21 Louisiana Gazette, May 5, 1818. 22 Ordinance of January 3, 1818. 23 Ordinance of November 2, 1818. 24 September 7, 1818. 25 Ordinance of July 1, 1817. 26 Ordinance of July 1, 1817. 27 Ordinance of March 29, 1817. 28 Ordinance of August 12, 1819. 29 Ordinance of September 26, 1817. 30 Ordinance of August 24, 1819. 31 Ordinance of October 30, 1818. 32 Ordinance of July 20, 1818. 33 Ordinance of June 26, 1818. 34 Ordinance of May 25, 1818. 35 Jewell, Crescent City Illustrated. 36 Waring and Cable, Social Statistics of Cities, Report on New Orleans, 43. 37 Courier de la Louisiane, May 3, 1820. 38 De Bow's Review, VII, 415. 39 Castellanos, "New Orleans as It Was," 20. 40 Castellanos, 218. 41 Gazette, May 26, 1820. 42 Martin, "History of Louisiana"; Condon's Annals, 423. 43 Louisiana Gazette, May 3, 1820. 44 The stocks themselves may still be seen in New Orleans in the museum of the Cabildo. 45 Gazette, May 20, 1820. 46 Quoted in O'Connor, "History of the New Orleans Fire Department," 45. 47 See the messages of the mayor, May 20, 1820, in the Archives of the City of New Orleans. 48 "New Orleans as It Was," 23. 49 Martin, "History of Louisiana," Condon's Annals, 413-430. 50 Nolte, "Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres," Chapter XVI. 51 Castellanos, "New Orleans as It Was," 72-74. 52 See messages of the mayors, in the New Orleans City Archives, April, 1828. 53 Cable and Waring, Social Statistics of Cities, Report on New Orleans, 31. 54 Sparks, "Memoirs of Fifty Years," 441-442. 55 "The Environs of New Orleans," Crescent, January-November, 1866, passim. 56 "New Orleans as It Was," 251-252. 57 Castellanos, "New Orleans as It Was," 271-272. 58 Publications of the La. Hist. Soc., Vol. VII, 1913-14, pp67-74.

Author's Notes

1. Yellow fever disease caused by a virus that is spread through mosquito bites.
2. Havanacity capital of Cuba.

Text prepared by:

• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage
• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux

Chapter VIII
Prieur

As a result of Roffignac's retirement, an election for mayor became necessary. This was called for April 7, 1828. At that time political parties in New Orleans were very evenly balanced. There were democratic and the federalist factions. The former supported General Jackson's candidacy for the presidency of the United States; the latter was for Adams, for the same exalted office. The campaign as waged in the newspapers was exceedingly bitter. Peter K. Wagner was the leading literary champion of the Jacksonians; John Gibson, in the columns of the Argus, advocated the election of Adams. Epithets like "turncoat" and "scribbler," "scoundrel," "coward," "rogue," were regular features of the editorial pronouncements. Castellanos, writing of this period, professes to be amazed that violence did not occur more often than it did, considering the provocation, and the fact that the editors and politicians habitually went armed.1 Denis Prieur was the nominee for mayor of the Jackson faction. He had served creditably as recorder, a position second in importance in the city only to that of mayor. From his candidacy is said to date the existence of the democratic party as an organization in Louisiana. Prieur himself was a man of chivalrous instincts, very popular, brave, charitable, and accessible to all.

The Adams faction named for mayor another Creole, A. Peychaud. His name was presented to the public by a small group of men who had fastened their control upon their faction, and against whom it was beginning to rebel. They were dubbed a "ring." They were not a "ring" in the sense in which the word has since been used. There was no attempt to organize the voters, or force them through mistaken notions of party loyalty to vote for a candidate whose fitness for office was questionable. In fact, every candidate ran on his personal record; if elected, he was in a special sense the choice of the community, and owed his post to the fact that he had more friends and well-wishers than his antagonists.

The election resulted in a victory for Prieur, who received 888 votes as against Peychaud's 531. Throughout the country the Jackson faction made capital of the result. It was acclaimed a crushing defeat for the Adams faction. It was declared to indicate the result which was going to occur in the presidential campaign. In this there was much exaggeration, but it is a fact that Jackson secured all five of the electoral votes of Louisiana in 1828 and again in 1832.

Prieur served till 1838. He was re-elected regularly by almost the unanimous vote of the city. His was an exceedingly eventful and important administration. Almost at its outset it was embarrassed by an event which threatened for a time to tie up the whole machinery of local government. Among the members elected to the city council at the same time that Prieur became mayor, was a Federalist named William Harper. He was chosen from the Sixth Ward. As his politics differed from that of the mayor, and as feeling was very high on the subject, it was expected that he would prove an active opponent of all administration projects. p129His elimination from the council was therefore desirable. It happened that Harper held an office under the United States. When he presented himself to take his seat in the council objection was made on the ground that the state constitution prohibited anybody from holding more than one office of honor and profit at a time. The objection was clearly well founded, and Harper was denied his seat. He instantly applied to the court for a writ of mandamus directed to the mayor and the council. The case was tried before Judge Lewis, who granted the desired writ.

The council, however, refused to recognize the mandamus, claiming with much show of reason that it alone was the judge of the qualifications of its members, and that the court was without jurisdiction. The Judge's reply was to order the sheriff to sequester all the revenues of the corporation. The matter reached a crisis on May 1, 1828. If the government were to function, the matter must be adjusted without delay. The case was hurried to the Supreme Court, which three weeks later rendered judgment in favor of the city. The court held that the mandamus issued in favor of Harper was ultra vires, and that the sheriff was guilty of trespass in executing the judge's orders relative to the sequestration. It was also held that the sheriff was bound to inquire into the validity of all orders addressed to him, and rendered himself liable if he executed illegal orders. There can be no question that the court was at least in part influenced in this decision by considerations of the political nature of the whole transaction; at any rate, the new administration was thus rid of a prospective antagonist. The affair illustrates strikingly the extent to which political animosities went in the early history of the city.

Another interesting situation followed. It appears that in the confusion following the burning of the state capitol, the state legislature had passed and the governor had inadvertently approved an act repealing all acts of a date prior to the promulgation of the Civil Code of 1824. This legislation was in the form of an act amending that code and the code of practice, but its effect was to annul the charters of many corporations, including that of the City of New Orleans, and threatened the courts, and many other departments of the government. The state was thrown into confusion, but a corrective measure was hastily prepared, the legislature convened in special session, and the mischief was undone as promptly as possible.2

The early days of Prieur's administration were troubled by a good deal of the same disorderly conduct on the part of the lawless element in the community, as had been the case under Roffignac. Incendiary fires and robberies were a frequent occurrence. The council authorized the mayor to organize more efficiently the "square watch," which at this time superseded the militia patrol. At the same time an effort was made to improve the fire department by raising the standard for the colored men permitted to join the fire companies. The prevailing spirit of lawlessness was shown by the fact that in April, 1828, one of the largest shops in town was broken into and robbed of a large quantity of goods; and the next month the postoffice was plundered and the registered mail carried off. A few days later the office of the Registrar of Conveyances was entered, two stores looted, and attempts were made to break into others. As the whole population of New Orleans at that time did not much p130exceed 40,000 souls, including slaves, the incessant chronicle of crime in the newspapers suggests a very low state of morals.

The same trouble continued under Prieur's successor, in spite of earnest and energetic efforts to cure it. In fact it persisted as long as gambling was permitted in the city. This vice flourished under licenses from the state, and the municipality was thus unable to do anything to reach the root of the matter. The policy of the legislature on the subject of gambling fluctuated in Prieur's time as in Roffignac's. In 1831, for instance, gambling was again permitted in New Orleans although forbidden elsewhere in the state. In the following year a tax of $7,500 was put on gambling houses in New Orleans. But in 1835 an act was passed under which to keep a gambling house was made an offense punishable with a fine of from $5,000 to $10,000 or imprisonment of from one to five years. The effect of this drastic measure, however, does not seem to have been all that its promoters hoped. The "sporting fraternity" continued to operate in New Orleans, perhaps not so openly and brazenly as before, but on a scale to affect injuriously the reputation of the city throughout the nation.

Connected with the matter of police regulation, was, of course, the question of the slaves. In 1828 the city, in obedience to a mandate from the legislature, enacted regulations governing the traffic in slaves, especially forbidding the exposing of negroes for sale in the more frequented parts of the city. Two years later the community was greatly excited over the possibilities of a slave rising. It was, as Martin observes, "a time of vigilance." The first promise of trouble came from persons from other parts of the United States, presumably abolition agents, who were detected traveling around in the parishes, trying to incite the blacks to insurrection. Had these individuals been apprehended, the white population would probably have summarily disposed of them. They made their escape, however, but the legislature was led thereby to pass laws making it a capital crime to incite the slaves against the whites in any way, whether by word, deed, or merely by importing into the state pamphlets composed elsewhere which tended to that end. In fact, the danger being apparently apprehended chiefly from free men of color, a very severe law was enacted expelling all persons of this description from the state. Within a twelvemonth the excitement seems to have been allayed, as some of the harsher provisions in these laws were then modified, and the decree of banishment was limited to those half-breeds who were known to be "worthless."3

On the whole, the relations between the races in New Orleans appear to have been friendly, the masters kindly and considerate, the slaves loyal and devoted. Cases like those of Mme. Lalaurie and of Bras Coup were exceptional. Mme. Lalaurie was undoubtedly demented. The rage exhibited by the white population upon discovering her cruelties, shows that the ill-treatment of slaves was condemned by public opinion. Her story is significant only because it has become, along with that of Bras Coup, part of the legendary lore of New Orleans, and has a place in literature, thanks to the use which has been made of it by a celebrated American novelist.4 The woman had long held a prominent place in p131local society, was wealthy, and some say, beautiful. Her residence stood at the corner of Royal and Hospital streets. Fire was discovered there one day in April, 1834. While efforts were being made to extinguish the flames, a rumor spread that some negroes were confined in a part of the house menaced with destruction. Judge Canonge, of the Criminal Court, who was present, demanded of Mme. Lalaurie the keys to the attic. She refused to give them to him. Then he and some others burst into the building. They found seven slaves chained in various ways, all bearing marks of the most frightful ill-usage. One of them declared that he had been five months in confinement, most of the time with no food except a handful of meal once a day. Another was confined to her bed, suffering from a terrible wound on the head. A variety of instruments of torture, including one specially dreadful collar fitted with sharp points and edges, were discovered. It was Mme. Lalaurie's secret pastime to torment her wretched dependents. As soon as she realized that her crimes were discovered, she took advantage of a moment when the mob was occupied in the rear of her premises, to flee by the front door. It is said that her flight was aided by some of the very slaves whom she had mistreated in times past. The authorities made no effort to apprehend her. She remained in hiding for some days, then took passage on an outgoing vessel, went to France, and spent her later years in Europe. The infuriated populace, meantime, looted her residence, and set it on fire. It was entirely consumed, except the outer walls. The work of destruction there went on for several days uninterrupted by the authorities, either because they sympathized with the mob, or because they were afraid to intervene. Only when the anger of the crowd had completely satiated itself were the local troops called out, and, re-enforced by the United States regulars, accompanied by the sheriff, John Holland, proceeded to the scene, and compelled a few last loiterers to disperse.5

Bras Coup, on the other hand, represents rebellion against the whites. He seems to have been a wild, untamable soul, probably less the Robin Hood that he has been represented to be, than a natural criminal. His real name was Squier. His sobriquet was earned by the loss of an arm, amputated as the result of a gunshot wound. He belonged to Gen. William DeBuys, known as a humane and considerate master. He was DeBuys' hunting companion and personal attendant. But not could keep him at home. His frequent disappearances, the pursuits by the sheriff or a posse of citizens, his recapture — these were topics of constant discussion in the city. Finally, several serious crimes caused a price to be set on his head. He sought refuge in the swamps. In July, 1837, he was killed by a Spanish fisherman, in his hiding place on Lake Pontchartrain. Just how Bras Coup came to his end was never clearly established. His slayer claimed to have been attacked while at work in his boat. Seeing Bras Coup about to shoot at him, he seized an iron bar and beat him to death. On the other hand, there were not lacking those who said that the fisherman was in reality a confederate of the negro's, and murdered him treacherously in sleep. At any rate, the body was brought to the city and exposed to the public view in the Place d'Armes where it was viewed by thousands.

Bras Coup's adventures had interest for his generation because he was the type of negro runaway from whom the whites felt they had p132most to apprehend. The newspapers of Prieur's time are full of notices of fugitive slaves, and of rewards offered for their capture and return. Sometimes these negroes turned bandit, like Bras Coup, and from their hiding places in the swamps near the city issued at night to perpetrate the robberies so often chronicled in the press of that day. They were usually arrested through the efforts of the law officers; sometimes they returned voluntarily after a vacation more or less protracted. But always over the white population hung the threat of danger, which was slavery's menace to the slave-holding class.

In 1829 the state capital was removed from New Orleans to Donaldsonville, partly, no doubt, because the legislature had no proper meeting-place in the city, as a result of the burning of the state house; but also because it was deemed unwise to expose the members to the distractions of city-life. The exile did not last long. In 1831 the seat of government was returned to the city. A year later the buildings previously occupied by the Charity Hospital, on Common and Baronne streets, fell vacant through the removal of this institution to its present site on Tulane Avenue. They were thereupon purchased by the state, and became the home of the various governmental departments and the meeting place of both branches of the legislature during the next sixteen years. As usual, a good deal of legislation followed regarding purely local matters. For example, in 1832, as part of the wild-cat speculation of the time, the municipality was invested with extensive powers to lay out streets, improve public places, and develop the suburbs. Fortunately, these powers were not very extensively utilized. Some attempt also was made to better the sanitary conditions of the city, which, while probably not worse than those of the average American city of the time, were undeniably bad. The population now numbered about 42,000. Life in the warm, moist climate, lived mainly on the ground floor of buildings erected directly upon an undrained soil, encouraged the existence of tuberculosis and malaria. Sanitary theories had not progressed much over those of Perier and Carondelet. The removal of the adjacent forests, and the digging of drainage canals were among the wisest measures advocated; but the former was not carried far, and the canals were few in number, and not very scientifically located. In 1835 the Municipal Drainage Company was incorporated with a capital of $1,000,000, both the state and the city being among the stockholders. Its object was to drain the area behind the city as far as Lake Pontchartrain and open it to settlement. It began operations with a drainage machine on Bayou St. John, but the general financial collapse which soon followed put an end to the enterprise.

The canals were excavated by hand. There was at that time no suitable machinery to perform the work. Irish laborers were the main reliance. It was noticed that whenever there was much disturbance of the soil, outbreaks of disease occurred. In 1811, for example, when the Carondelet Canal was cleaned, an epidemic of yellow fever carried off seven percent of the population; the same thing occurred in 1818, and in 1822, when that work was repeated. In 1832, when the New Basin was cut through to the lake, the fever was attended by a mortality of 8 percent . Nothing was known of the mosquito theory of the propagation of the disease, but practical experience furnished hints which might have been advantageously followed up. However, the community was too busy with gainful pursuits to concern itself much about the p133fever, which was looked on rather as an established institution. Generous provision was made for the support of the hospital, but the only other recourse seems to have been the oft-repeated assertion that the climate was unusually salubrious, and that acclimatized were immune to the disease.

During Prieur's administration occurred an appalling outbreak of cholera. This happened in 1832. The disease visited the city both before and after that date, but never was the mortality such as to compare with that of this terrible year. The conditions described above favored in exceptional ways the spread of the plague. The defective water supply had much to do with it. The disease appeared in October on that year. The regular annual epidemic of yellow fever had been that summer very severe; it had not yet entirely disappeared, when on the morning of the 25th persons walking along the levee were surprised to find stretched out on the ground the bodies of two dying men. An hour or so later they were dead. They perished of cholera. The disease had reached the city the previous day on two ships among the passengers on which the disease had developed during the voyage from Europe. At the moment the idlers were inspecting the ghastly bodies of these two first two victims, few guessed the cause of their dreadful death. That same day, however, a few scattering cases of cholera were reported from different parts of the city. On the 26th the alarm became general, and from that time forward, with fearful rapidity, the terrible pest swept over the city and through all ranks of society.6 Many fled at once; the population was thus reduced to about 35,000 persons, yet 6,000 perished within twenty days. On some days the death rate was 500.

A New Orleans streetcar in 1832

From an engraving in the Louisiana State Museum

Terrible scenes took place. Doctor Clapp, a young Protestant minister, who settled in New Orleans in 1822, tells how he was kept busy performing the burial service all day long; sometimes he did not leave the cemetery till 9:00 P.M., the interments were being made by candle light. One day, he writes, he went to a funeral at 6:00 A.M., but in spite p134of the early hour, on arriving at the cemetery, he found more than 100 uncoffined bodies waiting for burial. Trenches were dug, and on some days, at the height of the epidemic, the dead were unceremoniously tumbled into them. In the absence of gravediggers and undertakers, the chain gang was impressed into service. One of the hospitals, deserted by all the physicians and attendants, was found filled with corpses, and with its ghastly contents was burnt by order of Mayor Prieur. All places of business were closed. All vehicles were seized to be used to bury the dead. Strangely dramatic incidents are recorded; a bride died on the night of her wedding, and was buried in the wedding finery she had scarcely had time to doff. A man died while waiting for a coffin to be finished which he had ordered for a friend's burial. Three brothers died on the same day. A family of nine which sat down to the evening meal apparently in perfect health, were all dead the next day at the same hour. A boarding house where thirteen people were lodging, was completely depopulated. Corpses were found lying in the street in the early morning. Tar and pitch were kept burning to purify the heavy atmosphere. Cannon were fired at intervals with the same purpose. Priority of right to the employment of hearses became the subject of contention. Grim struggles for precedence took place between the various funeral processions resorting to the churches. The city council added a final touch to the horror of the situation by publishing hideous statistics and the most ruthless resolutions.

It is not wonderful that in the emergency the ordinary bonds of morality were loosened, and scenes of wild dissipation were enacted. Miss King, in her "New Orleans, the Place and the People," relates the story of a party of revellers, one of whom, after taking a hilarious farewell of his comrades, was found a few hours later in a public grave, still wearing his festal garb, but in posture indicating that he had been buried while still alive. There were rumors that many were thus prematurely hurried to a peculiarly agonizing death. Hundreds of bodies were weighted and sunk in the river.7 The mortality was especially heavy among the laborers on the canals, as it always was. In all, over eight percent of the population died. The epidemic reappeared in the summer of 1833, and took a fresh toll of victims; so that there were 10,000 deaths within those twelve fearful months.8

Before passing to more cheerful themes, let us make brief mention of the death of two prominent citizens, although they did not die of the plague. P re Antoine passed away amidst the love and tears of the whole city, in 1829; and Dominique You, the ex-pirate, went to his award in the following year. For three days P re Antoine's body lay exposed in the main aisle of the Cathedral, where 3,000 wax tapers shed a solemn light upon his pallid face and rude brown cassock. It was then borne to the grave followed by a heterogeneous multitude, not of Catholics only, but of Masons, avowed atheists, and everybody to whom the simple goodness of the venerable ecclesiastic had endeared him.

You died at his home at the corner of Love and Mandeville streets, in extreme indigence, too proud to let his friends know of his piteous situation. He had been pardoned for his youthful offenses in recognition of his services in the American army at the Battle of New Orleans, and p135thereafter lived in peace in New Orleans. He had even figured in local politics, as a valiant supporter of General Jackson. Old comrades rallied around him to see that he should have, dead, the tribute that carelessness and ignorance had failed to render him, living. The city council accorded him a military funeral, in which the Louisiana Legion — that famous organization of all the volunteer troops — took a prominent part. All places of business were ordered closed, flags were put at half mast, and salvos of cannon fired by the Orleans Artillery, of which he was one of the founders, thundered a requiem over the last resting place of Lafitte's ablest and most famous lieutenant.

Politics occupied a place in the social and intellectual life of New Orleans in Prieur's time to an extent which we of a later generation find it difficult to comprehend. The lines of cleavage followed national issues; the time had not yet fully arrived when there should be a definite alignment of parties over purely municipal questions. The incidents connected with the visit of General Andrews Jackson to New Orleans in 1828 illustrate these facts amusingly. His presence in the city afforded an opportunity for the exploitation of the old hero for partisan purposes of which the democrats were not slow to take advantage.

Jackson was a candidate for the presidency of the United States, but in coming to New Orleans, his prime object was to revisit the scenes of his celebrated victory over the British, to renew old friendships, and to enjoy himself. The invitation extended to him by the State legislature referred only to his distinguished services to his country, and was in line with similar resolutions passed by the legislatures in other southern states. The supporters of President Adams, who was a candidate in opposition to Jackson, saw in the invitation deep political significance. They determined to act on the defensive. Jackson landed in front of the city and was received by the state and municipal officials with appropriate ceremonies. He was made the recipient of the customary banquet, and attended the usual performances at the theaters. He was escorted through the streets in a splendid carriage drawn by six white steeds, acclaimed by the shouts of the multitude, and attended by the local soldiery. These celebrations lasted several days, and then the leading politicians of the democratic party in the city — Livingston, Davezac, Wagner, De Marigny — received him in turn as their guest at balls and receptions at their homes. This monopoly of the city's honored visitor aroused the ire of the excluded federalists. The newspapers printed abusive articles, and the Argus began the publication of a scurrilous biography of the old hero, so untruthful and offensive that Jackson, bitterly indignant, left the city in anger. His departure did not placate the federalists, whose animosities led them to make objection in the legislature to the bill for his entertainment when it was presented for approval. The account was only settled after much discussion and considerable curtailment.9

The ill feeling between the Creoles and the Americans, also, continued a fertile source of discord. At last, largely through the persistence of the American element, a new charter was procured for the city, which, it was hoped, would safeguard their interests by removing all control over their part of the town from the hands of the French. The latter, by virtue of their ownership of some of the most valuable real estate p136in the city, as well as by the facility with which they united with the foreign elements that flocked into the city from all parts of Europe,10 and not less by native ability, had succeeded so far in retaining power.11 When they were unable to control, they divided and paralyzed public sentiment, and met the most urgent demand for innovation with unyielding conservatism.12 The feeling between the two dominant races was very strong in 1836, as proven by the deplorable Giquel-Brooks affair. Brooks was a member of the Washington Guards and prominent in the American quarter. Giquel was a Creole, and equally well-known below Canal Street. A difficulty between the two men was followed by Brooks sending a challenge to a duel. Giquel's reply was to prefer charges against brooks before the Recorder of the Second Municipality. A few days later both parties met on Royal Street, an affray followed, and Brooks was killed. His slayer was, of course, arrested, taken to the mayor's office, and put under appearance bonds. The city was greatly excited over the affair. Brooks was followed to his grave by an immense concourse of friends and citizen soldiers.

Giquel was arraigned before Judge Prval, the privilege of bail was revoked, and he was committed to prison under charges of murder. Public opinion immediately divided as to the propriety of Prval's course. The American section warmly supported the judge's action; the Creole population as warmly attacked what they declared was a violation of a constitutional right. The friends, both of Brooks and Giquel, were active, the former determined, as they announced, to see that justice was done; the latter employed eminent counsel to see that every legal remedy should be employed to save their friend. One of these remedies was a writ of habeas corpus.

The writ was argued in the court of Judge Joachim Bermudez, a distinguished jurist, whose son later became chief justice of Louisiana. The atmosphere of his court room during the case was, it is said, filled with "threatening rumors and dire menaces." When the judge released Giquel on $15,000 bond "the muttered curses of the baffled enemies" of the accused preluded the stormy events that were soon to follow. It was evident that the judge's life was in danger. On the night of September 5, 1836, while seated with his family quietly in his home on Bayou Road, between Rampart and Burgundy, a mob composed of Brooks' friends, including members of the Washington Guards, attacked the place. The judge had been warned; some friends were present to protect him and the assailants, on bursting in the front door, were greeted by a volley of bullets. Two were shot by Bermudez; one expired immediately; the other mortally hurt, was carried away by his companions. The dead body of another of the mob was later found in Esplanade Avenue, and several others were ascertained to have been wounded. Mrs. Bermudez had taken a heroic part in the encounter, arming herself with her husband's sword and beating back the assailants as they attempted to enter the drawing room.

Captain Hozey of the Washington Guards took steps to prevent any further trouble. He tendered the use of his command to guard the judge's person. This put his men on their mettle and helped considerably p137to avert further trouble. The proposition was declined. A guard was unnecessary. Public opinion had been outraged; everybody was now on Bermudez' side and the danger passed.13 The prevalent antagonists of Creole and American expressed themselves constantly in the City Council. There the representatives of the two races divided sharply on every question of public policy. The aldermen from the ancient part of the city outnumbered two to one the members of what was termed "le faubourg Amricain." "All paving and all improvements to the landings were made within the limits of the lower part of the city, while above, where already a vast proportion of the trade was located, although as heavily taxed as other parts, not a wharf was permitted to be made or even repaired, and the streets were left unpaved. In consequence of this, damage was sustained one year to an extent exceeding one million of dollars by the impassable condition of the streets. What made such a state of things the more insupportable was the fact that streets were being paved where a cartload of merchandise never passed, a mile distant from the center of commerce."14

The levee in front of the Faubourg St. Mary were'+SearchF+'The levees . . . were'+CloseF+'?

'+SearchF+'The levee . . . was'+CloseF+'?)',WIDTH,160)" onMouseOut="nd();"> lined with vessels, but about 1835 the extension of the "batture" or river deposits became so great as to impede seriously the access thereto. A petition addressed by the merchants and real estate owners of this region to the City Council, asking that the wharves be extended, was unceremoniously rejected. This added to the resentment felt by the Americans. A meeting was held shortly thereafter, at which a proposition to solicit from the Legislature an act entirely separating this community from the rest of the city was enthusiastically received. It was opposed by Samuel J. Peters with grave and weighty arguments; but only when he personally undertook to secure from the city government such redress as his fellow citizens considered themselves entitled to did the agitation die down.

The matter was first carried to the Legislature and summarily rejected. Mr. Peters then exerted himself to influence the Council and when met by the objection that the municipality was without funds, offered, in conjunction with some of his wealthy friends, to lend the money at 6 percent , to be repaid at the end of ten years. The Council then definitely refused to comply with any of Peters' suggestions, though by a majority of only one vote. "There was no longer any grounds for hope of justice and Mr. Peters determined, as he had pledged himself to do on such a contingency, to devise a plan for a city government which would secure all the advantages which the advocates of a separate and independent city expected, without incurring the dangers of such a project."15

The charter of 1836, which embodied the results of Peters' labors, was a "curious experiment in city affairs."16 It divided the city into three corporations, wholly distinct from one another, but subordinate to one mayor and to a General Council. The powers of the mayor and of the General Council, while superior, were limited. This council retained only authority to legislate on points of common interest to all the three p138municipalities. It could, for example, fix a uniform rate of wharfage, drayage and ferriage. It established the tax on carriages and licenses to be paid by peddlers, taverns, etc. But it had no financial powers. It could make no appropriations. Although it was privileged to determine the salaries of the mayor and of its own members, these were paid by appropriations made in their due proportions by the councils of the individual municipalities. All the other expenses of a general character were met in the same way. In fact, the only really important function with which the General Council was clothed was the supervision of the police. It could enact any legislation that might seem necessary for the regulation of the "city watch," the "operation of which should be uniform in all parts of the city." The Council, however, was made up of the entire membership of all the various municipal councils sitting together. Its resolutions, therefore, were generally effective, being followed by appropriate action in the individual councils. However, there was no very clear definition of the limit of powers either way, and the consequence was endless dispute and litigation.17 The General Council met only once a year, though the mayor had the right, which appears to have been frequently exercised, to convene it in extraordinary session, whenever in his judgment this was desirable.

The mayor was charged with a sort of general supervisory power over all the municipalities. He was required to be a citizen of the United States, at least thirty years of age, and own, in the city, property valued at not less than $5,000. The way in which the mayor's functions were circumscribed may be gathered from the fact that the charter permitted him to cause the removal of undesirable public servants by lodging with the council of the municipality concerned an "information" on the subject; but if the ejected official were thereupon re-elected by the Council, the mayor was than entitled to proceed further against him during the term for which he had been elected. As a matter of fact, practically all the power previously concentrated in the office of mayor was now parceled out among the Recorders, as the presiding officers in each municipality were called.

The first municipality was virtually the "Old Square" of the city. The upper boundary extended from the river along Canal Street to the New Basin Canal and thence to Lake Pontchartrain; thence along the lake to Bayou St. John, and thence along the bayou and Esplanade Avenue to the river. In the rear of the "Old Square" it included a vast area of almost wholly uninhabited swamp; but at the mouth of the New Basin Canal — called, somewhat quaintly, in the act, the "Canal of the Bank" was a small settlement which fell within the municipal boundaries. On the opposite bank another little settlement was similarly included within the frontiers of the second municipality. The boundaries of the second municipality were Canal Street, the New Basin Canal, the Lake, and Carrollton Avenue as far as the fauxbourgs of Nuns and Annunciation. This somewhat irregular boundary gave to the American quarter practically all the upper part of the present city except the thriving little town of Lafayette. The third municipality embraced all the rest of what is now New Orleans — that is, a region included within a line running along Esplanade Avenue to Bayou St. John and thence along the bayou to the Lake; thence along the Lake to Chef Menteur River, and p139thence to Lake Borgne; thence as far as Bayou Bienvenu and Fishermen's Canal; and thence back to the river and the point of departure. The upper boundary of the second municipality was the divisional line between the parishes of Orleans and Jefferson; and the lower limit of the third municipality was the divisional line between the parishes of Orleans and St. Bernard.

Each of these municipalities was governed by a recorder and a council elected by the wards. The qualifications for the recorder were that he should be at least thirty years of age, a "man of family" and own, in the municipality, at least $3,000 worth of property. The qualifications for aldermen were merely that they must be over twenty-one years of age and own property valued at not less than $1,000. The aldermen were not required to be "heads of families," a discrimination over which the local newspapers for years thereafter made merry.

The First Municipality was divided into five wards, the Second into three wards, and the Third into four wards. Each recorder was, in effect, the mayor of a separate city. He possessed all the functions that usually attach to that office except those which, by their nature, applied jointly to all three of the new divisions of the city. In fact, the new municipalities were expressly declared to be "separate corporations, with the usual rights and responsibilities of corporations, as possessed and exercised previously by the corporation of New Orleans."18 The Council of the first municipality consisted of twenty-four aldermen; of the second of ten aldermen; of the third of seven aldermen. The only restrictions on the ballot were that a voter must be a free white male not less than twenty-one years of age, residing in the State for not less than one year and in the ward not less than six months, and that he must have paid all the State taxes for which he was responsible.19

The adoption of the charter was hailed with satisfaction, especially by the American element in the population. But it will be seen that it contained ample provision for controversy between the municipalities. In fact, the discords which resulted were so pronounced that it is remarkable that an instrument so obviously impossible could have lasted, as it did, for sixteen years. Undoubtedly among the causes which, operated at this period, began to retard the growth of the city, may be reckoned this singular and cumbersome charter.

A period of great prosperity began in New Orleans towards the close of Roffignac's administration.20 In his message of 1820 Governor Viller referred to the sudden increase in wealth and population which had taken place within the previous ten years. This was now to reach its zenith and progress to the disastrous result to which all highly speculative movements are doomed. Between 1820 and 1840 the commerce of New Orleans expanded marvelously. A great trade sprang up with Mexico, conducted largely through foreign resident merchants. Wares were made in Europe especially for Mexico. Shipped to New Orleans, p140they were forwarded through Matamoros, Vera Cruz and Tampico. In New Orleans the leading spirits in this lucrative trade were J. W. Zacharie, the two Hales, and F. de Lizardi. The returns were in gold, silver, precious woods, hides and tropical fruits. There grew up also a large business with the merchants of Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama and Tennessee, both wholesale and retail. An immense demand existed, for example, for stationery; entire shiploads of the Blue Back Speller were distributed from New Orleans over the whole Mississippi Valley. To these merchants long-term credits were extended, payable when the crops were harvested.

Chartres Street was the commercial center of New Orleans. There were located the dry goods stores, the shoe emporiums, the great establishments dealing in clothing, jewelry, notions, and English fabrics. Most of these places were found between St. Louis and Canal. The principal stores were owned by Parish, Gasquet & Co.; Hart, Labatt & Co.; S. W. Oakey; Bierne & Burnside; Paul Tulane; Hyde & Goodrich; Slocomb, Richardson & Co.; Opdyke, Whiting & Stark; Mayee, Kneass & Co.; Armstead & Otto; Barriere, Woodlief, and many others.21 The rents on Chartres Street were high, and the land, which was not for sale, was owned by absentees usually residing abroad, and not purchasable except on very rare occasions. One sale, which occurred in 1835, involved the payment of $50,000 for a frontage of 50 feet on Chartres between Customhouse and Canal. About 1838-39 the agents of the foreign owners began to raise the rentals of the buildings. The advances were from 10 to 15 percent . This was more than the merchants could pay. They determined to leave Chartres Street and locate on or above Canal Street. The first to go were Hart, Labatt & Co., who occupied "No. 8" Magazine Street on a three-year lease at $1,200 per annum. Soon the other leading business men followed, and thereafter property in Chartres Street declined in value and never afterwards commanded the fancy prices of the heyday of its commercial importance.

About this time the eastern side of Canal Street was built up with handsome residences, including that of Dr. W. N. Mercer, now the Boston Club. Camp Street, too, began to be of importance as a business center. The principal business men whose offices were to be found now on the upper side of Canal Street were S. J. Peters, John Minturn, A. D. Crossman, Joshua Baldwin, E. A. Yorke, Timothy Toby, James Robb, Peter Conery, James and William Freret, J. W. Breedlove and Henry Lockett.

The products of the whole State, which, like its capital, was prospering extraordinarily, converged upon New Orleans. In 1831 the total value of the imports and exports at New Orleans was $26,000,000. In 1832 the total was somewhat less, but in 1834 it rose to more than $40,000,000, and in 1835 to $53,750,000. Governor Derbigny, in his message to the Legislature, in 1833, estimated that in that year $20,000,000 of Louisiana products were exported from New Orleans, and the proportion probably remained about the same during the following four years. An immense expansion of the banking system of the city took place between 1820 and 1840. The credit system became universal among the state's cotton planters. Not they only, but also the planters of Arkansas and Mississippi, came to depend upon the New Orleans p141banks. The increasing demand for cotton in the world's markets made both the opportunity and the necessity for extensive credit operations, and New Orleans lent millions at high rates of interest. The whole agricultural community in these three Southern States became, as it were, the commercial creatures of the New Orleans brokers and bankers, and found themselves unable to buy or sell their plantations except with the consent and through the hands of the factors who held mortgages on the property.22 But this process was not an unadulterated advantage to the city; it stripped it of capital which might otherwise have gone into investments of permanent value. The wealth which did result was, as the event proved, largely fictitious. There was an immense amount of business but no corresponding accumulation of real values.

Canal Street, Looking Toward Baronne, 1840

The expansion of the banks to meet the situation began in 1828, when the Planters' Consolidated Association was permitted by the State Legislature to increase its capital stock to $2,500,000. It was then that the State adopted the dangerous precedent of pledging its faith to secure the payment of borrowed capital as well as the interest thereon. In return for this assistance, the Planters' Association turned over of the State $1,000,000 in stock, and allowed it a credit not to exceed $250,000 at any one time. The significant feature of the transaction was that it pointed to other institutions the way which they now proceeded to follow in hot haste. The Union Bank was established in 1832 with a capital of $8,000,000 guaranteed by the State. Then came the Citizens Bank, in 1833, with a capital of $12,000,000; the Commercial Bank, with a capital of $3,000,000; the Merchants & Traders Bank, in 1836, with a capital of $2,000,000, and many others, the majority linked up in some way with the State. The p142financial policy adopted by the United States in 1833 helped to make money more plentiful,23 and thus stimulated the frenzy of speculation which now involved every kind of business. New Orleans had already a fair quota of banks. The Louisiana Bank, with a capital of $2,000,000, had been established in 1804, and the Bank of Orleans, the capital of which was $5,000,000, dated from 1811, and there were other old and reliable institutions also with large capital. But the mushroom growth of new banks continued from year to year. The Legislature chartered insurance companies, building associations, drainage schemes, hotel enterprises, and railroads with the utmost prodigality. The total capital of the companies incorporated by the Legislature in 1833 was $18,984,000; in 1836, $39,345,000 — respectable figures even for the present age, but in that day of small things these figures were astounding. Most of the banks were authorized to issue bills in various denominations. They were expected to retain $1 in specie on hand for every $3 in currency issued. This was deemed ample protection in ordinary times, and probably was. All told, then, New Orleans at this time had a total paid-up banking capital of $40,000,000.

Much of the capital employed in the various enterprises launched at this time was raised in Europe by the sale of mortgages. The Citizens Bank, for instance, in 1837, obtained large sums this way. Probably nearly $21,000,000 of European money was thus attracted to New Orleans prior to 1837. The banks usually assumed an obligation in their charters to carry out some important enterprise, or create some public utility, or perform some function ministering to the public comfort or the betterment of commercial facilities. Thus, the Improvement Bank, organized in 1834, erected the St. Louis Hotel, at a cost of $900,000; the Exchange Bank in 1834 built the St. Charles Hotel, first of the great buildings constructed in the American Quarter; and the Commercial Bank in 1833 undertook to install the water works and lay a system of drains made of perforated cypress logs. This works involved an outlay of $708,000 by the Commercial Bank, which also undertook to spend annually $100,000 in maintenance. Unfortunately, not all of the banks carried out their agreements as faithfully as these, and in this respect the corporation other than banks which accepted charters imposing similar obligations, proved still more remiss.24

One consequence of the immense speculative movement was the inflation of land values. Real estate in the city was sold at extraordinary prices. One bank paid $500,000 for a piece of ground which but a short time before might have been bought for $50,000 or $60,000.25 Towns were laid out in the vicinity of New Orleans, and the purchasers of lots there did a lively business in reselling their holdings, often realizing twice, ten times, or even a hundred times their actual investment; yet nothing was ever built on them. There was a boom in railroads. In 1836 the New Orleans & Plaquemine was chartered to construct a railroad from the city to English Turn. The Pontchartrain Railroad, which was incorporated in 1830, was actually built. It does not seem to have been touched by the prevailing mania till 1836, when it obtained banking privileges, and added $1,000,000 to its capital. Of the other type was the scheme to dig p143a waterway from New Orleans to Lake Borgne by way of Bayou Mazant; a majestic enterprise which was never carried out.

The financial situation of New Orleans in 1837 was, therefore, not sound. Matters were shaping themselves towards a great commercial and mercantile disaster. One symptom of the deeply-rooted financial disorder was the flood of paper money with which the city was deluged at this time. There was, first of all, an immense currency issued by the banks. In addition, there were three kinds of municipal currency, collectively denomination "shin-plasters." These bills were issued in vast quantities by each of the three municipalities, to pay their employes, to settle their routine debts, and to satisfy their contractual obligations. In 1836 they were accepted by everybody except the banks as legal tender. The banks, better informed, perhaps, regarding the resources of the respective municipalities, handled them reluctantly, if at all. But as their volume mounted, their value decreased. Brokers were active in manipulating the depreciated notes. Counterfeiters found it easy to imitate them. These conditions did not add to the financial security of the city.

The inevitable disaster occurred May 13, 1837. On that day fourteen New Orleans banks suspended specie payment. The immediate result was a wave of bankruptcy which swept over the city, leaving chaos in its wake. House after house went into liquidation. In the emergency the three municipalities into which the city government had just been divided, issued bills varying in amount from 25 cents to $4. At once private institutions claimed a similar right. These measures were designed merely as temporary relief. The situation, however, was prolonged by the fact that a new tariff had been adopted by the national government which affected disadvantageously the sugar market; planters were beginning to abandon the cultivation of that staple, and turn their attention to cotton, and the financial crisis in New Orleans struck them in this interval of transition. The immediate cause of the collapse was the action of the Second Bank of the United States, which withdrew its deposits from its fiscal agencies; and this came at a time when the directors of the Bank of England, hoping to force the exportation of gold from the United States to Europe, suddenly contracted their business. Business was paralyzed for some months; credit fell to nothing; real estate lost its value; agriculture languished for want of stimulation.26 Out of the general ruin emerged a feeling of intense resentment against the banks. At the constitutional convention which met shortly thereafter, this feeling was expressed in a proposition to prohibit the formation of any new institutions of the sort. Fortunately, this legislation was not adopted, but stringent provisions were enacted for the government of the banks, and many of their most valuable privileges were suspended until the resumption of specie payment. This, however, did not take place till the end of the year 1838. The effects of the great crash in New Orleans was felt not in the city only, but throughout the State, for many years. In fact, Louisiana did not fully recover till 1845.

Nevertheless, the era of inflation left behind it some positive results. The parish prison, which stood for more than fifty years on Orleans, near Congo Square, was built in 1830, at a cost of $200,000. Several markets were erected about this time — the French Market, in 1830; St. Mary's and the Washington, in 1836; and the Poydras, in 1837. p144The United States Government, having sold its property in the center of the Vieux Carré in 1828, built the Jackson barracks in 1832-1834. At that time the buildings stood three miles below the city; now they are well within the lower boundary of the settled area. The Charity Hospital, built at a cost of $150,000, dates from 1832-1834. Between 1832 and 1835 two large cotton presses were added to the city's commercial facilities, one at a cost of $500,000, and the other at $758,000. The water works in 1835, and the gas works in 1837, were enterprises carried through by two of the big banks. The New Canal was begun in 1832 to give an outlet to Lake Pontchartrain from the American quarter; it was finished three years later.a It afforded access to an artificial basin excavated immediately beyond Hercules (Rampart) Street, between Julia and Delord. Deep enough for coasting schooners, this spot soon became a busy one. Work was begun on the United States branch mint in 1836, and it was opened in 1838, in the square bounded by Esplanade, Barracks, Decatur and North Peters streets which had been the site of Fort St. Charles, and which, after the removal of that tiny fortress, had for a time rejoiced in the name of Jackson Square, until that name was transferred to the Place d'Armes.

In 1833 Thomas Banks built on Magazine Street, between Gravier and Natchez, the three-story edifice known as Banks' Arcade, with a glass-roofed court, which combined an auction-mart, a bar-room, and some of the features of a modern office building. Here were held the public meetings in favor of the independence of Texas, in which figure T. Toby, James Reed, H. G. Hart, A. C. Labatt and other prominent men, who not only lent their sympathy to the cause, but sent the insurgents supplies, arms, and ammunition. The Merchants Exchange, completed in 1833, stood on Royal, just below Canal; in it was located the postoffice. The first St. Charles Hotel was completed in 1838 at a cost of $600,000. Diagonally opposite, on Common Street, stood the celebrated Verandah Hotel, erected in the same year, at an expenditure of $300,000. In 1834 the First Presbyterian Church was built on Lafayette Square. Three years later the Carondelet Street Methodist Church on the corner of that street and Carondelet Street, opened its doors. In the same year the old Christ Church replaced the ancient octagonal structure, with its cupola, irreverently known as the "cockpit," which had been the worshipping place of the Episcopalians of the city since 1809. In 1835 the St. Charles Theater was built at an outlay of $350,000. Many important bank buildings, and some handsome charitable institutions — notably the Poydras Orphan Asylum, the Female Orphan Asylum, the Asylum for Destitute Orphan Boys, and the Circus Street Infirmary — came into existence between 1830 and 1840. It may be that this list, though confessedly not exhaustive, shows an activity by no means as great as one might anticipate in a growing and wealthy American city; but it at least gives evidence of substantial development along certain highly desirable lines.

The Author’s Notes

1 "New Orleans as It Was," 132.

2 Castellanos, "New Orleans as It Was," 137-138.

3 Martin, "History of Louisiana," 431.

4 See Cable, "Strange True Stories of Louisiana" and "The Grandissimes," Chaps. XXVII-XXIX. A very satisfactory account of Mme. Lalaurie will be found in Castellanos' "New Orleans as It Was," 53-62. Castellanos was an eye-witness of the flight of Mme. Lalaurie. He also gives a full account of Bras Coup, pp210-216.

5 Bee, April 11, 1834; Castellanos, 52-62.

6 J. S. McFarlane, M.D., "A Brief Description of the Cholera," in Louisiana Recorder, c. 1840.

7 King, "New Orleans, the Place and the People," 282-287.

8 Waring and Cable, Social Statistics of Cities (Washington, 1887), 46.

9 Castellanos, "New Orleans as It Was," 141-142.

10 De Bow's Review, VII, 413.

11 Waring and Cable, Social Statistics of Cities, History and Present Condition of New Orleans, 50.

12 Ibid.

13 Castellanos, "New Orleans as It Was," 260-264.

14 G. C. H. Kernion, "Samuel Jarvis Peters," in Publications of the Louisiana Historical Society, Vol. VII, 1913-1914, pp62-96.

15 Ibid., 75-77.

16 Howe, "Municipal History of New Orleans", 15.

17 Leovy, "City Laws and Ordinances," Introduction, 22.

18 Summary of the Charter in the City Directory of 1838.

19 A curious feature of the division of the city under this act was, that it appeared that there was no common insignia which might be used by the police. It was therefore decided that each member of the force wear a silver-plated badge in the form of a star and crescent. This was the seal used by the mayor, and therefore seemed appropriate for an organization the functions of which ran in all municipalities. The insignia are still used by the New Orleans police. — Statement of Gaspar Cusachs to author.

20 Gayarr, "History of Louisiana," IV, 636.

21 Memoirs of Louisiana, I, 184.

22 Waring and Cable, Social Statistics of Cities, 46.

23 S. A. Trufant, "Review of Banking in New Orleans," 4.

24 Trufant, "Review of Banking in New Orleans," 8-15.

25 Martin, "History of Louisiana"; Condon's Annals, 436.

26 Governor White's Message, 1837; Gayarr, "History of Louisiana," IV, 658.

Notes

1. sequester isolate or hide.
2. Lake Pontchartrin located in southeastern Louisiana.
3. yellow fever disease caused by a virus that is spread through mosquito bites

Text prepared by:

• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage
• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux

p145 Chapter IX

The Genois, Freret and Montegut Administrations

Three subsequent administrations inherited the difficulties created by the financial disaster of 1837. These were the administrations of Charles Genois, extending from 1838 to 1840; of William Freret, which began in 1840 and ended in 1844; and of Edgar Montegut, who served one term as mayor, from 1844 to 1846. Genois was elected on April 2, 1838, by a majority of 102 votes, over L. U. Gaiennie, the democratic candidate. At that time Prieur was a candidate for the gubernatorial nomination. He was opposed by Alexandre Mouton. The canvass was exceedingly spirited. In New Orleans it was understood that Gaiennie represented the Prieur faction. Nevertheless, the great personal popularity enjoyed by Prieur failed to carry Gaiennie to triumph. There was still a strong prejudice against the democratic party organization. The idea that Gaiennie's name had been put before the voters by a caucus of party leaders, and that the nomination had been practically forced in the party convention repelled many otherwise staunch democrats. The result was that Genois received 1,150 votes, many cast by voters professing to be democrats, as against 1,408 for Gaiennie. At the same time Paul Bertus was elected Recorder of the First Municipality, a post which he was to retain with great approval thereafter till his death. The recordership of the Second Municipality was obtained by Joshua Baker, who likewise retained office for a long series of years; while in the Third Municipality Charles Cuvellier was elected recorder.

"If goodwill and zeal suffice to fill worthily the important task which has devolved upon me, I would assume the charge with confidence," said the new mayor, in taking up his duties, "for I am sure these qualities will not be lacking in me." "The theory of your organization," he continued, making an admission which seems somewhat out of place in the mouth of the chief magistrate of the city, "is strange to me [. . .] I do not conceal the difficulty I shall have in its practice."1 His assumption of control of city affairs led the local newspapers to point out, as the two most pressing matters requiring his attention, the reform of the police force and the curtailment of municipal expenses. With regard to the latter, the stoppage of all municipal works of improvement was recommended as immediately necessary. The financial condition of the city was precarious. In August, Mayor Genois informed the Council of the First Municipality that the city owed the banks $1,100,000 and had no means to pay it. An attempt to negotiate a loan of $1,500,000 to liquidate this debt and to tide the city over its immediate embarrassments proved unavailing. The banks declined to make any further advances. It appeared that the revenues did not suffice to meet the ordinary expenses of the administration. Genois found that $50,000 was due to city employes for arrears in salaries and that there were outstanding unpaid warrants for $18,000.

(p146)

Map of New Orleans, 1841 (with 1880 for reference)

A larger, fully readable scan (1.5 MB) is also available.

Work was at that time in progress on the Carondelet Canal . Paving had been started on Royal Street. Customhouse, Canal, Bienville and p147St. Louis streets were being opened out towards the lake. All of these important improvements were perforce suspended. To meet the routine expenses of the city $150,000 was raised by mortgaging to the banks four squares of ground belonging to the corporation on conditions which practically transferred title to this valuable real estate to these institutions. Prieur was at the same time sent to New York to see if he could raise funds there. He was not immediately successful, but the issue of $100,000 in 6 percent bonds in December of that year, which was successfully floated, was doubtless his work. In the next year some relief was obtained by revising upward the already onerous port charges. Genois, in a long message to the General Council, at its meeting in 1839, pointed out that the expenses for the maintenance of the port exceeded the revenue, although the popular impression ran entirely to the contrary. During the previous year the receipts had amounted to $282,000, the expenditures to $410,268; and while this great discrepancy was in part explainable by the fact that extensive improvements had been made to the wharves in front of the First and Second Municipalities, there remained a deficit even after the value thereof had been deducted. Certain vessels had previously been exempted from the payment of the port charges; these were now brought under tax.2

The financial situation was perhaps worst in the Third Municipality. There the rapid growth of the city, the expansion of commerce, and the expenses entailed by the division of the city under the charter of 1836 had run the expenses of the administration up to an alarming figure. Between May 1, 1836 and October 1, 1839, some $4,820,610 had been expended, as against receipts amounting to only $1,754,773, leaving a deficit of $3,065,837, which there seemed no means to pay. In addition to this debt, there was a proportion of the general city debts, which involved the payment of interest which, in the previous ten years, had aggregated $103,594.

In the face of this hopeless situation it is surprising to find that the municipality ventured to extend its endorsement to the extent of $100,000 in favor of the Orleans Navigation Company, organized to build a railroad and dig a canal, projects which do not seem ever to have been carried out. The general financial conditions were, undeniably, improving. The banks resumed the payment of specie in the early part of the year. Perhaps this made money easier and encouraged the city fathers to indulge occasional extravagances. The payment of $40,000 to the Orleans Theater Company in 1840, however, was forced by a judgment in a protracted suit against the municipality.

On the whole, then, Genois' administration was a feeble one, a period of stagnation following the outbreak of enterprise that had characterized Prieur's day. One picturesque and interesting episode, however, remains to be related. That is, the second visit of Gen. Andrew Jackson. Jackson had now completed his term as president of the United States but still remained the chief figure in his party. The formal invitation to him to come to the city in order to participate in the celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, was extended at a meeting held in the St. Louis Exchange, on November 12, 1839. The specific reason why his presence was desired was that a monument p148was to be dedicated in the Place d'Armes, and the cornerstone laid at Chalmette of what was intended to be a stately marble shaft marking the spot where the American standard was unfurled during the battle a quarter of a century before.

The old animosities of whig and democrat flamed out afresh upon the announcement that Jackson would come. Although it was explained by General Plauchthat there was nothing of a political nature in the desire of the citizens to have General Jackson with them at the celebration, yet the whigs objected, and their objections found expression in an editorial in the True American. "We have published, as advertisements, the proceedings and call for the second meeting of the friends of General Jackson," said the editor, "not that we approve of the objects of the meeting. We can have no possible objection to the Jackson party inviting their idol to the city under the pretext of celebrating the anniversary of his great battle. If this alone was the object, we would even excuse those opposed to him in politics from joining in doing him honor on such an occasion. But we are fully convinced, notwithstanding the loud protestations to the contrary, that the whole affair, visit and all, is intended to produce political effect; and we cannot conceive that any man calling himself a whig and opposed to the many vicious measures of the administration of President Jackson, can take any share in the intended festival. It is the duty of the whigs, on all such occasions, to keep away, and when Jackson arrives so far show their magnanimity as to keep silent. Although we can not honor, of course, we should not insult, the old veteran."

On January 8, 1840, at 10:00 A.M., General Jackson arrived on board the steamer Vicksburg, to which boat he and his party had been transferred at Donaldsonville from the steamer Clarksville, the previous evening. An immense throng had assembled at the wharf in Carrollton to welcome "the most distinguished citizen of the country," and the steamboats and other vessels in the river, and the housetops were alive with people waving their hats and handkerchiefs. The Louisianian, speaking of Jackson's personal appearance, said: "The general, although showing the effects of his age, is still remarkably healthy and active for one of his years." While the reception was in all respects one of which the veteran could be proud, there was, nevertheless, "a lukewarmness" on the part of his "political opponents" which was characterized "as anything but creditable or praiseworthy."

On leaving the Vicksburg General Jackson and his escort entered barouches (the one containing the guest of the occasion being drawn by four horses), and were driven to the State House, the Legion and the Washington Battalion accompanying as an escort. As the procession passed along Canal Street a dense mass of people thronged that thoroughfare and "the numerous balconies were groaning with their fair burdens — ladies waving their handkerchiefs, while the silverheaded warrior bowed in acknowledgment of their salutations." From the State House he was escorted to the public square in front of St. Louis Cathedral by the veterans of 1814 and 1815, the members of the Legislature, the City Councils of the First and Second Municipalities, members of the bar and other professions and a large concourse of citizens. At the Cathedral an oration was delivered, after which General Jackson reviewed the troops in the square, the cannoneers meanwhile firing a salute. This part of the ceremonies having been concluded, General Jackson was p149escorted to his rooms at the St. Louis Hotel by the military, after which they were dismissed. The display made by the soldiers was said to have "far exceeded anything of the kind the city had ever before achieved," although New Orleans had the reputation of being "a military town." In the evening, agreeable to the invitation of the management, the old soldier and his suite attended the St. Charles Theater. At the close of the act of the comedy then performing, the curtain was dropped and an anthem played according to announcement. The curtain rose and J. M. Field delivered a poetical address from his "own pen" to "The Defender of New Orleans," the veteran who came "to bless the children of the sires he saved."

The house was crowded and General Jackson twice arose to acknowledge the enthusiastic cheering. "Hail Columbia" was sung by the full company of the St. Charles, and the hero of the occasion left the theater amid the prolonged cheers of an "admiring audience of more than a thousand persons."

On the following day General Jackson was visited by a continuous stream of people at his rooms in the St. Louis Hotel, all eager for an opportunity to shake the veteran's hand. A guard of military was in attendance until 2:00 P.M., "when the general respectfully intimated that he would dispense with its service." The mayor and all the other officials of the city visited him in a body and deputations from some of the parishes presented General Jackson with addresses.

The ceremonies connected with the laying of the cornerstone of the monument in the Place d'Armes took place on January 13th. On that day a procession formed at the State House, in Canal Street, between Baronne and Dryades streets, composed of the military, State and city officials, the police, representative citizens and General Jackson and his suite in barouches. Proceeding down Canal Street and through Royal Street to Esplanade Street, the procession moved up Cond(Chartres) Street to the Place d'Armes, a fine band of music playing appropriate national airs. At the square a temporary platform had been erected, and upon this General Jackson was seated, while the ceremony of laying the corner stone was being performed. The Catholic bishop, in his pontificals, and the clergy of the cathedral, in their robes, assisted and chanted hymns during the dedication. Before laying the cornerstone the Rev. AbbAnduzread a brief address first in French and then in English, and an oration was delivered by Counsellor Barton. When the ceremony was concluded General Jackson and his party went to the steamboat Vicksburg, by which they took passage for Vicksburg, Mississippi, where the veteran spent several days at the invitation of the citizens of that town.

The dedication of the cornerstone of the projected monument at Chalmette, which, according to the program, should have taken place on the 13th also, was carried through without the presence of the hero. For some reason he was unable to keep his engagement with the committee which had charge of this part of the day's ceremonies so that the elaborate ceremonies arranged for that occasion had to be dispensed with. One of the papers, referring the following day to the disappointment of the people by reason of the failure of the committee to carry out the program at Chalmette, said: "Some thousands of our citizens, a goodly host, made a pilgrimage to the battle ground yesterday to see General Jackson and witness the ceremony of the laying of the cornerstone. They came away as wise as they went, the old hero not being p150able to attend. There were steamboats, towboats, railroad cars, coaches, cabs, cabriolets, hacks, horses, wagons, sand carts, go carts, hand carts, drays, dugouts, in short every description of land carriage and water craft, in requisition to transport the immense throng. Big bugs in buggies and little niggers on foot, high people and low people, fat folks and lean folks, in short all orders were there, marching in most admired order to the battlefield, and 'like him of France,' when they got there, they right-faced home again, consoling themselves with the reflection that if the cornerstone of the monument was not laid, it should have been."

A day or two after the departure of General Jackson it was ascertained that the battleground committee had chartered a steamboat and that a "piece of granite with the inscription 'Eighth of January, 1815," cut upon it, was put on board and taken to the scene of General Jackson's victory." The ceremony which was supposed to have occurred after the arrival of the granite is thus described by the Louisianian:

"It was then placed, fixed, or laid in some spot, position or situation, we don't know which, or what, by three or four gentlemen — all there were on board. What their object was, whether they were hoaxed themselves, or tried to hoax others, is more than we can say. Time will tell the story." It appears there was no ceremony whatever in connection with the laying of the cornerstone of a monument intended to commemorate one of the greatest battles in history; and the ill luck with which it was begun then followed it for more than seventy years, during which time it remained a rudely truncated shaft, and was then tardily completed only through the action of the United States Government.a

The whigs renominated Genois at the close of his term, in 1840. A new party, however, was forming in New Orleans. Under the name of Native Americans those who opposed the Creole and foreign elements in the population, were coalescing. William Freret, proprietor of one of the largest cotton presses in the American quarter of the city, a prosperous and prominent business man, was their candidate for mayor. The names of Kennedy, Buisson, and Mont gut also figure in the campaign, but they were supported only by small groups of voters, and did not materially affect the result. The election took place on April 6, and resulted in victory for Freret by a narrow margin. He received a total of 1,051 votes. Genois received 942. None of the other candidates polled more than 200 votes. On the whole, election day passed off quietly. "There was little of that fighting which characterizes and throws a disgrace upon elections in many of our large cities," remarked the Picayune, on the following morning.

Mayor William Freret

The new mayor was of mixed English and French descent. His father was an English merchant who settled in New Orleans early in the century and married a Creole lady. He was the second of a large family, all of whom rose to prominence. A younger brother, James, served for several years as sheriff of Orleans parish, and was an efficient as well as popular official. William Freret displayed in his youth a talent for mechanics, which was fostered intelligently by his father, who sent the boy to England, where he was carefully trained by distinguished teachers of engineering and the mechanical arts. He returned to New Orleans with a stock of knowledge possessed by few persons at that time, when skill of the sort was more often frowned upon than respected; and this technical equipment stood him in good stead when he succeeded to his father's business of compressing cotton for shipment abroad.

p151 The Freret Cotton Press was one of the first enterprises of the kind started in the city. The plant occupied two squares of ground on St. Charles Street, between Perdido and Poydras, and stretching back to Baronne Street. Fragments of the boundary walls remained in existence down to 1919 and were then only cleared away to make room for a new office building. The price paid for this property was small when, owing to the expansion of the city, Freret Brothers sold it; they received $11,000, which was regarded as a very satisfactory equivalent. The press was then removed to a location on the outskirts of the rapidly-growing city. In both neighborhoods the Freret press was a landmark, and the proprietors are justly considered to have been the industrial pioneers of the American quarter of New Orleans. The business was largely in the hands of William Freret. His brother, James, was absorbed in his duties as sheriff; another brother, John, died in 1852.

William Freret was one of the most efficient mayors that New Orleans had had so far. "Mr. Freret has had few equals and no superiors in the incumbents other public office in this city and State for many years past," comments his biographer in the city directory of 1852. "Though not the most popular, he was one of the most useful mayors New Orleans ever had. He was never much favored with those manners, that pliant complacency, and studied hypocrisy which make up p152what is vulgarly known as popularity, but in the more sterling qualities of a manly discharge of his duty, a fearless indifference to censure when undeserved, and a close, busy, careful scrutiny of all those placed under him [. . .]" left, in the judgment of this enthusiastic writer, nothing to be desired. It was Freret's habit to supervise publicly all the public works in progress in his time. He made a point to visit the public institutions at unexpected moments and make sure that they were properly looked after. It is related of him that, in the winter of 1840, when the weather unexpectedly turned very cold, he went at dead of night to inspect the prison, to make sure that the inmates were provided with sufficient bedclothing. A few years before, during similarly severe weather, several prisoners had frozen to death as a result of inadequate protection from the cold, due to the dishonest jailers in charge at that time. Freret was resolved that nothing of the sort should disgrace his administration. His practical knowledge stood him in good stead. It enabled him to keep track of the work of the contractors on all city work and inured considerably to the benefit of the city finances. "Even now," adds his biographer above quoted — this was written in 1854 — "may be seen in various parts of the city the evidences of Mr. Freret's zeal and industry while mayor of our city."

A contemporary tribute bears out these eulogistic remarks. "The new mayor has been garnering golden opinions from all sorts of people," remarked the Picayune, a month after the election. "Those who offered him the most strenuous opposition are first to acknowledge that he will make a most efficient and valuable official. Without claiming any credit for prescience, we predict that, at the close of his official term, he will be found one of the most popular mayors who has ever filled the civic chair in New Orleans. His unassuming and republican manners, his energy, and his business habits, must necessarily lead to such a result. The more Mr. Freret is known by his fellow citizens, the more they will be able to appreciate his sterling qualities."3 With the exception of the popularity, which Freret was not of the type to earn, this prediction seems to have been verified. Two years later the Bee, a typical whig organ, added its endorsement to the Picayune's in honor of the conscientious and competent magistrate.

Freret's administration, like his predecessors', was handicapped by the financial conditions which still prevailed in the city. The banks were slowly regaining their financial footing, but their condition was still uncertain. In 1840, for example, as a result of the widespread damage done in the agricultural sections of the State, in consequence of the floods of that year, they suspended specie payments again. The Mississippi that year rose higher than it had been known to do since 1782. It reached a level New Orleans a few inches lower than the highest levees. Several extensive "crevasses" occurred. These disasters reacted upon the banks in New Orleans, affecting the value of the mortgages which they held on plantations inundated by the flood. "But," as Bunner remarks, in his fragmentary history of Louisiana, "the flood [. . .] compensated by the rich deposit which it left for the mischief it had done. New fertility was given to the soil and never was the crop more abundant" than it was in the following year.4

p153 The financial recovery of the city was still not complete in 1842. The State Legislature in the interval occupied itself with legislation designed to remedy the situation. One law which, it was hoped, would help to hasten the desired result, prohibited the New Orleans banks from violating their charters. Means were also found to expedite the liquidation of such institutions as were insolvent. A board of commerce was created to see that the laws restricting the emission of currency were strictly observed. By 1842 two of the banks resumed specie payments, but in that year seven failed, leaving nine in what was described as "sound financial condition." The improving financial health of the community was, however, shown by the fact that these institutions now carried in reserve $4,565,925 in specie, as against $1,261,514 of outstanding currency. But so harsh had been the experiences of the last five years that, even under the bettered circumstances of the latter period of Freret's administration, there was great reluctance to co-operate in promoting even the most deserving besides undertakings. The consequence was that the city, generally, made little progress and the improvements which the municipality was able to undertake were few and, except in regard to public education, of little importance.

Freret's difficulties were complicated by the reluctance of the First Municipality to assume what was deemed its proper proportion of the public burdens. In November, 1840, the mayor, in his message to the General Council, alluded with pardonable asperity to this fact, which had resulted in an "embarrassing situation of the general sinking fund." A little later this municipality is found prosecuting a suit, the object of which was to save it from paying its share of the interest due on the debts of the old city corporation. The animosities of the municipalities one against the other also emerged in endless wrangles over the wharves. In 1840, for example, the First Municipality set up a claim to the right to build wharves into the river on a line with Canal Street, instead of parallel with the current, as was generally understood to be the proper mode of construction elsewhere. The result of the building of a wharf along the new lines was to infringe upon the batture rights of the Second Municipality. A bitterly-contested lawsuit followed, which the Second Municipality won; and the First Municipality had the mortification of pulling down the wharf which it had built at this point at a cost of $10,000.5

The free public schools of New Orleans had their origin in 1841. It must not be supposed from the fact that the present system dates no further back and that year, that education had previously been neglected in New Orleans. As far back as 1724 there is record of a school established by Father Cecil, a Capuchin, whose establishment was situated near the parish church. The fate of this school is unknown.6 From 1726 to the present day the Ursuline nuns have maintained a school for girls. Under the Spanish regime a school for boys was opened under Don Andr s L pez de Armesto, a distinguished scholar. With the advent of the Americans at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the demand for schools increased steadily. A number of private institutions appeared in the Faubourg Ste. Marie as a result. The advertisements of these establishments p154make curious reading today. In addition to the usual curriculum they furnished for girls instruction in "embroidery, print- and cr pe-work, French darning, and every kind of fancy work, as well as plain sewing and marking." Dancing and deportment were also subjects of regular instruction. The College of Orleans established in 1805 furnished, as we have seen, instruction down to 1826. Thereafter one central and two primary schools flourished under the direction of a board of regents. As already pointed out, however, these institutions were free only in respect to a limited number of indigent students. The system, moreover, was top-heavy. Too much attention was given, proportionately, to the higher education. There were, for instance, over a hundred students in the college courses, and only 440 in the grade schools. The census of 1840 shows that there were then in the city two so-called colleges, ten academies, and twenty-five "common" schools, in which only 140 students were receiving gratuitous instruction. Some of these institutions were, obviously, private enterprises, and none of them were "public" schools in the sense in which we use the term today.

It is the great merit of Mayor Freret that he lent all of his influence to the support of the legislation which was enacted by the State in 1841 establishing a system of really public schools in New Orleans. In this he had the earnest support of S. J. Peters, Joshua Baldwin, Doctor Picton, J. A. Maybin, Robert McNair and Thomas Sloo, all prominent residents of the American quarter. The act provided that each municipality should, within its respective boundaries, establish one or more public schools "for the use of the children residing therein," and directing the councils to make "such regulations as they shall judge proper for the organization, administration, and discipline of said schools, and to levy a tax for the maintenance of the same. Every white child residing in the municipality shall be admitted to and receive instruction therein." The State Treasurer was likewise obligated to pay annually a certain sum to each municipality to help in the support of the schools. Subsequently, the Second Municipality passed an ordinance assigning to the support of its schools all the fees received by the harbor-master in excess of the salary allowed him by law. Three years later the same section of the city raised by taxation $11,000 for the same purpose.

Under this law each municipality first organized a single school. There was at first considerable opposition to them, but this feeling rapidly diminished. In the Second Municipality, for instance, the school opened with thirteen pupils out of a possible attendance of 3,000. But within a year the number had increased to 950 and in 1843 to 2,443, and by 1850 to 6,385. In 1844 this part of the city boasted three schools, with eleven teachers. The proportion of schools and enrollment to the population was very praiseworthy, inasmuch as by the last-named year the number of inhabitants in the Second Municipality was only 31,000. In setting up a curriculum also, great care was shown. The best systems in Europe and in the United States were studied, and a Mr. Shaw was brought down from Massachusetts to become superintendent. It is said that the famous educator, Horace Mann, was also engaged in an advisory capacity, though there is no record of his ever having visited the city. Shaw's tenure of office was short. He resigned after seeing the schools firmly established, declaring that he preferred to work in another community, where he would not find it necessary to expend so much energy in overcoming unnecessary opposition in carrying out his plans.

p155 Each municipality had its own school board and employed its own executive officer. These boards were composed of one member from each ward and one member at large. This gave the Second Municipality, for instance, a board of twelve. These boards held a very close relationship to the common council of the municipality, and to the General Council of the city. To the former was rendered an annual report, on the basis of which appropriations were made. In 1848 the total school appropriation had risen to $105,000. In the Second Municipality there were soon open a high school, grammar schools, and primary schools. In 1848 these schools were so well equipped as to challenge the admiring comment of professional critics. It is said that in this respect they would compare favorably with any in the country. In the First Municipality a peculiar difficulty was encountered from the fact that it was deemed necessary to maintain both French and English courses, necessitating duplicate textbooks and a double set of teachers. The Third Municipality was somewhat slow in setting up a high school. It was for some years content to maintain a good system of primary education.

The Arcadian simplicity of life in New Orleans in this period is interestingly shown by some of the entries in the archives of the city. In May, 1840, for example, Mayor Freret wrote to the council of the First Municipality that he had not communicated with it for some time "for want of any interesting and important intelligence to lay before it," and he then disturbed the members merely to call attention to the fact that repairs were needed for a levee in the upper part of town. In March, 1842, he had leisure to send in a special communication deploring the destruction by fire of the St. Charles Theater. In January of that year Mayor Freret addressed to one of the councils a message which sheds an amusing light on the police of his day. He returned with his veto an ordinance authorizing the patrolmen to enter at their discretion any public place of amusement. The mayor held that "this tended to make them keep late hours and lead them into habits of dissipation, and so unfit them for their daily avocations." As a matter of fact the management of all such resorts were required to maintain at their own expense a sort of police, which enforced order. Nevertheless the mayor's paternal attitude towards the guardians of the peace is delightfully indicative of the status of the city. We may also smile over the discussion which raged in the council of the Second Municipality in May, 1840, as to whether the circus which was then exhibiting in that part of the city should be allowed to remain open on Sunday night. S. J. Peters led a majority of the members in opposition on the ground that to permit such a course was incompatible with the proper respect for the Sabbath Day. And finally one reads in the Picayune an editorial commending Mayor Freret for his action in suppressing the circulation in New Orleans of Northern newspapers containing notices of abolitionist meetings. It was yet a little town, indeed!

Freret's last official act was to send in to the council of the First Municipality a message vetoing an ordinance ceding to the United States Government all right and title in the piece of land on Esplanade Avenue on which the mint had been erected.

The municipal election of 1842 was hotly contested. The gubernatorial campaign was to open a short time later, and the results in the city would, it was expected, have an important bearing into those in the State. The democrats made strenuous preparations for the fray. p156"They are fully aware of the importance of the mayoral elections as connected with the July elections," remarked the Bee, early in April, "and have made preparations accordingly. Not only do they intend to carry their mayor, but, we are told, have agreed upon a ticket in caucus for general councilmen for the three municipalities and aldermen for every ward in the city."7 The whigs, on the contrary, made no preparations. "To the efforts of our enemies," said the Bee, in another editorial, the whigs have opposed nothing but, we trust, the quiet determination to win the day." Prieur was put forward as the democratic candidate. Freret was nominated by the Native Americans and, after some delay, was accepted as the whig candidate. The Native Americans made an aggressive fight. They propounded a series of questions to the candidates relative to their position on the neutrality laws. Did they favor the exclusion of foreigners from office whenever a native-born candidate properly qualified could be found? Prieur answered that the interrogatory had nothing to do with the mayoralty contest. He was not sufficiently well informed to speak positively with reference to the question. His impression was that "there was no necessity for constant agitation and violation of the feelings of those of our fellow citizens who have found in this, our happy land, a home." He did not favor a repeal of the naturalization laws.8 Freret answered that he believed that the naturalization laws were defective and should be repealed. An "outcry" was immediately raised against him, according to the Bee. It was charged that he aimed at depriving the naturalized voter of his right to the ballot and that if his views were adopted a large and influential group of citizens would be reduced to a position not different from that of the free negroes.9

Prieur was the strongest man that "locofocoism" possessed in Louisiana. In New Orleans he "was in the stronghold of his popularity and power, surrounded by a large body of individuals who" were "attracted to him by ties of personal friendship and affection." The Second Municipality was conceded to him even by the most rabid Freret partisans, but they expected to carry the First and Third Municipalities. The Prieur faction concentrated their forces in the Second Municipality. The election took place on April 4 and resulted in the overwhelming defeat of the whig and Native American candidates. Prieur received 1,334 votes and Freret 1,069. Not only was the former successful in the Second Municipality, as anticipated, but he carried both of the other two sections of the city by good majorities. The Picayune noted that the election "was conducted in a spirit of peace and order worthy of intelligent freemen."10 Paul Bertus was re-elected recorder of the First Municipality, Joshua Baldwin in the Second; and Alfred Lewis was chosen to that office in the Third Municipality. "Apart from Prieur's political principles," commented the Bee, on the following day, "we have no occasion to mourn his success. He has long been a favorite with a large portion of our citizens, who sustained him despite his politics, and is generally esteemed an honest and capable man."

The causes of Freret's defeat were not far to seek. He was opposed almost solidly by the naturalized citizens, who had supported the whigs p157in 1840, and were to support them in the impending gubernatorial contest, but who were induced by democratic propaganda to repudiate the whig candidate for mayor. As a party the whigs had made no nominations and had supported Freret passively on the ground that he had been a good official. The real issue was the Native American program. What had most to do with Freret's defeat was an unfortunate editorial in the Louisiana American. This paper was supporting his candidacy. It created the impression that Freret did not wish the support of the whigs. Just before the election, moreover, it printed an article urging that "the approaches to the polls be kept clear," as the "Crayowls" were noted for their proclivity "to keep up a row on such occasions."11 The opposition promptly placarded the city with reproductions of the offensive paragraph. There could be no question that "Crayowls" meant Creoles. Nothing that Freret's friends could do served to mitigate the offense. The Creole population to a large degree voted for Prieur.

This second administration of Prieur's was brief. Within eight months after taking office, he was tendered the lucrative state position of recorder of mortgages in New Orleans. This he decided to accept. Under the law prohibiting dual office holding, his he saw appointment cancelled his commission as mayor. "We presume that the position will have to be filled by an election," remarked the Bee, early in February, 1843; and went on to enumerate the candidates who were already in the field, including C. C. Claiborne, "than whom," in the editor's opinion, "we know of none more deserving of being selected."12 The campaign seems to be the first in which the whigs definitely organized after the example of the democrats, and went in determined to win. Delegates were regularly elected from each of the subdivisions of the city, and met in the ball room at the St. Louis Hotel on February 14 to select a candidate. The Bee dwelt upon the importance of the coming election. "With the election of Prieur last April," it remarked, "may be dated the revival of 'locofocoism' in this State, which had scarcely recovered from the overwhelming defeat of 1840 when the whigs suffered them to carry the city by default."13 The arrangements for this meeting were perfected by the Clay Club, as the whig organization was called. The Bee insisted that this club was not working with "the object of selecting a candidate and forcing him on the party," but merely to devise a method by which a suitable standard-bearer might be most conveniently named. In this it professed to see a great distinction between the Clay Club and the democratic caucus which met a few days later and nominated Joseph Genois for mayor. The difference, however, was one of names only. Joseph Genois had served for some years as recorder of the First Municipality and enjoyed an enviable reputation, which made an unimpeachable candidate.

The whig convention selected William Freret as its candidate. The election took place on February 20. It was a complete whig victory. Freret was elected by "the largest majority ever given to a whig for that office." He received 1,289 votes to Genois' 974. The victory was notable because both State and National patronage was used by the democrats in favor of their candidate. Mouton, a democrat, had been inaugurated p158governor of the State only a few months before; this was the first trial of strength between the parties since that event; and it was strategically desirable that the administration should win it. The local organ of the National Democratic administration also urged the election of Genois; and the Bee did not scruple to charge that the local Federal officeholders were put under more or less compulsion to make them vote for him.14 The result was "a rebuke to the traitor, Tyler, who has brought the patronage of the Government into conflict with the freedom of elections" — so ran the resolutions of one of the whig clubs — "and whose officials in this quarter have openly taken the field and resolved to support the Locofoco candidate for mayor."15

The election was complicated by the fact that that morning the Commercial Bank closed its doors and alarmed depositors started a result on the other banks. This undoubtedly kept a number of citizens from voting. Perhaps this diversion of interest was responsible for "the order and decorum," which prevailed throughout the day and which the Picayune found "remarkable," though not exceptional.16

A month later an election for councilmen threw the councils also into the hands of the whigs. Among the whig candidates for the Council were A. D. Crossman, subsequently mayor of the city, and Christian Roselius, the celebrated lawyer. The election took place on April 3, and resulted in whig successes in each of the three municipalities, so that the councils stood as follows: First Municipality, ten whig members to two democrats; Second Municipality, eight whig members to four democrats; Third Municipality, five whig members to one democrat.

Freret's second administration was uneventful. Having been elected to fill our Prieur's term, it drew to a close early the following year. The whigs profited by the sharp lesson which they had received in 1842. As the municipal election of 1844 approached they were early in the field. This time it was the democrats who were tardy in getting into the fight.17 Freret was put forward by the Bee as a suitable whig candidate. "A fearful spirit is abroad in the land," added the editor, apprehensively, "that seeks the destruction of the guarantees of law and order. Appeals have been made to the passions of men, as if to make the election an arbitrament of force. The public ear is stunned with rumors of misfeasance in office and attempts are made to persuade the inhabitants of the city that they are a badly-used and tyranny-ridden people."18 What especially recommended Freret was his services on behalf of public education.

The Louisiana American selected Edgar Mont gut as its standard bearer. This paper opposed Freret on the ground that he had been a member of the Native American party. The editor was unaware, or was intentionally blind to the fact that his own nominee had likewise figured in the innermost councils of that now moribund organization. In 1840 Mont gut had sought the nomination for mayor at its hands. p159His name was mentioned along with Freret's as a suitable person for that post.19

The democrats made no party nomination but appear to have supported Mont gut. The party energies were concentrated especially in the Second Municipality, where the council was whig. Under this whig administration that quarter of the city had prospered notably during the previous two years. There had been marked growth in population; extensive improvements had been made, a splendid commerce had been built up, streets had been opened and repaired and "taxes expended in a way to add to the revenue of those who paid them."20 Similarly good results had been achieved in the Third Municipality, where the whigs likewise controlled. The bonds of this municipality had risen nearly 100 percent . Under an economical administration that part of the city was beginning to emerge from the financial difficulties of recent years. In fact the city everywhere "was improving as fast as the interference of the legislature with affairs would permit," as the Bee remarked.

The election took place on April 1, 1844, and resulted in victory for Mont gut. Only a small vote was cast. Freret received 465 votes and his rival 557. The usual cry of fraud went up at once from the defeated party. For this claim there was, this time, considerable justification. The evil practices initiated at the recent State election had borne their proper fruit. "Let them rejoice over the results of yesterday's election," scornfully wrote the Bee, "who can contemplate with satisfaction the prostitution of the ballot box and the triumph of foreigners over the citizens of the State."21 The result was, in fact, determined largely by the vote of the naturalized citizens. In the Second Municipality a judge, Eliott, was accused of having issued quantities of spurious naturalization certificates. These were rejected by the whig commissioners when presented at the polls. Serious disturbances followed. The whigs, however, were successful in carrying this municipality by a vote of 417 to 37. In the other municipalities, however, this device was successfully worked. "It required but a short walk to exercise a franchise which used to be considered sacred, but has now become a marketable privilege," was the way in which the Bee referred to the activities of the "repeaters" who determined the result in the First and Third Municipalities.

In spite of the manner in which he had been elected, the whig organs had nothing to say against Mont gut's character. Even the Bee hesitated to impugn his motives. "The only objection to Mr. Mont gut is that Mr. Freret had obtained the majority of the bona fide votes," was its salutatory editorial on the new administration.22 And referring to the retiring mayor, the same paper remarked: "No chief magistrate has displayed greater zeal and capacity than he." Mont gut took the oath on May 13. The events of his administration may be quickly recapitulated. A fire on May 18, 1844, destroyed ten squares bounded by Franklin, Canal, Common and Claiborne streets, rendering several score persons homeless. The mayor sent in a message to the councils asking that aid be extended to the victims of the disaster. This was generously accorded. The first year of the administration ended with some anticipation of a deficit, due to another payment which the city had to make p160to the Orleans Theater Company in the suit which it still prosecuted against the city on the basis of an agreement made some years before by which the corporation subscribed to $200,000 worth of stock. The city had consented to take this large block of stock in the expectation of seeing a theater erected, which does not appear ever to have been built. The corporation was fortunately able to compromise the judgment in consideration of a payment of $128,000, in bonds bearing 6 percent interest.23 The transaction, however, did not actually figure on the books of the city as a deficit. The increasing prosperity of the community brought in an enlarged revenue which offset this charge. The only other incident which has interest for us today is the fact that, on January 20, 1845, Mme. Pontalba obtained a permit to erect the arcades on St. Peter and St. Ann streets, opposite Jackson Square, which still embellish the buildings that bear her name.b

But if the external events of Mont gut's administration were trivial, the unseen forces which were operative at this time make this epoch one of the most interesting in the history of the city. As we shall have occasion to point out in a later chapter, this was a period of great actual advance, but of relative retrogression. Never had New Orleans been more prosperous. It had now recovered from the financial disaster of 1837; its trade was growing by leaps and bounds, the population was mounting in numbers, many buildings were erected, the costs of living increased. In the American quarter, for example, in the single year 1845, 295 buildings were erected. These structures were mainly of brick, granite, or other durable material. Some of them were outbuildings of small value; but the average value reached the then respectable figure of $3,500.

In politics, too, this was a time of transition. The lofty ideals of an earlier day began to give way to a hard materialism. From this time onward organization in the parties became increasingly efficient and superseded the personal leadership of the first part of the century. Hence, in city elections State and national issues figure more and more; and the disorders which were occasional at an earlier date become the regular feature of the municipal election day as of the State election day. But these, also, are matters which must be taken up in detail in a future chapter.

The Author’s Notes

1 Messages of the Mayors, May 1, 1838, in the New Orleans City Archives.

2 Messages to the General Council, October 16, 1839, in New Orleans City Archives.

3 Picayune, May 27, 1840.

4 Quoted in Martin, "History of Louisiana"; Condon's Annals, 442.

5 Picayune, May 19, 1840. See also Proceedings of the Council of the Second Municipality for May 19, 1840.

6 Ficklen, "History of Education in New Orleans," in Rightor's "Standard History of New Orleans," 226.

7 Bee, April 2, 1842.

8 Picayune, March 15, 1842.

9 Bee, April 4, 1842.

10 Picayune, April 5, 1842.

11 Louisiana American, April 4, 1842.

12 Bee, February 7, 1843.

13 Bee, February 9, 1843.

14 Bee, February 21, 1843.

15 Resolutions of the Whig Mass Meeting at Banks' Arcade, February 19, 1843. See the Bee of February 20.

16 Picayune, February 21, 1843. The whole episode of Freret's second election has been heretofore very obscure. I am indebted to Mrs. M. Pohlman, city archivist, for her courteous assistance in locating the foregoing references.

17 Courier de la Louisiane, January 5, 1844.

18 Bee, March 30, 1844.

19 Native American, March 4, 1840.

20 Bee, March 30, 1844.

21 Bee, April 2, 1844.

22 Ibid.

23 Journal of the Second Municipality, 1844, pp164, 169, 343 (August 29).

Notes

1. Carondelet Canal 'also known as the Old Basin Canal, was a canal in New Orleans, Louisiana, operating from 1794 into the 1920s. It ceased to be navigable in 1927 was filled in 1938.'
2. mortgaging A loan for the purchase of real property.
3. extravagances excessive or unnecessary spending of money.
4. magnanimity generosity.

Text prepared by:

• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage
• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux

Chapter X

Mayor Crossman

The years from 1846 to 1854 were busy, prosperous and eventful in New Orleans. During that time A. D. Crossman was mayor. He was a strong, aggressive individual, under whose guidance the city continued to advance. In politics a whig, he was supported consistently by that party. His promotion to the chief magistracy of the city was earned in several years' service in the council of the First Municipality. He represented the First Ward of the "Vieux Carré." In that body he advocated two measures — one to have Front Street paved with square granite blocks; and the other to open the cross-streets back from the boundary of the old city to the "canal," or Metairie Ridge. He was successful in both plans, though only after a long time and much effort. Bienville Avenue, as it was then called — the prolongation of Bienville Street beyond the original boundaries — remains a monument to his memory. He also endeavored to convince his fellow councilmen of the necessity of clearing and draining the swamps in the rear of the city. He believed that the best interests of that part of New Orleans which he represented would be served if the tendency of population to spread uptown was checked in favor of a movement backward towards Lake Pontchartrain. This idea, though sound, did not meet with much response at the time. Crossman was successful in having the swamp partially drained, but only when the work could be no longer of material benefit to his constituency.

Abdiel Daily Crossman was born in 1804 in a little village called Green, in Maine, on the banks of the Androscoggin River. His family came from Massachusetts and was of old Puritan stock. The father was a soldier in the American Army during the War of 1812 and saw several campaigns on the Canadian frontier. The son enjoyed few educational advantages. What instruction he had was obtained from his parents, who, at night, taught him a little reading, writing and arithmetic. By his own efforts, however, he later acquired a good education. The father was a hatter by trade and brought his son up to follow the same business. With this equipment young Crossman left home at an early age to seek fortune in the cities. He went first to Philadelphia but in 1829 moved to New Orleans, where he arrived with only five dollars in his pocket.

In New Orleans Crossman was soon able to open a small shop in Canal Street. That street was then so far "uptown" that, when he mentioned the proposed location to a friend, the latter exclaimed in astonishment, "Why, you might as well leave town at once; nobody will ever find your place so far away as that!" Crossman's success, however, was great from the very start. It was not long before he became a personage of importance in influential circles. He became a director in several banks, an officer in some of the more prominent benevolent societies, and was in other ways ranked among the substantial citizens of the city.

In 1844 Crossman was elected to the State Legislature. This was the session immediately preceding the Constitutional Convention of

p162

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'1848')"

onMouseOut="nd();">1845; consequently, no measures of importance were brought up at this time. He remained a member of the First Municipal Council and about this time was made chairman of the finance committee, a position which had been abandoned by several able men, on account of the difficulties which the management of the local finances were beginning to develop. The First Municipality was heavily in debt. Its resources were rapidly declining. There were $400,000 in judgments pending against the corporation, and other debts aggregating no less than $900,000 were outstanding which had to be paid. Crossman set to work to reduce expenses and increase revenues, with such success that he was soon able to put the credit of the municipality upon a secure basis. It was this proof of administrative talent that led to his nomination for mayor.

onMouseOut="nd();">1

The Touro Block, Canal Street, in 1846

Although deploring the efforts of the democrats to inject national issues into municipal politics, the whigs, as we have seen, were, by the logic of events, forced to assume a somewhat similar attitude. That is to say, Prieur's election as a democrat in 1842 entailed the nomination of a distinctly whig candidate in 1844 and again in 1846. The whigs, however, disdained to organize after the fashion of the despised "locofocos," and their candidates were put forward as the choice of the people, directly expressed at a primary held for the purpose. Crossman's candidacy was announced by the Bee and the nomination was endorsed in a primary a few days later. The Bee declared that the people "were indifferent to national issues," and asked only that "good men be named for office." On the other hand the democrats had some trouble in settling upon a candidate. Both Edgar Montgut and A. J. Guirot aspired to the position. Guirot, who was finally selected, was a strong party man. For some years he had held a lucrative office in the First Municipality. He was nominated on March 5th "with all the

p163established formalities of locofocoism," according to the Bee,

onMouseOut="nd();">2 meaning that he was chosen by a caucus of the party leaders and recommended to the suffrages of the people on purely party grounds. Montgut, who, according to the same paper, "had creditably filled his onerous functions," sought the nomination as an endorsement of his administration. He was nominated by a group of his friends, and split the democratic vote in a way which insured Crossman's success.

The election took place on April 5, 1846. It was exciting, but "conducted with the utmost order and tranquility." It called forth the heaviest vote till then cast in the city, in spite of the unfavorable weather which prevailed. The result was hailed by the whig organ "not as a political triumph for Crossman," though the party had stood loyally by him, but as "a rebuke to caucus intrigues," calculated to "teach the wire-pullers the inefficiency of such means against the sovereign will of the people themselves."

onMouseOut="nd();">3 Crossman received 2,989 votes, Guirot 2,743, and Montgut 1,614. The whigs carried the First and Second Municipalities by substantial pluralities but lost the Third Municipality, where Guirot was successful by a plurality of about 100 votes. The whigs succeeded in electing a majority of the aldermen in the First and Second municipalities but failed to carry the General Council.

The contest over the recorderships was second in interest only to the struggle over the mayoralty. In the First and Second municipalities Joseph Genois and Joshua Baldwin were elected by substantial majorities. Genois ran as an independent democrat. He was the object of a determined attack by the regular democratic organization. He had supported General DeBuys in the recent gubernatorial campaign and thereby antagonized the "locofocos" of the city. Ramos, who was the regular democratic candidate, received only an insignificant vote. Genois had the whig support and was successful by nearly 1,000 majority. In the Second Municipality the democrats nominated T. B. Eastland, "a man of standing," according to the Bee. Baldwin was the whig candidate. The canvas was carried on with an acrimony seldom witnessed in the case of the subordinate municipal candidates. The democrats also made a savage but unsuccessful onslaught upon S. J. Peters, who was running for the Second Municipal Council. In the Third Municipality, however, the democratic candidate, Seuzeneau, was elected by a large majority.

Two years later, when Crossman was re-elected mayor, the whigs scored a still more sensational success. Crossman had given so much satisfaction by the impartial way in which he handled the often conflicting interests of the three municipalities under his jurisdiction that his renomination by the whigs was a foregone conclusion. The democrats nominated a young man named Reynolds, well known for his party zeal, about whom the Bee could find nothing more scathing to say than that he was "a gentleman of fair attainments and in the relations of private life high-minded and honorable."

onMouseOut="nd();">4 Again the contest over the recorderships proved extremely important. In the First Municipality the whig candidate, Bureau, was withdrawn, and the field abandoned to the two democratic candidates, Genois and Ramos. Genois ran again as an independent democrat and was supported silently by the whigs. Genois

p164commended himself to them as "liberal in his views, an excellent man, and an experienced magistrate." Ramos was again the standard bearer of the regular organization. In the Second Municipality Joshua Baldwin was a candidate for re-election on the whig ticket. The nominee of the regular democrats was T. H. Howard, a popular young man whose claim to distinction was based upon service in a ward club. Seuzeneau, the "Locofoco" incumbent, who was a candidate in the Third Ward, was unopposed.

The election took place on April 3. Both parties made every effort to bring out a full vote in view of the effect which success in the city was expected to have upon the State contest, due in November. Crossman was elected by a vote of 5,090 against Reynolds, 2,986. Genois and Baldwin were elected. Seuzeneau, of course, carried his municipality unanimously. The Bee, commenting upon the result, announced that the whig victory was the greatest ever won by the party in the history of the city. The General Council was predominantly whig. The Second Municipality Council was unanimously whig; the First Municipality Council was whig by a good majority. The third Municipality Council, however, was democratic. A great deal of satisfaction was felt because the Seventh Ward of the Second Municipality, long regarded as the chief fortress of democratic power, had fallen under the whig attack. There

p165was, however, less reason for whig rejoicing than the party leaders were prepared to admit. The party did not actually command a majority in the city as large as that by which Crossman was elected. He had earned by his conduct as mayor the support of a substantial fraction of the democrats. The issue of the campaign had been the question of taxes; the desire to see in office competent, zealous, and experienced public servants who announced a policy of economy and reductions in the tax rate, had been a factor more effective than were considerations of party loyalty.

During Crossman's second administration the desirability of a change in the city charter became evident. The city campaign of 1850 turned on that question. Crossman advocated the abolishment of the three-municipality system and the re-establishment of the previous, centralized city government. His nomination brought the problem directly before the people and resulted in his election by a respectable majority. There were two other candidates — J. M. Bell, nominated by the democrats; and T. T. Spear, an independent, who ran on an anti-bank platform, and did not receive more than 100 votes in the entire city. Alexander Grailhe, a distinguished attorney, was also put forward as an independent candidate, but withdrew early in the race.

James H. Caldwell

The election took place on April 22, having been postponed from the usual date early in the month through the action of the State Legislature. Although the matter of a new city charter was pending, the legislature saw fit to increase the number of officials in each of the municipalities. The voters were therefore called on to ballot for 12 or 14 officers in each of the three divisions of the city. The democrats were well organized; the whigs, as their organ, the Bee, explained, were over-confident.

onMouseOut="nd();">5 The result was that, while Crossman carried the First and Second municipalities, he lost the Third. His total vote was 4,984, as against 4,452 for Bell. The democrats concentrated their efforts upon the aldermanic candidates, but were defeated in the First Municipality, which was "whig to the core," to quote the Bee again, and elected that party's nominees for the General Council, and ten whig aldermanic nominees out of a total delegation of 16. In the Second Municipality, however, the whig majority in the Council, while retained, was greatly reduced. Joshua Baldwin was defeated for recorder by J. H. Caldwell. In the Third Municipality Seuzeneau defeated his rival, Collins, by a majority of 150 votes. There were loud cries of fraud in this part of the city, but the charges were not pressed, and were probably unfounded.

The salient events of Crossman's long administration were the patriotic and military enterprises undertaken in the city in connection with the war in Mexico; the Sauv crevasse; the Spanish riot of 1851; the epidemics of yellow fever in 1852 and 1853; and the new city charter, which substituted for the discredited three-municipality system a single, efficient government. During the war New Orleans was the chief military depot of operations against Mexico. The streets were constantly filled with recruits on their way to join their commands at various stations in the West. With them came many undesirable characters, the control of whom imposed serious burdens on the city's small police force. Sick and destitute, also, collected in the wake of the army. Not only was the mayor called on to preserve order, but to devise methods

p166whereby charity might effectively provide for the unfortunate. Benevolence was a conspicuous trait of Mayor Crossman's character; he threw himself into the latter work with great zeal and noteworthy success. It is recorded that his hospitality to the soldiers returning from the war was extended "in a highly creditable and satisfactory manner."

Although the annexation of Texas as a feature of national policy did not meet with unanimous approval in New Orleans, the community rallied to a man to the support of the government, as soon as it became evident that hostilities were inevitable with Mexico. When "Sam" Houston, president of the little republic, visited New Orleans, on May 24, 1845, to speak in behalf of the Texan cause, he received a prompt and enthusiastic reception. Just a month before, at a great meeting in Banks' Arcade, at which Dr. D. Bullard presided, and where Alexander Walker, the historian, acted as secretary, resolutions had been adopted endorsing the annexation of Texas as "a great American measure" and declaring that "the doctrine which would exclude a new territory because slavery exists in it" constituted "an injurious imputation upon the slave-holding states of the Union." At the same time General E. P. Gaines, then stationed in the vicinity of the city, undertook, somewhat prematurely, as was afterwards decided, to raise two regiments of infantry and two companies of artillery for service in the impending struggle. Then came news of General Taylor's critical situation on the Rio Grande. Excitement in New Orleans rose to fever heat. The Legislature voted $100,000 to raise and equip four regiments for immediate service. These, organized, as the governor said, in a subsequent message to the Legislature, "in an incredibly short space of time," were hurried in the middle of May to the scene of danger, and aided materially in winning the victory at Matamoras, a few weeks later.

In August the recruiting of volunteers went on actively. Then followed public meetings, at which various wealthy citizens put their purses at the service of the government, among them Benjamin Story, who offered the state $500,000 to be used in war work. It is impossible here to enumerate all the organizations which were raised and went to Mexico, but among them were Major Galley's Artillery; the Clinton Guard, Captain Chase; the Native American Artillery, Captain Forno; Orleans Boys, Capt. C. F. Hunt; Company A, Orleans Riflemen, Captain Head; Louisiana Grays, Captain Breedlove; German Yagers, Captain Soniat; First Company Louisiana Volunteers, Captain Glenn; Second Company, Louisiana Volunteers, Captain Stockton; Company B, Louisiana Invincibles, Captain White; First Company Eclaireurs, Captain Crevon; Louisiana Tigers, Captain Emerson; the Taylor Guards; Orleans Blues; California Guards; Orleans Guards, Capt. F. Gardere; Musqueteers, Captain Mondelle; Catalan Guards, Captain Viosca; Cazadores de Orleans, Captain Trigo; and scores of others. Many of these commands were included in the four regiments sent to the front in May, 1845, under the command, respectively, of Cols. J. R. Walton, J. F. Marks, James H. Dakin, and Colonel Davis. There was some complaint during the war that Louisiana troops were not given proper opportunities to distinguish themselves, but the Washington Artillery signalized itself on more than one occasion; and General Persifer F. Smith, with a brigade of Louisiana volunteers, won a brilliant reputation at Monterey, Contreras, Churubusco, Chapultepec, and the taking of the City of Mexico. Zachary Taylor, who was the principal hero of the war, had been for years a resident

p167of Louisiana. It was in this brief contest, also, that

onMouseOver="return Ebox(Cullum1+'1838'+Cullum2,WIDTH,300)"

onMouseOut="nd();">Beauregard won his spurs.

In connection with the war several notable events

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'occured')"

onMouseOut="nd();">occurred in New Orleans. There was, for example, the great illumination of the city on May 15, 1847, in honor of the recent victories in Mexico. The funerals of Col. H. M. Clay and Colonel McKee, who were stabbed to death while lying wounded on the field of Buena Vista,

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'was')"

onMouseOut="nd();">were made the occasion of an impressive demonstration on the part of the population on June 11th. The body of Captain Lincoln, who fell in battle, was laid in state at the arsenal on St. Peter Street and given the honors of a public interment. In November Generals Quitman and Shields and Colonel Harney were entertained at a great banquet at the St. Charles Hotel. On the return of General Taylor from the war, in December, a magnificent procession filed through the streets of the city. The home-coming of the Louisiana troops, on July 8, 1848, was welcomed by the entire population. It is estimated that 10,000 persons witnessed the parade of the veterans as they marched up St. Charles Street to Tivoli (Lee) Circle. That night there was a great meeting at the corner of Canal and Carondelet streets, at which the Governor made an address of welcome and Colonel

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'De Rusey')"

onMouseOut="nd();">De Russey responded appropriately. Later the men were the guests of the city at a supper in the Place d'Armes.

The Sauv crevasse, in May, 1849, put heavy burdens upon the city administration, but they were borne with credit. From its foundation New Orleans had been menaced with flood both from the Mississippi and from Lake Pontchartrain and Borgne. The former, at certain times of the year, swollen by the melting snows of the North, rolls south an enormous body of water. Against the danger of overflow a great system of levees has been built on both sides of the river. The city was inundated in 1780, 1785, 1791, and 1799 as a result of "crevasse" in the flimsy embankments on which reliance had till then been placed. These unfortunate experiences convinced the inhabitants of the desirability of enlarging and extending the system; and largely with state aid, levees were built on one bank of the river from Point-à-la-Hache to Pass Manchac, a distance of

onMouseOver="return Ebox('249 km',WIDTH,72)"

onMouseOut="nd();"> 155 miles; and on the other, from the lower Plaquemines settlement to Pointe Coupe, a distance of

onMouseOver="return Ebox('298 km',WIDTH,72)"

onMouseOut="nd();"> 185 miles, at an outlay of about $6,500,000.

(p168)

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Diagram showing the inundated District Sauv's Crevasse May 3rd, 1849 A larger, fully readable scan (2.1 MB) onMouseOver="return Ebox(INARRAY,Photo,WIDTH,115)" onMouseOut="nd();" onClick="makeWindow(567,400)"> is also available.

The inundation in New Orleans in 1813 was due to the breaking of the Macarty Levee, near the site of the later town of Carrollton, now the Seventh District. A still more disastrous experience of the same kind followed on May 6, 1816, through the collapse of the Kenner Levee, only a short distance farther up the river. The rear of the city was then flooded in some places to a depth of

onMouseOver="return Ebox('1.50 meters',WIDTH,132)"

onMouseOut="nd();"> five feet. The suburbs of Montague, LaCourse, St. Mary, and Marigny, and the whole of the lesser settlements behind them — Gravier, Trm and St. John — were under water for 25 days. It was possible to row in a small boat from the corner of Chartres and Canal streets to Dauphine, down Dauphine to Bienville, and down Bienville to Burgundy, thence to St. Louis Street and Rampart, and out to the settlements mentioned. A curious fact may be mentioned in this connection on the highest medical authority — the following summer was exceptionally healthy.

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The city also had reason to fear unusual tides in Lake Borgne and Lake Pontchartrain. These might be caused by long-continued south-east winds, or by some sudden, violent storm, which operated to retard the outflow from the lakes of the water which usually found its way through the narrow passages leading out into the Gulf of Mexico. When this occurred, the water level rose, and the swamp behind the city might be overflowed, or even the rear of the city itself. The latter happened in 1831, when as a result of a heavy storm, the lake water flowed in as far as Dauphine Street; and again in 1837. In 1844 and 1846 a similar cause sent the lake water in as far as Burgundy Street.

The Sauv crevasse, however, was the most serious event of the kind in the history of the city. The river in 1849 reached the highest stage known in twenty-one years. Some

onMouseOver="return Ebox('27 km',WIDTH,60)"

onMouseOut="nd();"> seventeen miles above the city lay a plantation belonging to Pierre Sauv. There, on the afternoon of May 3d, the levee gave way. At once it was seen impossible to stem the raging waters. The people of the city deluded themselves with the hope that the flood would find its way into Lake Pontchartrain by some channel or the other, before reaching the city. But the swamp rapidly filled; the water approached the outskirts of the town; and it was then too late to throw up any adequate defenses. By May 15th the water was at Rampart Street. The First Municipality went to work on a small levee which lay along the lower bank of the Carondelet Canal, and raised it sufficiently to shut out the flood from that part of the city; but the rear of Lafayette and of the Second Municipality was badly flooded. The water attained its highest point on May 30th when it reached Bacchus (Baronne) Street from the upper limits of Lafayette to Canal; and sometimes, where the ground was low, it ran over into Carondelet. "About 220 inhabited squares were flooded, more than 2,000 tenements were surrounded by water, and a population of near 12,000 souls either driven from their homes or living an aquatic life of much privation and suffering."

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Meanwhile efforts to close the crevasse had proven unavailing. Then two engineers named Dunbar and Surgi, undertook the task, and with carte blanche as to methods and materials, succeeded after seventeen days of heroic exertion, in staunching the flood on the 20th of June. The waters, however, did not disappear till nearly a month later. By June 22d the principal streets were clear again. Then heavy rains fell, washing away the flood deposits, and the city began to resume its normal aspect. Public property had suffered extensive damage, particularly in the Second Municipality. Pavements and gutters and gutter-bridges had to be generally replaced. In 1850 the Second Municipality found it necessary to levy a special tax of $400,000 to offset "actual expenditures on streets, wharves and crevasses." Somewhat tardily, the council of that municipality erected a levee on Felicity Street, from the point where the Claiborne Canal now intersects the New Basin Canal, to the corner of Apollo (Carondelet) Street.

In August, 1851, a riot took place in New Orleans which, aside from its purely local importance, is of great interest because of its significance in international law. The occurrence, together with

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the Mafia disturbances of 1891, set precedents regarding the responsibilities of national governments for acts committed by mobs, which have since been frequently

p170cited in diplomatic correspondence. The riot of 1851 arose indirectly out of the prejudices of the American people relative to the ownership of the Island of Cuba — prejudices which, carried to their natural conclusion, resulted in the Spanish-American War of 1898, and the establishment of a virtual protection over that region. The immediate occasion was, however, the execution by the Spanish authorities at Havana of some fifty American citizens, members of the ill-fated López filibustering expedition. In the South there was keen sympathy with those Cuban patriots who aimed at the independence of their native country. It was foreseen that, in all probability, independence would soon be followed by annexation, and annexation had important implications in connection with the expansion of the slave-holding territory in the United States.

Among those Cuban leaders who planned and fought to separate the island from the mother country was General

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'Narcico')"

onMouseOut="nd();">Narciso López. López was born in Venezuela in 1799. In his early manhood he served in the Spanish army, but when these forces were withdrawn from Venezuela he went to Cuba, where he soon became involved in the movement for independence. He visited the United States in 1849 and spent the whole of a large private fortune in fitting out filibustering expeditions there which operated unsuccessfully along the Cuban coast. The first, in 1849, was frustrated almost in its incipiency by a proclamation of President Taylor; the second, in 1850, ended in failure; and the third, in 1851, led to the terrible tragedy, in which López lost his life.

In order to raise funds for this third expedition, López issued bonds, which bore interest at 6 percent per annum, and were to be redeemed after the establishment of an independent government in the island. As further security López pledged the public lands and public property of Cuba, and the good faith of the Cuban people in perpetuity. Many of these bonds were taken in New Orleans. It is not improbable that the interest which was felt in the expedition was financial as well as patriotic. López now proceeded to recruit officers and men — a task in which he met little difficulty. He assured his soldiers that their work would be easy, inasmuch as the Cuban people were already in revolt, and the Spanish troops had been tampered with, and would promptly desert to the popular side — both statements without foundation. To his officers López promised the confiscated sugar plantations, and each common soldier was to receive $5,000. Hoping to enlist the support of a distinguished name as a further guarantee of the enterprise, López offered the command first to Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, then a member of the United States Senate and a soldier whose ability had been proven in the Mexican War; and when he refused, to Robert E. Lee, then a major in the United States Army.

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Lee also declined the offer, although López offered magnificent inducements in the way of cash bonuses and sugar plantations worth, altogether, $100,000.

The authorities in Washington made an effort to prevent the expedition from sailing, but without avail. The steamer "Pámpero" left New Orleans with the expedition on board early on the morning of August 3, 1851. A large crowd was present on the levee in the suburb of Lafayette and cheered loudly as the vessel cast off. Arriving at the Balize at 7 P.M., the ship anchored, the men went ashore for a brief drill and about fifty men were mustered out and sent back to New Orleans on the tender "Ben Adams," ostensibly because there was not room on the "Pámpero" for them. The "Pámpero" had 450 men on board when she entered the Gulf.

p171She touched at Key West and then steered directly for Cuba. Her pilot, a man named Bodley, however, did not know the Cuban coast very well. On the night of August 11-12 he succeeded in running the boat ashore at about

onMouseOver="return Ebox('about 45 km or 28 miles',WIDTH,150)"

onMouseOut="nd();"> twenty leagues from Havana. The men were landed at that place. No more unfortunate landing-place could have been selected. Lieutenant Crittenden was attacked by a large Spanish force, and after a sharp battle completely defeated. The survivors, about fifty in number, found refuge in small boats, but were quickly intercepted by a Spanish man-of-war, which took them to Havana. Here they were tried by a military court and shot on August 16.

López's force was attacked and dispersed on August 24. The men were hunted down and captured one by one. López was executed September 1 in Havana. A few of the men were liberated, but about 160 were sent to Spain, where, it is said, they were sentenced to hard labor in the mines.

On the morning of August 21 the steamer "Crescent City" arrived in New Orleans from Havana with the news of the disaster to Crittenden's command. Great excitement followed in the city. This was increased by the act of a Spanish official, the secretary of the Spanish consul in New Orleans, who was returning to the city from Havana on the ship. Upon leaving the latter place he had been entrusted with letters written by the men who were afterwards executed to their friends and relatives in the United States. Instead of delivering these to the postoffice upon arriving in New Orleans, it is said he retained them. It is not clear what was his motive. A report soon spread, however, that he had refused to give up the letters. In this anxious moment there appeared an extra edition of a local Spanish newspaper, "La Unión," with a full account of the executions in Havana, supplemented by some harsh remarks on American filibusters in general. A mob immediately formed, and before the city authorities could restrain it made its way to certain stores owned or operated by Spaniards and began to wreck them. The offices of "La Unión," six coffee houses and two tobacco stores were badly damaged. The mob also penetrated the Spanish consulate. The sign of the consulate and the Spanish flag were torn down. The flag was carried in triumph to Lafayette Square, where it was cut up and burned. The consul, protected by the famous duellist, Pepe Leulla, fled from the city to the home of a friend

onMouseOver="return Ebox('50 km',WIDTH,60)"

onMouseOut="nd();"> thirty miles away. There was, fortunately, no bloodshed.

The Spanish Government immediately protested to the American Government, and negotiations ensued, which resulted in the establishment of the principle that a nation is not responsible for the acts of a mob. Webster, then Secretary of State, expressed a proper condemnation of the actions of the New Orleans mob. They were, he said, "unjustifiable and disgraceful [. . .] flagrant breaches of duty and hospitality [. . .] the outrage, nevertheless, was one perpetrated by a mob, composed of irresponsible persons, the names of none of whom are known to this government, nor, so far as the government is informed, to its officers or agents in New Orleans." But both Webster and the President agreed that the consul ought to receive some indemnification for the danger and annoyance to which he had been subjected, and as a recognition of the offense which had put upon his dignity, and Congress was subsequently

p172asked to provide this compensation. This Congress did in 1853, but with the understanding that the reparation was made voluntarily, and not from any sense of obligation under the laws of nations.

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The consolidation of the three municipalities, the adoption of the new city charter, and the annexation of the suburb of Lafayette, all events which took place April 12, 1852, may be reckoned the most important achievements of Crossman's administration. The sixteen years over which the life of the old charter had extended, had abundantly demonstrated the impracticability of the separation of the two dominant races in the community. Moreover, it had proved by actual experiment that the American idea was better suited to the needs of the growing community than the Creole. Consolidation was not, however, effected until stern necessity made it imperative. The city's finances were in deplorable condition. It was "without credit, confusion in most of its branches, and the people disheartened."

onMouseOut="nd();">9 The debts of Lafayette and of the three municipalities aggregated the then enormous sum of $7,700,000, of which $2,000,000 was due to be paid, without any means of doing so. The episode of the Spanish riot, also, had shown the impossibility of handling the police force in emergency, when divided and scattered over three separate and independent corporations.

In view of these conditions a bill was introduced into the legislature as early as 1850 looking to the revocation of the city charter, and the substitution of one which would embody the changes recommended by Mayor Crossman and the most progressive citizens of New Orleans as imperatively necessary. Before taking action, however, the legislature required that the people of the city should pass on the matter; and not until after the project had been approved in a primary, was the bill put on final passage. It was approved by the governor February 23, 1852.

By this act all parts of New Orleans on the left bank of the Mississippi

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'was')"

onMouseOut="nd();">were declared to constitute a single corporation, and the powers hitherto pertaining to any other government in that area were transferred to the new organization. The new municipality was divided into nine wards. The city government was grouped as to its function into the legislative and executive branches. The former consisted of a board of aldermen composed of eleven members, and a board of assistant aldermen composed of 24 members. The aldermen were to hold office for two years, and were elected from three electoral districts, as follows: The first, second and third wards, constituting the First District, elected five aldermen; the fourth, fifth and sixth wards, forming the Second District, elected four aldermen; and the seventh,

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'eight')"

onMouseOut="nd();">eighth and ninth wards, composing the Third District, elected two aldermen. The members were ranged in classes, one of which retired annually, and provision was made for an election each year for their successors. The same thing was true with regard to the assistant aldermen. The members of this board were chosen in an equally cumbersome way, in each ward. They held office one year. They were apportioned to the wards according to population, the third, for instance, having six, and the ninth having but one.

The election day was fixed for the fourth Monday of March, annually in the case of the assistant aldermen, biennially in the case of the aldermen and mayor; and each class went into office on the second Monday in

p173April following their election. The powers of the two boards were equal, each having a negative on the other's action. The charter contained very precise provisions intended to keep the two bodies separate; they might not, for instance, appoint any joint committees except a finance committee, or those which, in the nature of conference committees, were charged with special investigations requiring concerted action.

Each board was to meet weekly, but in separate chambers. No ordinance became effective until passed by both boards of the council. There was also provision for the increase of the membership in both boards as the city grew in size, by means of a quinquennial census and reapportionment of representation, the aldermen, however, never to exceed 13 in number, nor the assistant aldermen 25, and no ward to have less than one delegate. These two boards made up what was known as the common council of the City of New Orleans.

The executive branch of the government was composed of the mayor, three recorders, a treasurer, a comptroller, a city surveyor, a street commissioner, and "such other subordinate officers for preserving the peace and order of the city as the common council might deem necessary." The mayor's qualifications for office were described as "the same as for membership in the House of Representatives in the State Legislature." That is, he was required to be at least 30 years of age, a citizen of the United States, and a resident of New Orleans. His duties were substantially those enumerated in the Charter of 1809. He was ex-officio a justice of the peace; he was to sign and publish the ordinances of the council; he possessed the veto power within the usual limitations; and he was obliged to lay before the common council from time to time statements of the city's condition, financial and otherwise. The two most important provisions added by the new charter, was one making the mayor ineligible for immediate re-election, and one investing him with complete control over the police force, including the right to appoint and remove all its members, with the advice and consent of the board of aldermen.

The recorders were to be four in number. They were ex-officio justices of the peace, and their principal duties were such as officials of that nature would usually discharge. Insofar as not inconsistent with the other provisions of the act, they were entrusted with all the powers and privileges hitherto enjoyed by the recorders of the separate municipalities.

There was no special provision for salaries for either aldermen or assistant aldermen. The mayor was to receive not less than $4,000, but it was within the power of the common council to fix his emoluments. As for the recorders their compensation was to be fixed by the council. The comptroller, the city surveyor, and the treasurer were to receive $3,000 each; the street commissioner, $2,000. A city attorney was to be paid at the rate of $3,000 per annum.

A very important feature of the new charter related to the liquidation of the debts of the three municipalities, which, as we have seen, were proportionately large. The financial embarrassments of the city had led, in 1847, to the passage by the State Legislature of an act creating a commission of six, two from each of the municipalities, charged with the task of refunding the whole debt into an issue of bonds to run 30 years and bear seven percent interest. Provision was now made for a commission to be composed of the mayor, the comptroller, the city treasurer, and the chairman of the finance committee of the Common Council, with

p174power to refund all the outstanding debts of the three municipalities into bonds to run 40 years. The bonds so issued were to constitute "a stock to be known as the Consolidated Debt of the City of New Orleans." Provisions were made for the division of the debt into classes corresponding to the three former municipalities, and there were arrangements by which the interest charges were to be equalized among them. This interest was to be met by an annual tax of $600,000; out of which the promoters of the charter fondly hoped that there would remain some surplus to be applied to the retirement of the principal — a hope which no one familiar with the history of the finances so far, had any good reason to entertain. Finally a provision was inserted in the charter that no ordinance should thereafter be adopted which did not specify the manner in which the obligations set up therein were to be discharged.

With regard to public education, the charter made some very sensible provisions. The existing school system was not disturbed. The three separate school boards which had developed under the old charter, were continued, but they were brought into close relation and responsibility to the Common Council, and no member of any other department of the city government was permitted to have a seat on any of these bodies.

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The adoption of this charter was one of the most important steps that had so far been taken towards the Americanization of the city. By it the second municipality, the American quarter, became admittedly the commercial, intellectual and political center of the city. Its glittering white marble hall on Lafayette Square, built in 1850 from designs by the distinguished architect, Gallier, was accepted as the seat of the city government. Business gradually removed its offices to Camp and Carondelet streets. The rotunda of the St. Charles Hotel, rebuilt in even grander style after its destruction by fire in 1850, became the place of meeting of numberless popular assemblages; and the banks whose charters stipulated that they should not locate their domiciles above the "neutral ground" of Canal Street, established branches within the favored precincts, or moved as near to the boundary as they might.

The yellow fever epidemic of 1853 and 1854 was the most terrible catastrophe of the kind that the city has been called on to endure. This was by no means the first time that the fever had visited the city. As early as 1766, for instance, an epidemic disease prevailed which is believed to have been yellow fever. At that time, however, the name by which it afterwards became known was not applied to it. This was not done till 1796, when an epidemic occurred which is the first of which we have official record. Between that date and the final extirpation of the disease, in 1906, there were 13 severe and 26 mild epidemics. It occurred in 1799, 1800, 1801, 1804, 1809, 1811, 1812, 1817, and 1822, being especially violent in the two last-mentioned years. Between 1822 and 1861 it was an annual and dreaded visitor. In 1832 the epidemic was in full swing when the appalling outbreak of cholera of that year occurred. In 1839 upwards of 1,300 persons died of yellow fever in the city; in 1841, about 1,800. In 1843 it was estimated that during the preceding seven years there had been a total of 5,500 deaths attributable to this disease alone. In 1847 the deaths were 2,800, and in the latter part of the following year, 872 persons perished. In August, 1849, the yellow fever reappeared, and by the end of November, had carried off 744 persons.

p175

The reputation of New Orleans as a plague-spot was thus supported in all parts of the world by statistics difficult to controvert. De Bow, the editor of De Bow's Review, admitted the fact, writing in 1846. Nevertheless, the sanitary measures adopted at this time were of the most primitive and ineffective type. The ablest among these early sanitarians, Doctors Barton, Symonds, Fenner and Axson, devised schemes which might have mitigated the evil, but their recommendations fell upon deaf ears. Doctor Barton urged the construction of underground sewers in place of the open gutters on which reliance was then placed, but in 1850 no attention was paid to him. A plan for the daily flushing of such drains as there were, was rejected by the city council, in spite of the fact that the gutters presented "a most disgusting aspect." The most useful work which these medical pioneers did, however, was to resurrect the old mortality reports and demonstrate the long-standing unhealthfulness of the city, as compared with other places of equal population. For example, they showed that, in 1849, the mortality, even after deducting deaths due to cholera, exceeded by nearly 100 percent the average death-rate in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston.

In 1852 the editor of the City Directory, in a sketch of the life of Mayor Crossman, congratulated the public on the fact that the city had for five years been free from yellow fever. This happy circumstance, he held, was attributable to the fact that the mayor had at last succeeded in bringing about the drainage of the swamp immediately behind the city. He omitted to state that the death-rate for the previous year had been 62 per 1,000 persons, and that in the previous three years it had averaged 77, 66, and 84 per thousand. In fact, the general attitude was, that persistent denials sufficed to cure the evil; that yellow fever was emphatically the strangers' disease, and that once acclimated, the residents of the city had nothing to fear.

onMouseOut="nd();">a There was some foundation for the latter opinion. In 1853, for instance, only 87 deaths were reported among the native-born population, whereas, as we shall see, thousands of others perished miserably. The city, moreover, made extraordinary provision for the care of the sick. Its Charity Hospital was even then famous throughout the world for the broad liberality of its philanthropy.

In 1853 the sanitary conditions in the city were very bad. The streets were very unclean. Scavengering was done by contract, and was very indifferently attended to. In the interests of commerce the Carondelet Basin and Canal were being cleaned and enlarged. The New Basin was being similarly extended. Gas and water mains were being laid in various parts of the city. In the Fourth District, Jackson and St. Charles avenues were being torn up in order to lay street-car tracks thereon. In the Third District many small ditches were being excavated. These conditions, as we know now, favored the formation of pools of stagnant water, and the breeding of mosquitoes. All that was needed was the infection; and that came in May.

The disease was probably introduced into the city either by the bark "Siri," or the British emigrant ship "Camboden Castle." The former, on her way to New Orleans, touched at Rio de Janeiro, where her captain and several members of the crew had contracted yellow fever. The "Camboden Castle" had called at Kingston, Jamaica, where the fever was prevailing, and had suffered a somewhat similar experience. The first cases in New Orleans, of which there is any knowledge, occurred on the shipping in the port, and while none of them can be traced directly

p176to these two vessels, our present knowledge of the origin of yellow fever enables us to guess with tolerable certainty the process by which the infection was disseminated. Rumors that the fever existed in the port began to circulate through the city, in June, but they were hushed up as liable to injure the reputation of the town, or disregarded as idle gossip. There had been no serious outbreak of fever since 1847; the city had just closed an exceptionally prosperous year; the weather was unusually mild. The disease, when it had appeared in recent years, had not spread. There seemed no reason for apprehension. The books of the Charity Hospital record the first death there on May 27; it was that of an Irish laborer, James McGuigan, who had recently landed from Liverpool, and who was taken ill on May 30. Another death — of a German sailor — followed on May 30; two on June 7, another on June 10; and the first woman died on June 11. So far there had been but one death outside of the hospital.

There was a good deal of other sickness. In the month of June there had been 625 deaths from all causes. But the sudden increase in the mortality in July was inexplicable on the assumption that only the usual causes of death were operative. At the end of the first week, the statistics caused alarm; people began to leave the city. At the end of the second week there had been 56 deaths from the fever. By July 16 there had been 204 deaths. The newspapers refrained from direct comment, but abounded in suggestions for the betterment of the general sanitary conditions; the streets should be cleansed, a board of health should be established; something should be done to prevent an epidemic — but there was no admission that the epidemic had actually begun. When, in June, the Howard Association made public its program of work, there was considerable censure of its course; for this organization existed for the relief of "poor people in time of epidemic." Its ill-considered action might lead to the belief outside of New Orleans that the health of the community was imperilled. The doctors generally denied that this was so. Doctor McFarlane, "supported by many others," advanced the remarkable theory that the filthy condition of the streets and premises of the city was on the whole desirable, as calculated to prevent the formation of a "yellow fever atmosphere." So far the cases had been confined to remote quarters of the town — Rousseau Street, Tchoupitoulas Street, St. Thomas Street, the vicinity of the French Market, the upper and rear parts of the Fourth District. The situation was taken up in the City Council on July 27, and a resolution, written by a physician, was adopted deprecating all acts calculated to create alarm over the disease, "which is by many believed to be sporadic and confined almost exclusively to crowded localities."

At that moment the number of deaths in the city averaged 100 per day; 1,500 persons had already perished of the disease. Already the total number of deaths had mounted to half those that had occurred in the epidemic of 1848 — till now the severest in the history of the city. The Council next created a temporary board of health, which set to work about August 1. It opened infirmaries at appropriate points; it published the vital statistics; but it was too late for preventive measures. A quarantine was established at Slaughterhouse (Algiers) Point. The weekly record of deaths has a painful

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'intrest')"

onMouseOut="nd();">interest: Beginning on August 1 with 142 deaths, of which 106 were due to yellow fever, the totals grew steadily till August 22, when the epidemic was at its height. In the week ending

p177August 7 there were 1,186 deaths of which 909 were caused by yellow fever. In the following week there were 1,526 deaths, of which 1,288 were attributed to the "prevailing fever." The epidemic was now recognized as the worst that had ever occurred in New Orleans; but worse was in store. On August 22 the dead numbered 282 from all causes, — 239 from yellow fever; that is, one death every five minutes. After that, the mortality diminished daily, until on September 1 there were but 95 deaths of which only 65 were occasioned by the fever. On September 10 there were but 80 deaths; on the 20th, 49; on the 30th, 16. The disease lingered till December, and then disappeared.

It is estimated that the total number of deaths between June 1 and October 1 were over 11,000. Between May 28 and September 1, there were 9,941 deaths from all causes, of which 7,189 were known to have resulted from yellow fever. There were, in addition, 344 deaths, the causes of which were not stated; a large proportion were probably due to the fever. The total number of deaths due to yellow fever in this year, is estimated at 7,434. These figures are confessedly incomplete. Hundreds were swept off without any record being made of them. Nor do these statistics include the ravages of the disease in the suburban towns of Carrollton, Algiers, Jefferson City, and Lafayette. It was especially virulent in Lafayette. In Algiers, in the week ending August 22, one-thirty-sixth of the total population died. Deducting the inhabitants who left at the first tidings of the outbreak of the fever, the mortality probably reached 10 percent of the population; a proportion which has rarely been exceeded, except in the Great Plague in London, where one out of every 13 persons perished, or in Philadelphia, in 1798, where yellow fever destroyed one out of every six persons. It is believed that there

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'was')"

onMouseOut="nd();">were about 30,000 cases of fever in New Orleans in the course of the summer of 1853.

onMouseOut="nd();">11

It is not necessary here to enlarge upon the appalling incidents which illustrated the progress of the epidemic. The weather, after a period of unseasonable coolness, became very hot; rains fell daily till the latter part of August. The streets became impassable, and vehicles freighted with the dead were unable to reach some of the cemeteries. Even the negroes, who usually were immune to the infection, succumbed in large numbers. The grave-diggers fled. "Alas," said one of the newspapers, commenting upon this lamentable fact, "we have not even grave diggers! Some of the dead went to the tomb with pomp and martial honors, but the city scavengers, too, with their carts, went knocking from house to house, asking if they were any to be buried. Long rows of coffins were laid in furrows scarce

onMouseOver="return Ebox('60 cm',WIDTH,60)"

onMouseOut="nd();"> two feet deep and hurriedly covered with a few shovelsful of earth, which the daily rains washed away, and which then were left "filling the air with the most pestilential odors.' "

onMouseOut="nd();">12 Many "fell to work and buried their own dead." There were cases of sick who died in carriages on their way to the hospital; of others who were found dead in their beds, in stores, in the streets, and in other places. "It is vain to enumerate the numbers of cases families which were swept off. [. . .] Frequently, in families of means, three and four corpses were exposed in one room. [. . .] In one room the undertaker might

p178be seen screwing down the coffin, while the heavy breathing of another member of the family in his or her dying agonies, could be heard from an adjoining room. [. . .]"

onMouseOut="nd();">13 The details of the city reeking with filth — the bodies of vagrant dogs poisoned after the summer custom of the city authorities,

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'putrifying')"

onMouseOut="nd();">putrefying in the streets; the corpses of human beings abandoned unburied in the cemeteries; the futile firing of cannon and burning tar-barrels in the hope of "purifying the air," add horror to the picture of the desolate city. On the other hand, "Where in history can you find a more noble display of courage, fortitude, humanity, and true nobility of soul?" asked a writer in one of the northern magazines. "View the people at the very height of the epidemic, when death loomed out, overshadowing the whole city, and absorbing all other objects. Grief, sorrow, distress, for some departed or departing friend may be discerned upon the faces of that brave population. But there is no fear, no weak cowardice, no nervous timidity, no sneaking, no skulking in the expression or in the actions. All stood to their duties, to the call of affection, of friendship, of humanity. Business and family were forgotten; stores and dwellings were closed. The rich spent their nights by the humble cot of the sick poor; the poor watch at the downy couch of the rich. Masters tended unceasingly their sick servants, and employers performed the most menial services for their employees. The delicate forms of females, spirit-like, flitted in every direction. [. . .] Not a few of the ladies who had left to spend the summer at some of the fashionable resorts, returned as soon as they heard of the violence of the pestilence."

onMouseOut="nd();">14

A few other features of Crossman's administration require mention. Great interest was taken in 1850 in a project to construct a railroad across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.

onMouseOut="nd();">b The plan was backed by J. P. Benjamin, J. M. Lapeyre, and S. J. Peters. The hostility of the Mexican Government put an end to a project which, if realized, would have meant much to the city. It was revived in 1853 by Thomas Sloo, and two years after a stage-road was actually constructed from El Suchil to the city of Tehuantepec with New Orleans capital, and operated under New Orleans management; but the approach of the Civil war led eventually to the abandonment of the enterprise.

Mayor Crossman took a prominent part in all efforts toward the building of railroads out of the city itself. His message to the General Council in 1850 contains a lucid statement of the advantages to be expected from the successful completion of such undertakings. In 1851 the first steps were taken towards the construction of the New Orleans, Opelousas & Great Western and the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern railroads. The actual work of construction was begun in 1852.

The United States Customhouse was begun in 1848. The mayor was also an advocate of establishment of a United States naval depot at New Orleans. He originated the idea, and worked steadfastly

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'through')"

onMouseOut="nd();">though with small success for its realization. In 1854 for the first time a drainage-tax was imposed, with the idea of reclaiming all the swamp lands within the city limits. In 1846 the State Legislature passed an act removing the state capitol from New Orleans to Baton Rouge; the transfer,

p179however, did not become effective till 1849. In 1847 houses of refuge were established for vagrants and juvenile delinquents, who had hitherto been herded in the common jails with ordinary criminals. In 1854 a further reform put an end to the public executions which had so long been a disgrace to the city; hereafter, it was ordered, they should take place within the Parish Prison, in the presence only of a small group of witnesses.

Nor was there any lack of enterprises along the usual cultural lines, as shown by the incorporation of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, the French Society, and the establishment of the Medical College of New Orleans, in 1843. Four years later, a state university, with the title of University of Louisiana, was established in the city, the Medical College being merged in it, and an academic department added. For the erection of buildings $25,000 was appropriated in 1847 and $15,000 additional in 1855, and a site on Common Street, at the corner of Baronne, was donated. In 1850 the Mechanics Society began the erection of the celebrated Mechanics Institute, on a site on Dryades Street, near Canal which the state provided for its use. In 1857 St. Mary's Orphan Asylum was incorporated.

Commercially, too, the city's annals were eventful. In 1845 the question of the relationship of the State to the city banks was settled, by an agreement under which the State relinquished all of its rights to interfere with the management of these institutions, based upon its possession of their stock; and in consideration of this concession, was relieved of $3,000,000 of indebtedness. The city at the same time retired its outstanding "promises to pay," issued under the stress of the panic of 1837. The liquidation of bankrupt companies of one sort or another continued, however, through the years 1847-1850. The renewed prosperity of the city led it after 1851 to forget to some degree the rude lessons it had previously received; for we find symptoms of a revival of the old reckless habits of franchise-mongering in the ordinance granting to the Lafayette & Lake Pontchartrain Railroad the right to run its tracks virtually without restriction through the city streets and public squares; and of the incorporation of a project to connect the Mississippi River with Lake Borgne with a water-way running into Bayou Bienvenu — a commercial project, which, happily, was never carried out.

It was Crossman's wish to retire from office at the end of his third term, but inasmuch as the new charter had by that date been put in operation and it was desirable that there should be at the head of the administration during the period of transition from one form of government to another, a man possessing his long and varied experience, he consented at the solicitation of his friends, to permit his name again to go before the people. The election involved one of the most vigorous campaigns that the city had seen. The whig convention met on March 6, 1852, in a building at the corner of Exchange Alley and Customhouse, with M. C. Edwards presiding. There was no opposition to Crossman for mayor. Under the new charter the convention was called on to make nominations for city treasurer, comptroller, street commissioner and city surveyor. For these offices they chose, respectively, W. H. Garland, O. DeBuys, J. Jolles and L. H. Pili. Four recorders also were to be named and the convention settled upon the Messrs. Shields, J. L. Fabre, Joseph Solomon and W. W. Vaught. The importance of the election was recognized at the meeting, as well as in the press of the following

p180day. "The party that carries the city will probably carry the State," remarked the Bee, in an attempt to forecast the results of the impending gubernatorial contest.

onMouseOut="nd();">15 The Picayune had another reason. "This charter," it said, in a long editorial, "is to New Orleans what a newly-discovered remedy is to the patient suffering from a long protracted and wearing malady. Whatever the curative quality of the remedy, it might as well have not been concocted, if confided to quacks or ignoramuses."

onMouseOut="nd();">16 Both sides, whigs and democrats, on each of these reasons, determined to make the election a test of strength.

The democrats named their ticket on March 12. The convention met at Holt's House, on Gravier Street, and organized, with Colonel Oakey as its president. Its sessions were executive, even the reporters of the daily newspapers, much to their disgust, being excluded from the meeting. The delegates nominated Gen. J. L. Lewis for mayor, and the other four leading places on the ticket were filled by the selection of Messrs. Duncan, Calhoun, Stehle and Grant. For the recorderships they named Messrs. Winter, Genois, Seuzeneau and Bouligny. A full list of aldermanic nominations was, of course, appended.

The nomination did not give entire satisfaction. The whigs were greatly incensed to find on the democratic ticket the name of Calhoun, who, till then, had been known as an active worker in their own ranks. The Creoles were offended at the democratic ticket because, with the exception of the mayor, all the nominees were residents of the upper part of the city. "The ancient population was passed by with contempt," exclaimed their slogan, in a burst of bitter rage.

onMouseOut="nd();">17 Finally, there was among the independent voters considerable objection to the candidacy of Garland.

These sentiments led to the organization of an independent movement, under the leadership of James Robb, a prominent banker. The first meeting of the new faction was held on March 14th but ended in a disorderly manner, when the lights were turned off and the gathering dispersed in darkness. The addresses, so far as completed, on this occasion, expressed strong disapproval of the whole theory of party nominations in municipal affairs. Both whig and democratic tickets, it was said, represented the triumph of this idea. On March 16 the independents published their list of candidates. They included no names for mayor, street commissioner, nor city surveyor. For city treasurer G. Y. Bright was nominated. For city comptroller John Calhoun, the democratic nominee, was endorsed. For the Council the nominees were selected in part from the whig, in part from the democratic tickets, and included a few new names, like Montgomery and Duncan, who were not on either of the tickets of the old parties.

The city press was divided as to the merit of this movement. The Bee, the Crescent, and the Bulletin attacked it. The first named held that it violated political etiquette; it should have preceded the nominating convention.

onMouseOut="nd();">18 It illustrates how far the

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'principal')"

onMouseOut="nd();">principle of party organization had been accepted, that this staid old journal, which had so long and so stubbornly fought the democrats over that very issue, was now attempting to vindicate it. The editor saw in the new movement nothing to

p181benefit the whigs, but much to injure them. It would draw away votes from the party candidate, and in that way make likely the election of Lewis. The Picayune affected an attitude of impartiality, but leaned to the side of the organized parties. Only the True Delta rallied enthusiastically to the support of the independents; while as for the Courier, which was an out-and-out democratic paper, it rejoiced at what it considered a split in the whig ranks.

What lent bitterness to the struggle was the fact that under the new charter the mayor became head of the police force, with power to appoint 300 or more patrolmen. It was recognized that whichever party landed its candidate for mayor would control this desirable patronage. With it a strong machine could be built up for use in the gubernatorial election in the autumn. Both sides, therefore, made strenuous efforts to bring out its full vote. The election took place on March 22 and resulted, on the whole, in a great whig victory. For mayor Crossman received 4,993 votes and Lewis 4,877. For city treasurer Garland received 4,580; Duncan 4,131; and Bright 1,106. DeBuys was elected comptroller by 4,949 votes over Calhoun with 4,849. Jolles succeeded in being chosen street commissioner over Stehle by a vote of 4,302 to 4,252. Pili's vote for city surveyor was 5,673 as against Grant's 4,105. For recorders the results were: Winter, 2,276; Genois, 1,672; Seuzeneau, 559; Vaught, 453. The defeated candidates for the recorderships were Shields, who received 1,983 votes; Fabre, 1,148; Solomon, 464; Bouligny, 434; Collins, 471. The successful candidates for aldermen were: First District, James Robb, W. P. Converse, James Stockton, E. W. Sewell, Arnold Harris; Second District, G. Clark, E. X. Giquel, W. A. Gasquet, Doctor Labatut; Third District, W. C. C. Claiborne, J. J. Lugenbuhl; and Fourth District, J. M. Burke. Among these Sewell, Harris, Gasquet, Labatut and Lugenbuhl were democrats. The Board of Assistant Aldermen was whig by a large majority, that party having won twenty-one members out of twenty-seven. In tabulating the result the following days, the newspapers gave the results as: whig, one recorder, seven aldermen and twenty-one assistant aldermen; democrat, three recorders, five aldermen and six assistant aldermen.

The only effect which the independent movement had, apparently, was to bring about the defeat of two whig candidates for the council, one of whom, I. N. Marks, was prominent in the city from the fact that as president of the Firemen's Charitable Association he was practically head of the city fire department. The Bee loudly declared that the insurgent faction was whig almost to a man, and that its activities had resulted in the loss to Crossman of hundreds of votes. "But for the independent vote, Lewis would have been literally nowheres," observed the scrutinizing editor; and rejoiced that the effort to defeat Garland had failed to affect "an able and faithful public servant."

onMouseOut="nd();">19

After retiring from office under the provisions of the new charter forbidding the immediate re-election of a mayor, Crossman continued to serve the municipality down to the outbreak of the Civil war in one capacity or the other, principally as a member of the City Council.

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The Author’s Notes

onMouseOut="nd();">1

City Directory, 1852.

onMouseOut="nd();">2

Bee, April 6, 1846.

onMouseOut="nd();">3

Bee, April 8, 1846.

onMouseOut="nd();">4

Bee, March 30, 1848.

onMouseOut="nd();">5

Bee, April 22, 1850.

onMouseOut="nd();">6

Waring and Cable, Social Statistics of Cities, Reports on New Orleans, 53.

onMouseOut="nd();">7

Ibid., 54.

onMouseOut="nd();">8

M. J. White, "The New Orleans Riot of 1851 — Its Causes and Its International Significance," in the Tulane Graduates Magazine, April, 1914.

onMouseOut="nd();">9

Report of the Commissioners of the Consolidated Debt, 1855.

onMouseOut="nd();">10

Act 71 of 1852.

onMouseOut="nd();">11

"History and Incidents of the Plague in New Orleans," Harper's Magazine, Vol. VII, June-November, 1853, pp797-806. See also Cable, "The Creoles of Louisiana," p300 ff.

onMouseOut="nd();">12

Cable, "The Creoles of Louisiana," 300.

onMouseOut="nd();">13

Harper's Magazine, 805. See also Picayune, August 23, 1853; Delta, September 4, 1853. The former chronicles the death of an entire family named Wolff, father, mother, two children, and a grandchild; the latter, of the entire Groves family.

onMouseOut="nd();">14

Harper's Magazine, 800.

onMouseOut="nd();">15

Bee, March 8, 1852.

onMouseOut="nd();">16

Picayune, March 6, 1852.

onMouseOut="nd();">17

Bee, March 13, 1852.

onMouseOut="nd();">18

Bee, March 13, 1852.

onMouseOut="nd();">19

Bee, March 24, 1852.

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Notes

1. Androscoggin River a river in Maine and New Hampshire, in northern New England.
2. Lake Pontchartrain located in southeastern Louisiana.
3. emoluments A salary or fee.

Chapter XI The Lewis and Waterman Administrations

"The mayor is only nominally head of the city government," observed the Picayune, in an editorial on the local political situation, published early in 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">1 The occasion of this pronouncement was a proviso inserted in the State constitution in 1853, by which the control of the city police had been removed from the mayor's hands and confided to a board. The mayor, it is true, was a member of this board; but he sat with the four recorders, and it was thus always possible for a combination of three subordinate officers of the government to eliminate him as a factor in the control of the force and dominate the entire administration of justice in the primary courts of the city. As the Picayune went on to point out, hitherto, under the act of consolidation of the three municipalities, the mayor had made the appointments of all policemen, by and with the consent of the Council. This system was, in effect, less arbitrary than the new board management, inasmuch as, while it concentrated authority, it also concentrated responsibility. A prime objection to the existing system was, that the recorders were judicial officers; by adding police functions to their other powers they were in the position of first arresting offenders against the law and then sitting in judgment upon those arrested — ? a situation which obviously invited criticism.

This question of the control of the police force recurred at intervals in the political history of the city for nearly forty years thereafter. It was one of the principal motives of the city charters which substituted for one another in fairly rapid succession. The consolidating charter of 1852 endured only till 1856 and was then modified in this essential matter, as well as in certain others, in an effort to undo the mischief wrought by the Legislature in the interim. Lack of positive control over the police force may probably be blamed for the riotous scenes which disgraced the municipal election of 1854. The relation between these disturbances and the relaxed discipline of the force under board management seems to have been noticed at once; for the question of the reform of the police force was the first matter brought to the attention of the new mayor, General Lewis, when he went into office on April 10, 1854.

Mayor J. L. Lewis

Lewis who, on this occasion, succeeded Crossman as mayor, had been identified with the history of the city since the cession of the Province of Louisiana by France to the United States. Born in Lexington, Kentucky, in March, 1800, he was brought to New Orleans when only three years of age. His parents were among the earliest settlers in Kentucky. His father obtained large grants of land there in consideration of his services as a soldier in the Revolutionary war. When the United States acquired the vast new province of Louisiana, the elder Lewis was appointed judge of the Supreme Court of the Territory of Orleans. The family made an eventful journey down the Mississippi River in a "keel" boat, from Louisville to New Orleans. In this city

p183they made their home thereafter. The boy was educated here under the famous teacher, François d'Hemecourt, and at the academy of Rev. James F. Hull, the distinguished rector of the Episcopalian Church, which then stood on Canal Street.

At the age of 18 young Lewis left school to begin the study of law in his father's office. During the remainder of his life he was intimately connected with the legal profession in the city. His first political employment was as assistant clerk under Martin Gordon, then clerk of the First Judicial District Court of Louisiana. In 1826 Gordon resigned his post in favor of Lewis. A year later the young man married. He was exceedingly happy in his home life. Three children were born to him. But in 1833 the scarlet fever attacked wife and children and within a few days of one another all of them died. This terrible loss profoundly affected Lewis' life. He sought relief from his sorrow in business and public activities. Thenceforth he mingled more and more aggressively in local politics. His pleasant manners and winning personality made him extremely popular. He showed great aptitude for military matters. But for his father's opposition he would have chosen the army as a career rather than the law. He now became a member of the local volunteers, rose rapidly from rank to rank, and finally was appointed inspector-general of the First Division of Louisiana Militia — ? in which

p184capacity he was charged with the oversight of all the numerous volunteer organizations in the city. In 1842 he was elected to command this division and thereafter repeatedly re-elected.

The State constitution of 1854 was influenced by the popular enthusiasm for "government by the people" and went far in that direction. Virtually all officers were made elective. Among them was that of sheriff of the Parish of Orleans. General Lewis became a candidate for this office on an independent ticket. His knowledge of local law and his large practical experience fitted him for the post in a special manner. His election followed as a matter of course, and he served with distinction for two successive terms. His re-election was attended by an exciting contest. In 1852 he went to the State Senate for one term. He was a candidate for mayor in 1852, but was defeated. His nomination two years later for the same position was a recognition of his exceptional abilities and long public service.

onMouseOut="nd();">2 His name was presented to the democratic convention on March 7, when it convened for the purpose, and was accepted without opposition.

The latter part of Crossman's administration seems to have been characterized by a notable decline in efficiency. As the elections approached we find the Bee and the Bulletin filled with uncontradicted indictments of the city government. "We know that we are badly governed," said the former paper, in March; "that our city has been ruled by the despotism of faction; that fair and equitable principles, sound policy, equal justice, and the rights of the minority have been ruthlessly sacrificed to the domination of a clique, which has seized upon and maintained power through the hateful employment of means so flagitious and corrupting as to have rendered us a hissing and a scorn in the eyes of the upright, well-organized communities."

onMouseOut="nd();">3 "Two years ago," added the Bulletin, "the bonds of the city were above par; now they are from 6 to 8 percent below. Why? The interest has been punctually paid; the city has grown steadily richer. But a city which is governed as events have shown ours can be governed, is bound to sink into insolvency, and degrade itself to the level of tacit repudiation."

onMouseOut="nd();">4 "The city is miserably governed," resumed the Bee, a few weeks later. "Party legislation has alone prevailed. The contract system is a source of vile depravity and corruption; efforts to banish elections from groggeries and bar rooms are systematically flouted and derided [. . .] the improvidence, recklessness, prodigality, inexperience and ignorance of the Council have [. . .] injured the city. [. . .] Its credit is tottering"; and much more, to the same effect.

onMouseOut="nd();">5

The most serious accusations, because, as the event demonstrated, the best founded, related to the police. In recommending certain persons for election as recorders, the Bee guaranteed that, if they were put into office, "the police of our city would be essentially remodeled. We have not met a reform democrat who does not participate" in the movement "in the hope that this result will be attained. The police, as at present organized, is a source of universal and well-founded complaint [. . .] a powerful, well-disciplined, and unscrupulous electioneering machine, employed by a skillful and reckless management to influence

p185doubtful contests and compel the ballot box to render a democratic verdict. [. . .] A mighty and odious despotism, which has been foisted upon the community."

onMouseOut="nd();">6 It appears that the policemen were used by the political leaders to spy upon their enemies. Members of the force stationed at the door of the meeting place of any opposing faction kept tab on those attending; and pressure was then applied to induce these persons to alter their party allegiance. "It only remains for the police to be armed with discretionary powers to arrest any individual at their supreme wills and pleasure, without the necessity of legal process."

onMouseOut="nd();">7 At the same time all the newspapers carried eulogistic notices of the retiring mayor. The Picayune, for instance, commended his modesty and ability and praised the work for the city. It is, at first blush, difficult to reconcile these commendations of the individual with the prevailing outspoken censures of the administration. But we must recognize that the objection really was to the "machine" which controlled the city, in which the mayor appears to have had no place. The object of this organization had been, so far, principally to control the city vote for use in State elections; in fact, up to this time the municipal elections had been tolerably orderly, whereas, as we shall have occasion to point out in a subsequent chapter, the State elections were frequently of a nature amounting almost to revolution. Moreover, the same faction, working through the State Legislature, had recently stripped the mayor of real power; the facts complained of, therefore, were not imputable to him, although features of his administration. This conclusion is supported by the recurrence in the opposition newspapers of complaints about the introduction of State and National issues in municipal elections, and the use of State and National patronage to make sure of the city vote for the benefit of the "machine."

A call signed by 700 representative citizens for a mass meeting to name an anti-machine municipal ticket, to be held on March 16th, appeared in the Bulletin on the 14th inst. Among the signers were H. M. Summers, G. W. Lawrason, J. B. Leefe, J. E. Caldwell, J. O. Nixon, F. E. Southmayd, Julien Neville, J. B. Walton, and others whose names were long prominent in New Orleans affairs. The Courier, commenting upon the signers, declared that there were "precious few" democrats in the list, and that majority were "whig wirepullers."

onMouseOut="nd();">8 The meeting, however, took place and was attended pretty largely, as even the Courier reluctantly confessed. F. A. Lumsden, one of the editors of the Picayune, presided; and among those who made addresses or figured on the committee on resolutions were Colonel Christy, a veteran of the War of 1812; Doctor Harman, J. O. Woodruff and G. A. Fosdick. A complete city ticket was presented and ratified enthusiastically. For mayor, J. W. Breedlove was nominated; for city treasurer, W. H. Garland; for comptroller, O. DeBuys; for street commissioner, A. S. Phelps; for city surveyor, L. H. Pilié. All of these, except Phelps, were whigs, and many had held office with credit to themselves under Crossman. For recorders, H. M. Summers, J. L. Fabre and H. D. Keene were endorsed; and the following names were put up for the council: Board of Aldermen — ? Charles Pride, N. E. Bailey, James

p186Prague, John Pemberton, George Clark, P. H. Gordon, and Jesse E. Gilmore; Board of Assistant Aldermen — ? J. L. Levy, Colonel Campbell, F. W. Delesdernier, Wm. Bloomfield, Sr., A. W. Cooper, C. G. Barkley, Henry Lathrop, B. T. K. Bennett, L. H. Place, W. E. Seymour, F. A. Conant, John Fox, Gerard Stith, Newton Richards, W. S. Howell, A. Boudousquie, Henry Peychaud, J. Tuyès, P. E. Laresche, C. W. Whitehall, P. C. Wright, John McLean, Miles Taylor, William Reed, Isaac Taylor, W. H. Reese.

In this way was launched the first definite reform movement in the history of New Orleans. The "independent" movement of two years before was initiated as a protest chiefly against the candidacy of one man; it did not nominate a full city ticket, and its failure was due principally to the fact that it was launched after the nominations of the regular parties had been made. Now, however, for the first time, an independent reform movement was set up in strict conformity to the etiquette in such matters; it was staged at a proper moment, and was accepted by the opposition, as complying fully with all the conditions requisite to the full-fledged political organization. In fact, now for the first time reform became a definite issue in a city campaign, with organizations both for and against; and this issue, in one form or another — ? with the exception of the epoch of the Civil war and reconstruction, when the issue was in reality one of race — ? was destined to be a vital one in local politics thenceforward to the present day.

James Breedlove

James W. Breedlove, who headed the reform ticket, was a "time-honored veteran," as the Bee called him. He was an intimate friend and correspondent of Andrew Jackson. He was president of the Atchafalaya Bank. He was a man of great wealth and influence. He had been for many years one of the leaders of the democratic party in the state. He was, however, not a "ring" man, as the phrase went in those days. His acceptance of the nomination for mayor was acclaimed by the Bee as an evidence that "the people of New Orleans were resolved to break down party lines [. . .] and support men of standing, intelligence, and character."

onMouseOut="nd();">9 The Bee flattered itself with having engineered the movement, but other papers of influence, like the Bulletin, the Crescent, and the Picayune, which promptly rallied to its support, were entitled to some share of the credit. The opposition press ridiculed the movement and said that it was directed against the naturalized citizen and the Catholic Church. It was a revival of the know-nothing party. It was pointed out as proof of this allegation that on the ticket then was not a single person born outside of the United States.

onMouseOut="nd();">10 It was an attempt to reanimate the "defunct" whig party. Finally it was said that the ticket had been made up secretly by a group of four or five whig leaders. The Bee insisted that it had been really prepared after long consultation with men prominent in both the whig and the democratic parties.

onMouseOut="nd();">11 It insisted that this did not parallel the democratic caucus method of making nominations, but inasmuch as the entire slate was printed on the day before the ratification meeting was held at which it was

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'formerly')"

onMouseOut="nd();">formally put in nomination, the difficult of method is not apparent.

p187

The election took place on March 27th. It was complicated by the arrival on that day of ex-President Fillmore, who paid a short visit to New Orleans in the course of a tour of the South. An elaborate parade was given in his honor, but the reception with which the day was to close was, on account of the election, postponed till the 29th. No doubt the entertainment kept away from the polls many persons who would otherwise have voted. There was, however, no lack of incident. Below Canal Street, in the French part of the city, the election was orderly, but great excitement prevailed above that thoroughfare. In the First District two men, one a policeman, were killed in rows at the polls. In several Precincts rowdies took possession of the polls and held them during most of the day. At various other points there was a good deal of fighting and some bloodshed. The papers on the following day complained that the police put no restraint on "the brutality of the crowds." Citizens who challenged the right of certain persons to vote, were set upon, beaten, and driven away from the booths.

At dusk the reform watchers at the Seventh Precinct poll left, having ascertained that the total vote cast was 932. A little later they were informed that the commissioners who were counting had already tabulated 1,400 votes for the democratic ticket. They returned in order to make an examination. Night had fallen. The door of the booth was

p188closed. Admission was refused. They then forced their way in and were greeted by a volley of pistol shots. Several men fell wounded, among them Chief of Police O'Leary. A hot fight followed, in the course of which the ballot box was broken, and its contents scattered to the four winds. The police were accused of participating in the attack on the reform watchers here.

The killing of the policeman, Mochlin, resulted from a somewhat similar incident. Early in the afternoon the rough way in which voters were being treated in the First District, became generally known and a number of the reform leaders hurried to the spot. An attempt was made to expel them and the reform watchers from the vicinity of the poll, but it failed. Mochlin then organized a gang of rowdies, burst into the booth, and a free fight followed, in which he was tabbed and fell dying to the floor, while the remainder of his party was driven off, carrying several injured men with them.

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The personal popularity of Lewis once more secured his election. He received 6,899 votes, against 4,382 for Breedlove. The democrats elected Seuzeneau, Ramos and Jackson recorders. These successes assured them control of the police Board, and thus perpetuated some of

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onMouseOut="nd();">the worst abuses against which the reform movement was directed. But otherwise the entire reform ticket was elected. DeBuys, Garland and Pilié defeated P. G. Collins, D. J. Ker, and Hugh Grant, the democratic candidates. Summers was chosen recorder in the First District in preference to Winter. Phelps defeated Patrick Cummings for street commissioner. All the reform candidates for the council were elected. On the whole, the first serious reform campaign in the city's history may be said to have been successful.

As mayor, Lewis signalized himself by taking an active and very creditable part in promoting the building of railroads out of the city. In this respect New Orleans had, till now, been sadly deficient. As we shall see in a subsequent chapter, the construction of new routes of overland transport in the Middle West was affecting injuriously her commerce. Some appreciation of this fact led two enterprising Louisianians, M. W. Hoffman and Clark Woodruff, in 1835, to obtain a charter for the construction of a railroad to Nashville; but the company suffered shipwreck after constructing only

onMouseOver="return Ebox('32 km',WIDTH,60)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? twenty miles of road, and this track, which, if preserved, might have been very useful to the city, even in its fragmentary state, was suffered to fall into disrepair, and in a few years disappeared utterly. Mayor Crossman, as we have seen, addressed himself earnestly to the task of reviving interest in railroad building. To him is due largely the impulse which led, in 1850, to a meeting in New Orleans with this object in view. In April, 1851, another meeting strengthened the interest in the matter. James Robb, the well known capitalist, took an active part in the deliberations. A bonus of $100,000 was offered to any company which would undertake to build a road to Pointe Coupée. About the same time, a similar agitation in the Attakapas country resulted in a determination to build a railroad down to New Orleans; and Maunsell White, a prominent New Orleans business man, engineered a meeting in favor of this project. Further support for the railroad idea was supplied by Glendy Burke, then a member of the city government, who, in 1851, fathered a resolution adopted by the

p189council proposing a convention of representatives from the Southern and Western States at which the idea might be fully ventilated. A committee was appointed which visited various parts of the South and stirred up interest in railroads.

On this committee was C. S. Tapley, who used the data then accumulated to prepared a series of articles published in the local press in 1852 urging the building of a railroad from New Orleans to Jackson, Mississippi. A meeting of delegates from Louisiana and Mississippi at Monticello, Louisiana, resulted in the appointment of committees, which seem to have done useful work in keeping the project before the public.

At this time Louisiana had

onMouseOver="return Ebox('101 km',WIDTH,72)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? sixty-three miles of railroad actually in operation, including the Carrollton and the Pontchartrain railroads, each

onMouseOver="return Ebox('about 10 km',WIDTH,132)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? six miles long, both merely local to New Orleans. It was now proposed to build two roads, one north to Holly Springs, Tennessee, Kentucky, and the Ohio River; the other west, to Texas and, it was hoped, ultimately to Mexico. The former enterprise was incorporated in 1851 by the Legislature of the State of Mississippi, under the name of the New Orleans & Jackson Railroad, and by July of that year, had $500,000 available for construction work. The latter scheme took form in the following year, under the title of the New Orleans, Opelousas & Great Western Railroad, with a capital stock of $3,000,000, divided into shares of $25 each. The former road was subsequently incorporated by the Louisiana Legislature under the name of the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern Railroad Company, with a capital of $3,000,000.

Work on the New Orleans, Opelousas & Great Northern Railroad began in August, 1852. The first section, from Algiers to Lafourche Crossing, a distance of

onMouseOver="return Ebox('84 km',WIDTH,60)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? fifty-two miles, was finished on November 6, 1854; the second, to Tigersville, on October 15, 1855; and the third, to Berwick's Bay, on April 12, 1857. There the work stopped till after the Civil war. The building of these

onMouseOver="return Ebox('129 km',WIDTH,72)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? eighty miles of railroad involved a financial exploit of considerable magnitude. The state gave the enterprise some assistance by subscribing to a block of stock; but certain lands donated by Congress never came into the company's possession, and the aid extended by the City of New Orleans, although generous, came late. At the suggestion of Mayor Crossman the city agreed to tax itself a large amount for the benefit of this road, to be paid in six annual installments. A similar course was adopted in order that the city might give necessary assistance to the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern. These taxes were put on real estate, and were expected to yield a total of $3,500,000. It proved difficult to calculate in advance the amount to be derived from this source, and banking capital, which was essential to the prosecution of the work, was timid about embarking in the enterprise under such circumstances. Mayor Lewis, therefore, was compelled, as one of the first problems of his administration, to consider some new expedient by which the roads might be helped without putting too large a burden upon the citizens. His solution was for the city to take at once $3,500,000 in the stock of these two roads, paying for it with the proceeds of a bond issue of like amount. This scheme was approved on April 21, 1854. The city subscribed to $1,500,000 stock in the New Orleans, Opelousas & Great Western, and to $2,000,000 stock in the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern Railroad.

onMouseOut="nd();">13 These bonds were paid many

p190years later by the city; its stock was ultimately sold, and what might, under happier auspices, have proven a wonderfully valuable investment, never advantaged New Orleans at all, except insofar as these roads have contributed to the upbuilding of its commerce.

Under Lewis two important enterprises for the beautification of the city require mention. They were the completion of the Jackson statue, and the inauguration of the movement which resulted in the erection of the Clay statue, unveiled in 1860. The former was unveiled February 9, 1856. What was known as the Jackson Monument Association was organized January 11, 1851, with A. D. Crossman as president. In 1852 the association obtained a charter from the State Legislature. That body at the same time appropriated $10,000 to pay the expenses of the proposed statue. The site in the Place d'Armes had been chosen because in 1840 Jackson had placed there the corner stone of what was intended to be a monument in memory of the battle of New Orleans. At the time of making the appropriation for the Jackson monument, the Legislature set aside $5,000 for the Chalmette monument, and declared that the motive of its action in both cases was "the gratitude of Louisiana" and the wish "to commemorate the achievements of the hero to whose military genius and patriotic devotion in the hour of her darkest peril she owes the triumph which preserved her chief city from capture by an invading enemy and which illustrates the brightest page in her history."

The cornerstone laid by Jackson was now transferred to a position in the new pedestal which was being erected by Newton Richards, of New Orleans. In the corner stone, which was opened for the purpose, were placed a volume of the Code of Louisiana, one of the city laws, a cannon ball from the battlefield of 1815, and some historical memoranda. Similar articles were at the same time placed in the corner stone of the Chalmette monument, the erection of which it was now proposed to carry to completion. The commission for making the Jackson statue was entrusted to Clark Mills, the well known sculptor, on June 15, 1853. Mills had recently completed a statue of Jackson for Washington. His work was greatly admired. What was wanted for New Orleans was a replica of this work. The statue was finished by December, 1855. It was planned to unveil it in the following month, on the anniversary of the battle. The completed bronze was shipped by a sailing vessel, but delayed by contrary winds, it did not reach the city till January 6th, and the program was perforce postponed till February 9th.

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The ceremony of February 9th was made an occasion of great festivity. "Business was in a great measure suspended and the streets literally swarmed with the population in holiday attire. The military, firemen, the local societies, and other civic bodies turned out in full uniform and regalia, with banners and music, under the leadership of General Tracy, and formed into a procession which actually seemed interminable. This procession once under way, the widely-scattered multitude began to concentrate in the direction of Jackson Square and, when at noonday the concentration came to a focus, the square and its vicinity formed a spectacle such as never before was seen in New Orleans and probably will not again be seen for many a year. [. . .] It is estimated that the falling of the canvas was witnessed by at least 25,000 people. Those of the spectators who must have enjoyed the spectacle most, and who

p191were themselves not the least interesting part of the spectacle, were the veterans of 1815, those who shared the glory of him to whom they were now paying posthumous honor. They had the places of honor in the procession and were assigned an honorable position in the square. The colored veterans of the same famous occasion were also out, headed by their fellow veteran, the incomparable drummer, Jordan Little. Upon a platform appropriately decorated in front of the statue, the ceremony of inauguration took place. Ex-Mayor Crossman, president of the Monument Association, introduced L. J. Sigur, Esq., to the multitude as the orator of the day. Mr. Sigur made an appropriate address, reviewing the life of his hero as warrior and as the chief of a great people, and was interrupted by the frequent applause of those who were able to hear him. When he concluded a man by the pedestal pulled the string, the canvas fell, and the bronze figure of the warrior, upon his rampant war steed, glittered in the light of the sun. Instantaneously a deafening cheer arose, and the hats of the multitude were raised aloft, the various bands of music joined in a chorus of the most inspiring music, and a salute of 100 guns given with cannon on the levee awoke the echoes far and near. Subsequently ex-Mayor Crossman introduced Clark Mills, Esq., the designer and builder of the statue, to the assemblage, which he then addressed. [. . .] Mr. Mills was loudly cheered. After that General Plauché stepped forward and announced that the ceremonies were at an end. Subsequently, the venerable Bernard Marigny addressed the multitude in French, in a very spirited and appropriate manner, and came off with vociferous applause. A large portion of the crowd remained in the square for hours, admiring and criticizing the statue.

onMouseOut="nd();">15 That night a banquet was given at the St. Charles Hotel, at which Mills and various local celebrities were present, and addresses were made which the ingenuous chronicler quoted above regretted that he had not space to report in full.

Work on the Clay statue was begun on April 13, 1856. A site in Canal Street was chosen in order that the effect of a somewhat similar monument in Montreal, which the committee admired, might be attained. The inaugural ceremony included an oration by Judge McCaleb, an ode by Mark Bigney, an address written by Mme. O. W. LeVert and a dinner given by the Continental Guards to the military organization from Mobile, which took part in the celebration.

The problem of the police was pressed upon Lewis' attention immediately after he took office. But under the circumstances it was impossible for him to do anything to correct the evils which admittedly existed in the force. Two years later, the Legislature furnished the city with a new charter the motive of which was, specifically, to cure this trouble. The act conformed closely to the project submitted to the Board of Aldermen, in 1855, by one of its members, Mr. Durell. It did not change the existing municipal divisions, nor the number of recorders. The council, as before, consisted of aldermen and assistant aldermen — ? the former limited to nine, three from the First District, and two from each of the others; the latter to fifteen, to be chosen by wards. The members of the council were to hold office for two years, half of the aldermen to hold over each year, and eight of the assistants one year, and seven the next year, and so on alternately. The assistant aldermen

p192were to be chosen at the first election, as follows: Two from each ward in the First District, two from the Fourth Ward in the Second District, and one from each of the remaining wards in that district; and one from each ward in the Third and Fourth districts.

The executive power remained vested in the mayor, the four recorders, a treasurer, a comptroller, a city surveyor, a street commissioner, a board of assessors, and a board of supervisors of assessors. The mayor, comptroller, street commissioner, and one class of aldermen and assistant aldermen were to be elected biennially on the first Monday in June. The common council was empowered to elect the treasurer, surveyor, city attorney, and assistant city attorney, all to serve for two years. The council likewise selected the board of assessors — ? twelve in number — ? while the board of supervisors of assessors was to be composed of the mayor, and the chairmen of the finance committees of the city council. The assessors were to be chosen within one month after the organization of the council and were to hold office till the second Monday in January, 1859. Thereafter they were to be elected in the month of December, 1858, and every two years subsequently.

With regard to the police, the charter provided: "The mayor [. . .] shall be ex-officio justice and conservator of the peace; he shall appoint police officers, policemen and watchmen, under the ordinances of the common council organizing the same, and discharge the same at pleasure; and in case of the discharge of any officer of police, he shall communicate the fact of such discharge to the common council at their first meeting after such discharge; and he shall alone control and make regulations for the police officers, policemen, and watchmen." This had the effect of concentrating in the mayor's hands anew the complete control over this important branch of the city government.

The other important provisions in the charter may be described. All real and personal property in New Orleans was made subject to taxation, excepting State and United States property, colleges, academies, poor houses, hospitals, and incorporated benevolent institutions. Incomes were to be taxed on all amounts in excess of $1,000, and household furniture when its value exceeded $500. But the entire tax, for any purpose whatsoever, could not exceed 1 percent except in case of insurrection or invasion. There were also detailed provisions as to the payment of salaries of city officers. The mayor was to receive not less than $4,000 or more than $5,000. The precise amount of his compensation was to be fixed by the council. The salaries of the recorders were settled at $2,500 per annum. The surveyor, city attorney, and street commissioner, each were to receive an annual salary of $3,000. The chairmen of the finance committees of the common council were to receive $200 per month.

The common council had power to issue licenses, payable from the 1st to the 31st of January. If unpaid, the city was to have a lien on the property, and to be empowered to obtain a writ of provisional seizure. All other taxes were payable between the months of March and May. Tax bills remaining unpaid were to pay 1 percent per month interest, should be put in suit and advertised, the advertisement serving as a citation. The fees of the assistant city attorney were to consist of a percentage on the accounts of delinquent tax payers.

The remaining provisions referred to the paving and banqueting of streets, the opening of new streets, the consolidated and railroad taxes,

p193which were unaltered; the fiscal agent, the public school system, etc. There were few or no changes in these provisions. An important section provided for an annual budget of expenditures. Finally, it was provided that, this budget once adopted, no further appropriations should be made.

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The reform council did a great deal to clear up a bad situation in the city finances. In 1853 a democratic council had come into power. It started on a program of improvement which, while highly commendable in itself, was beyond the resources of the community at the moment. It projected in that year public improvements to cost $452,000, with extensions and repairs to the wharfs to the amount of $222,000. A failure to collect the full amount of the anticipated revenues from taxation crippled these enterprises and left a considerable debt. The reform council of 1854 found itself hampered by these obligations, with regard to which it could do little except wait for their expiration, in the meantime reducing expenses wherever possible. To meet the costs involved, the tax rate was raised, a fact which, although it occasioned some complaint, did not discredit the reform movement, inasmuch as at the council election of 1855 virtually both the aldermanic boards were re-elected on that issue.

The report of the finance committee published in July, 1855, showed that in the previous January the floating debt of the city in treasury warrants and matured liabilities amounted, all told, to $556,546.41. Every dollar of this large sum had been paid in the interval, except about $10,000 in securities which had not yet been presented for redemption at the treasury, and there was on hand a balance of $80,267.48. This had been effected with the city's ordinary income, used economically, and a rigid avoidance of all contracts of doubtful expediency.

The council adopted a plan of leasing out the city wharves. This idea, which at the present day would probably invite criticism, seemed in that epoch a wise and proper one, inasmuch as the operation of these public utilities by the city had netted it a deficit. In 1853 this deficit amounted to $35,000. The new arrangement yielded the city a revenue of $155,615.21 between 1855 and 1857. Furthermore, the expenditures in the city surveyor's department, which had amounted to $1,358,700 in 1855, were in the following year reduced to $145,029.28. In the street commissioner's department many unperformed contracts were annulled, and the work completed by the city, involving a small apparent increase. The tax rate for 1856 was lower than that of the preceding year; in the regular city tax, by 70 percent ; in the railroad tax, 32 percent . As for the consolidated loan tax, this remained unchanged save in the Third District, where there was an increase of about 8 percent .

Efforts were also made to improve the methods of making up the assessment rolls. Hitherto the assessment of real estate by the city was effected on the basis of a roll transcribed from that prepared by the State assessors, with the result that it abounded in errors. Property in many cases went assessed in the names of the wrong people for years at a time. Whole squares were assessed in the names of deceased persons. The valuations were frequently unchanged over long periods, irrespective of the improvements which might or might not have been made. The city council had no control over the assessors, and no authority to correct these errors, even when they were known. In consequence, the collection

p194of the city alimony were somewhat of a lottery — ? the totals usually were below those which had been confidently anticipated. The abuses were so great that in 1855 public opinion compelled the State Legislature to insert in the new city charter an article rectifying the methods of making assessments and giving the council the powers it required in this connection.

A further abuse was in the collection of licenses. The licenses on "coffee houses" should, it was estimated, produce about $200,000 per annum, but discrimination in the collection was such that it often failed to produce more than one-quarter of that sum.

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In 1855 an effort was made to remove the fire department from the control of the Firemen's Charitable Association, where it had been lodged since 1829. It was asserted that this was done as part of the general program of retrenchment. The firemen claimed that it was engineered by the politicians with a view to increase the patronage at their disposal. At any rate, a so-called "revolt" of the firemen followed. It must be confessed that the policy of the city towards the firemen had not been liberal. The fortunes of the fire department were in the hands of public-spirited citizens who contributed liberally out of their own pockets to its maintenance. The Council relied a good deal on their generosity. There had long been friction over appropriations, and over payments on account of appropriations previously made. The niggardly policy of the Council, moreover, did not prevent it from interfering actively with the management of the department. The firemen opposed the introduction of steam engines, then just coming into vogue in the North. The Council insisted upon investing in one of these machines. Either on account of the defective construction of the engine, or because the firemen allowed their prejudices against it to influence them unduly, this innovation was a conspicuous failure. For some years the engine remained a cause of expense, with no corresponding advantage. Next, the Council created the office of Chief Engineer. James H. Wingfield was elected to the position on May 30, 1855. He was an experienced fireman and no objection was made to him personally, but the firemen as a body were opposed to this change in the organization of the department and resented the appointment.

In the spring of 1855, moreover, a new fire ordinance was enacted against the wishes and contrary to the advice of the leading members of the department. The objectionable feature of the new law was that it provided that the firemen should be paid. Until this date the service was voluntary. It was regarded as insulting to propose that men should be paid for the performance of what they regarded as their social and civic duty. Finally, seven fire companies were ordered disbanded. This action was taken without consultation with the other companies, and in some cases against their protest. The wisdom of reducing the department in the interests of economy was not disputed; but the method and the degree to which the reform was carried exasperated the entire membership.

On October 27, 1855, therefore, the firemen addressed a petition to the mayor, reciting their grievances and setting forth as a condition to the maintenance of the existing department the annual appropriation by

p195the Council of $1,200 to each company; liberal appropriations for fire alarm towers and belfries; the payment by the city of all debts contracted for the building of new engines, as stipulated in the old fire ordinance; reimbursements for rent, and various arrangements for supplying the companies with apparatus and hose. Moreover, they insisted that no fire companies be disbanded thereafter except for positive violation of the law governing the department; and upon a new fire ordinance, embodying the foregoing points, to remain in force for not less than five years from the date of its promulgation. The department also was to have the privilege of electing its own chief and his assistants.

The city government, encouraged, it was believed, by the insurance companies, was not averse to seeing the volunteer department disband, and a paid department put in its place; consequently, although the Council now went through the motions of offering certain concessions to the firemen, in reality the memorial was rejected. A meeting of the delegates of the various fire companies was held on November 20th, and it was decided to turn in to the city all the municipal apparatus on hand and to sever all connection with the local government. The surrender of the apparatus took place on December 1st in Lafayette Square. "During the forenoon the firemen assembled with their machines in Canal Street and prepared for a formal march to Lafayette Square, where the apparatus was to be surrendered to the mayor. At 1 o'clock the march commenced. Twenty-four engines and hose companies and four hook-and-ladder companies filed slowly up Camp Street to no other music than the solemn tolling of Louisiana Hose Company's bell — ? without banners, every man with his hat reversed and belt inverted and a bit of crêpe fluttering from an engine or hose carriage here and there. [. . .] On the front panel of Engine No. 13 we noticed this: 'Organized 1837 — ? busted 1855,' and over the splendid truck of Louisiana Hose Company the sign, 'Justice is Our Wish.' Arrived at Lafayette Square, the companies entered and rested their apparatus around the walks. The foremen then repaired to the reception room in the City Hall and, through Mr. Salomon (President of the Firemen's Charitable Association), formally tendered the property in their procession belonging to the city, [. . .] then for the first time in its existence New Orleans stood without an organized fire department."

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The enrollment of paid firemen began on the following morning. The new service was organized by Wingfield with the aid of two assistants, "Jack" Adams and John Youenes, who had been selected by the underwriters of the city for that purpose. The new force, however, worked badly. The men were inexpert. It was now proposed by the Council to transfer the department entirely to the control of the underwriters. Councilman Durell presented an ordinance providing that bids be received for the contract for the extinguishment of fires for the succeeding five years. On December 4, 1855, this contract was adjudicated to "Jack" Adams and John Youenes, representing the underwriters, for a consideration of $100,000 per annum. The sureties offered by the successful bidders proved unsatisfactory, and the contract was ordered readvertised. "It was bluntly charged at the council meeting that the whole transaction was a prearranged affair, by which the city would be

p196a loser, and that the same service for which the contractors would charge $100,000 could be secured for $85,000."

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In the interval a new president had been elected by the Firemen's Charitable Association. I. N. Marks, who was now recalled to that responsible post, after a retirement of several years, saw an opportunity to turn the tables upon the opponents of the volunteer department. When the contract was put up the second time and the bids were opened, it was discovered, to the stupefaction of the underwriters and their friends, that the association had bid it in for $70,000 per annum. The comptroller adjudicated the contract to the association on December 15th; the organization bought the fire apparatus turned in to the city only a few weeks before, paying $70,000 for it, and the project of a paid department was laid to sleep for thirty-five years to come, during which time the business of fighting fire was managed in New Orleans wholly by volunteers, members of the association.

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Space suffices here merely to mention the impeachment proceedings brought against two of the recorders in the closing year of Lewis' administration. The action against these officials was, it was said, due to pressure from the Know-Nothing, or American, party, which still existed in the city. The trials resulted in acquittal.

onMouseOut="nd();">21 Know-Nothingism was supposed to have come to an end in 1855, but the peculiar antagonism in New Orleans really protracted its existence down almost to the Civil war. The State Legislature, for instance, in 1855 re-enacted the law prohibiting aliens from holding offices of honor or profit. The enemies of the reform party, in fact, denounced the Council of 1854-1856 as "Know-Nothing," or "American."

onMouseOut="nd();">22 In fact, Know-Nothingism, so-called, was ostensibly the issue on which the municipal campaign of 1856 turned; though in reality the question at stake was that of reform — ? whether the government should be administered in the interests of the people or exploited for political purposes. As the election approached the Bee drew attention to the real issue involved. "The new charter," it added, "converts the mayor from a passive and powerless chief into an active and responsible one, by clothing him with ample authority. [. . .] We want a vigorous executive, who will neither be the puppet of a clique nor a soulless automaton."

onMouseOut="nd();">23

But three offices were to be chosen by the city at large — ? mayor, comptroller and street commissioner. The democratic nominating convention met on May 10th and nominated W. A. Elmore for mayor. The Whigs, if any of that party yet remained, made no nomination. The best elements in the population now were contained in the reform movement. A meeting called at Banks' Arcade on March 18th was intended to select candidates on a "citizens' ticket" — ? by which was understood the Reform ticket. The meeting, however, was snatched out of the hands of its promoters by the American partisans, and thereafter the Reformers refrained from acting. The call for this meeting was signed by Alfred Penn, R. B. Summers, S. H. Kennedy, W. A. Gasquet, H. D. Ogden, E. J. Hart, James Robb, W. E. Leverich, Ed Pillsbury, H. S. Buckman, J. U. Payne, P. Labatut, W. C. C. Claiborne, Henry Renshaw,

p197Richard Milliken, Moses Greenwood, C. T. Buddecke, J. P. Freret, J. C. Ricks, P. Maspero and other prominent persons. The meeting was attended by a large but disorderly crowd. An address by a man named Fuller was well received, but when Major Beard offered a list of vice-presidents, "symptoms of disapprobation" developed, and "No" was shouted to almost all the names. The meeting then appointed its own vice-presidents and selected a committee of five to make nominations for the city offices. This committee reported C. T. Waterman for mayor, A. Giffen for treasurer, T. Theard for comptroller and J. R. Rust for street commissioner. Waterman was not present, but Giffen was, and made a speech which was cheered by the tumultuous crowd.

onMouseOut="nd();">24 The callers of the meeting registered a futile protest in the newspapers against the action of "outsiders," who had "usurped their functions." In fact, Waterman's friends seem to have gone thither organized with the intention of forcing his nomination.

Waterman, who thus became the candidate for mayor of the American, or Know-Nothing, party, as its opponents liked to style it, was a "young merchant," who had already become widely known in the city as an "ardent and zealous politician." "He has a love of everything noble and exalted," said the Bee, a few days after the election, when Waterman's success was acknowledged, "and a scorn for everything vicious and debased; [. . .] he is firm, resolute and inflexible."

onMouseOut="nd();">25 The election took place on June 2nd and was "disgraced by violence and bloodshed."

onMouseOut="nd();">26 In the First District the polls were occupied early in the day by armed men, who dictated who should vote and what votes should be cast. In the First District two polls in precincts regarded as Democratic strongholds were similarly seized. The newspapers refrained from saying precisely what faction was responsible for these high-handed proceedings, but it seems clear that it was the American party. In Orleans Street an attempt to control the voting led to a fight, in which several persons were wounded, some severely. In the Eleventh Precinct occurred the most serious trouble of the whole eventful day. There Norbert Trepagnier, clerk of the First District Court, was shot and mortally wounded. He was standing near the poll when a group of naturalized citizens — ? or, rather, of Sicilians who claimed to be such — ? approached and demanded to vote. Their right was challenged. A disturbance immediately arose, which Trepagnier, it is said, strove to abate, whereupon he was attacked, wounded, and while prostrate on the ground cruelly beaten with a slung shot. It looked as though a riot would follow. The poll was hurriedly closed and the crowd dispersed, but not until a detachment of the mob had located the Sicilians, who had fled, one of whom was intercepted and killed.

The danger at this point was sufficiently great for Mayor Lewis to issue a proclamation calling on all good citizens to repair to the City Hall and be sworn in as a special police. The regular police were useless. Two days before the election an order requiring them to go unarmed on election day, issued in the hope of reducing the possibilities of disorder, had led to many resignations from the force. The remainder seems to have been busy coercing voters, rather than preventing violations of the law, or arresting those who violated it. Only twenty citizens

p198responded to the mayor's appeal, but these were armed and sent to the polls. There can be no doubt that this action averted what might have been serious trouble at those points. As it was, six men were that day carried to the Charity Hospital wounded, two of them dangerously. One policeman in attempting to do his duty was assaulted and beaten by a gang of thirty men. It is not remarkable that, under the circumstances, only a small vote was cast. Large numbers of naturalized citizens, intimidated by the tactics of the American partisans, refrained from voting; those who made the attempt were, except in the instances noted, not molested.

onMouseOut="nd();">27

The result was the election of Waterman as mayor by 4,726 votes over Elmore, who received only 2,762 votes. Theard defeated J. R. McMurdo for comptroller, and P. A. Guyol won over J. A. D'Hemecourt for street commissioner. The recorders elected were Gerard Stith, J. L. Fabre, Jos. Salomon and L. Adams. R. M. Summers became president of the Council.

---

The Author’s Notes

onMouseOut="nd();">1

Picayune, February 7, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">2

Picayune, May 20, 1886; Jewell, Crescent City Illustrated.

onMouseOut="nd();">3

Bee, March 15, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">4

Bulletin, March 14, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">5

Bee, March 25,

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'1754')"

onMouseOut="nd();">1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">6

Bee, March 22, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">7

Ibid.

onMouseOut="nd();">8

Courier de la Louisiane, March 15, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">9

Bee, March 18, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">10

Courier, March 31, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">11

Bee, March 20, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">12

Picayune, March 26, 1854.

onMouseOut="nd();">13

Picayune, April 18, 1854. See also references to the history of these railroads, in Rightor's "Standard History of New Orleans," 298-306.

onMouseOut="nd();">14

See an interesting article on the subject, in the Times-Democrat, for July 4, 1904.

onMouseOut="nd();">15

Crescent, February 9, 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">16

Act 164 of 1856, approved March 20, 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">17

Bee, April 24, 1856. See the anonymous pamphlet, "What Has the Present Council Done for New Orleans?" published in 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">18

Delta, December 2, 1855.

onMouseOut="nd();">19

O'Connor, "History of the Fire Department of New Orleans," 113.

onMouseOut="nd();">20

See O'Connor, "History of the Fire Department of New Orleans," Chapter IV.

onMouseOut="nd();">21

Louisiana Courier, June 10, 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">22

Bee, June 2, 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">23

Bee, May 10, 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">24

Bee, March 19, 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">25

Bee, March 9, 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">26

True Delta, June 3, 1856.

onMouseOut="nd();">27

Ibid.

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Chapter XII

The period from 1820 to 1860 was that of New Orleans' greatest development. This was due exclusively to commerce. New Orleans was not a manufacturing city. Only a small portion of the products received there was consumed. It was a point of transshipment, which took what it got from the South and West, and exported it, often without even repacking. Hence, the exports were within a small margin of the receipts. The difference was represented by such breadstuffs and other provisions as were required for local use. The development of its business naturally followed two lines, represented respectively by the river traffic and the ocean-borne traffic. The former was the most picturesque; the latter the more durable. But they were closely related, and the volume of the latter depended, in this prosperous epoch, upon the growth of the former.

During the French and the Spanish regimes, commerce on the river was carried on in canoes, pirogues and "bateaux." Later there appeared on the river "keel" boats, barges and flatboats. These craft floated down the river with the current and were either abandoned or broken up for their timbers at New Orleans; or if a return cargo made the venture profitable, the "keel" boats were taken upstream by the slow processes of "cordeleing" or "bushwhacking." In 1810 the arrivals by river were 679 flatboats and 392 "keel" boats. These brought to New Orleans a miscellaneous character of cargo — ? sugar, molasses, rice, cotton, flour, bacon, pork, beans, cheese, lumber, lard, butter, onions, potatoes, hemp, cordage, linen, tobacco, hogs, etc. Three-fifths of these products originated above the "falls of the Ohio" — ? that is, the vicinity of the present City of Louisville; the remainder, below that point.

Early in the century the success of steam navigation on the Hudson River induced some enterprising persons to build a steamboat at Pittsburgh to trade with Natchez and New Orleans. This boat was named "New Orleans." She was designed by Robert Fulton. Her construction was supervised by Nicholas J. Roosevelt, grand-uncle of the late President Roosevelt. Fulton and Robert R. Livingston furnished the capital for the venture. This craft arrived at New Orleans on January 12, 1812, and shortly thereafter began the ascent of the river, as it was found that she could go upstream at the rate of

onMouseOver="return Ebox('five kilometers',WIDTH,180)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? three miles an hour. She made thirteen trips to Natchez in the little more than one year of her existence, and averaged a gross revenue of $2,400 per trip. Her example was followed by other steam craft, and soon the steamboat was a familiar sight on the river, sixty boats being built before the year 1820.

Fulton and Livingston discontinued the trade in consequence of a decision of the courts denying their claim to a monopoly of river navigation for a period of twenty-five years. The second steamboat built for western waters was the "Comet," of twenty-five tons. Her career was brief, but she ran from New Orleans to Natchez, a distance of

onMouseOver="return Ebox('459 km',WIDTH,72)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? 285 miles, in five days and ten hours. The third boat was much larger. She was the "Vesuvius," of 340 tons. She was the first boat to attempt the

p201ascent of the river above Natchez. She left New Orleans for Louisville June 1, 1814, but grounded on a sandbar

onMouseOver="return Ebox('1126 km',WIDTH,84)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? 700 miles upstream and was compelled to remain there inactive until a rising river floated her off. She then returned to New Orleans, and was commandeered by Jackson for use in the defense of the city against Pakenham's attack. Later she resumed the trade between New Orleans and Louisville, and continued therein until sold in 1819 at auction to settle a claim against her. The fourth steamboat, the "Enterprise," after being used as a transport by Jackson, entered commerce and shortened the time to Natchez by a full day. She made the trip to Pittsburgh in twenty-five days, reducing the time between New Orleans and that city by something like two months.

Before 1818 steamboats were built crudely after the lines of deep-water craft. They were designed to carry freight, not passengers, though rude accommodations for half a dozen persons could be provided. After that year it was found that boats of light draft were better adapted to the river trade. Hence the evolution of the large boats of the middle and latter half of the nineteenth century. By 1830 the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers were lined with steamboats, and the larger tributaries of both streams were quite well served. In 1834 the number of steamboats was 230, in 1844, 450.

Between 1840 and 1850 was the golden age of steamboat navigation. Boats of heavy tonnage with ample accommodation for many passengers were common. "Floating palaces," they were called. As a matter of fact, there was nothing palatial about them. They furnished, however, perhaps the most comfortable means of travel ever devised. The progress of steamboating is shown by the fact that whereas the "Comet" made the run from New Orleans to Natchez in 1814 in five days and ten hours, the "Sultana," thirty years later, traversed the distance in nineteen hours and forty-five minutes. In 1870, the most celebrated of all the river fleet, the "Lee" and the "Natchez," reduced this time to sixteen hours and thirty-six minutes.

During the heyday of steamboating racing was frequent and dangerous between rival vessels. There was a number of terrible disasters due to this practice. Protests against it followed in each case, but the horrors were soon forgotten, and the deprecated habit was resumed.

onMouseOut="nd();">1

The introduction of the steamboat brought about radical changes in trade routes, but gave a great though temporary impetus to business in New Orleans. In 1814 the number of steamboats arriving at New Orleans was only three, as against 508 flatboats and 325 barges. These three steamboats, the "New Orleans," "Vesuvius" and "Enterprise," made a total of twenty-one trips in that year. But in 1816, thanks chiefly to the rapid increase in the number of steamboats, the total value of the river traffic rose to $8,062,540; and within four years it doubled — ? that is, in 1820 it was $16,771,711. From 1815 to 1840 the chief interest of the river business was the brisk competition between the steamboat and the flatboat. Flatboats continued to be used to a large extent up to the beginning of the Civil war, and some reach New Orleans — ? chiefly with coal — ? at the present time; but the victory of the steamboat was foreordained and inevitable. In the twenty years ending in 1840, during which this process of elimination was at work, the receipts at New p202Orleans from the interior increased four-fold, and the ocean traffic showed a corresponding expansion.

At the beginning of the American regime New Orleans' ocean-borne commerce was largely with the American colonies and consisted in the shipment to the Atlantic seaboard of the products of the vast Mississippi and Ohio basins. The merchants of Baltimore and Philadelphia were among the first to establish agencies in New Orleans. This they did while the city was yet under the control of the Spanish. Boston ranked next in importance as a customer; New York, Charleston and Newport standing lower down on the list of ports doing business with the little Southern metropolis. This coastwise trade was far larger than the foreign business. Over three-quarters of the vessels engaged in it were American bottoms. Cotton was at that time only an insignificant feature of the exports, which were mainly farm produce. It was not till 1830 that the foreign commerce exceeded the coastwise business. In that year the value of the former was $9,868,328, of the latter $8,357,788. Since then the coastwise traffic has never been important in the business history of the city.

In 1840 New Orleans had begun to recover from the depression of the preceding three years. It was now the fourth city in the United States in point of population. It was exceeded in size only by New York, Baltimore and Philadelphia. Boston was only a little smaller; but no other American city was half so large. This growth was due to its geographical position. It was largely a matter of passive accretion; the resident population did little to induce settlers to seek their city. In that year there seemed every reason to expect that New Orleans would soon be the greatest, as it probably was proportionately already the wealthiest, city in America. In 1842 the receipts from the interior were valued at more than $42,000,000; in 1843, at over $53,000,000; in 1844, at $60,000,000; in 1846, upwards of $77,000,000, and by the end of the decade they had risen to nearly $97,000,000. About the year 1842 sugar, which for years had been the backbone of the city's exports, began to take a second place as compared with cotton. The imports which in 1842, as a consequence of the general financial depression of the recently preceding years, sank to $8,000,000, but three years later had risen to nearly $10,000,000. The receipts of corn, which in 1840 were 268,000 sacks and 168,000 barrels, rose steadily year after year, till about 1850 they amounted to over 1,000,000 sacks and 42,000 barrels.

onMouseOver="return Ebox('sic:
'+BadF+'268,000 sacks and 168,000 barrels'+CloseF+'
then
'+BadF+'1,000,000 sacks and 42,000 barrels'+CloseF+'
The \'barrels\' figures must be wrong.',WIDTH,210)"

onMouseOut="nd();"> Tobacco showed increases proportioned to the national production, in spite of the fact that in the South, during this period, the amount of the weed grown was reduced.

But while actually the prosperity of New Orleans in this period grew by leaps and bounds, there were, beneath the brilliant surface, forces operating which were very imperfectly understood at the time, but which menaced seriously the continued importance of the city. Relatively it was losing ground. The vast increase of production which was taking place in the upper and central part of the Mississippi Valley — ? which ought, according to the reasoning of the New Orleans merchants, logically to seek New Orleans — ? was pouring into other cities. This was due to a variety of causes. First, New Orleans was concentrating more and more upon the handling of a single article. Cotton, she unfortunately was coming to believe, "was king." For the sake of cotton she was neglecting the sugar of Louisiana, the tobacco of Kentucky, the flour

p203of Ohio — ? in fact, all the products of the growing states of the Ohio, Mississippi and Missouri valleys. Secondly, her position was menaced by the diversion of the trade routes resulting from the construction of the Erie, Ohio, and other canals. These canals, built about 1831 and 1832, brought, for example, the waters of the upper Ohio into relation with Lake Erie, in one direction, and with the Hudson River in another. Thus, New York obtained a direct, if somewhat long, route to the Ohio Valley. It was

onMouseOver="return Ebox('965 km',WIDTH,72)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? 600 miles in length, it is true, but that fact was offset by the dangers and difficulties of navigation in the Mississippi, the extent and seriousness of which we of the present time can hardly imagine. In 1835 Ohio shipped to New York 86,000 barrels of flour, 98,000 bushels of wheat and 2,500,000 staves, all of which had previously gone down the river to New Orleans, there to be transshipped to New York. Pennsylvania also became interested in the construction of canals. Maryland dug the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal westward with the intention of ultimately tapping the great western valley. The effect was seen in the cost of transportation of commodities; as, for instance, of flour. The duration and danger of the trip by New Orleans and the high cost of insurance resulted in an expense to the shipper considerably larger than if he patronized the new interior waterways.

The inroads on the commerce of New Orleans were not perceptible at the epoch which we are considering. The city had momentarily all the business it could handle. In fact, though from 1825 to 1850 the canals showed a steady increase in business, the proportionate gain in the river business was so great as to seem to justify the easy contempt with which the competition was viewed. At Cincinnati, for instance, this competition was not felt till 1850.

onMouseOut="nd();">2

More serious ultimately was the effect of the building of the railroads. At the time this also was ignored in New Orleans. The early railroads were almost wholly local and of very short mileage. During the first fifteen or twenty years of their existence there was no idea of their competition with the water routes. They were expected to supply transportation only to markets where no other avenues were open. For many years there was no line connecting the seaboard with the teeming West. Breaks and gaps interrupted all the existing systems. A few far-seeing persons in New Orleans were alive to the danger of the slowly altering trade routes. To them may be attributed the agitation which about this time arose in the city in favor of improving the river. There were memorials to Congress asking that the "rapids" and "falls" be corrected — ? that canals be cut around such obstructions — ? that the shallow places be dredged. But such devices were temporary. The railroads spelt the ultimate division into halves of the commercial domain claimed by New Orleans, and the apportionment of the more desirable section to her rival cities above the mouth of the Ohio. The destruction of the river traffic, which was not accomplished till a generation later, was another of its consequences. In 1845, when Henry Clay presided at the great convention which met that year at Memphis to demand government assistance in the improvement of the Mississippi and its tributaries, two-thirds of the river tonnage was owned or controlled in New Orleans, and regular lines ran as far up as Pittsburgh on the Ohio, and St. Paul on the Mississippi. By 1880 practically all of this lucrative business had

p204disappeared; the vessels which had made it famous had vanished, burned or sunk by striking on the snags which were the chief peril of navigation in the Mississippi.

Another cause of the relative decline in the commercial importance of New Orleans was the increase in the size of ocean-going vessels. At the beginning of the century the size of ships visiting New Orleans was 150 tons; in 1840 it was 236 tons; in 1857, 376 tons, and in 1860, 521 tons. Larger ships could not easily enter the Mississippi on account of the bars at the mouth of the river. As early as 1829 attention had been called to this fact. In 1837 Northeast Pass, which was the usual channel, became impassable through shoaling. Then Southwest Pass came into use, and being

onMouseOver="return Ebox('from 4.55 to 4.90 meters',WIDTH,150)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? from fifteen to sixteen feet deep, was satisfactory to 1850. But as ships grew to have a draft of

onMouseOver="return Ebox('4.90 meters',WIDTH,132)"

onMouseOut="nd();">? sixteen feet or over and a displacement of 1,000 tons or more, the utility of this entrance also began to diminish. In 1852 in one week forty vessels went aground at the mouth of Southwest Pass. Often vessels were unable to get over the bar and were compelled to discharge their cargoes into lighters and reload after entering the river proper. These difficulties naturally tended to raise the freight rates, and resulted detrimentally to the commerce of New Orleans. Still another impediment to commerce which was not cleared away till the beginning of the twentieth century was the high port charges. Recognition of all of these

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceErr+'factions')"

onMouseOut="nd();">factors, and the relative retrogression of the city, and all that they implied for the future, was, however, not general, or if recognized, the remedies were not proposed until too late to do any material good.

onMouseOut="nd();">3

A somewhat similar situation existed in regard to politics. The period from 1840 to 1860 was an epoch of steady but unadmitted degeneration. Forces were at work here also which were inimical to the future welfare of the city, training the people in the habit of disregarding the law, and in depending upon force to carry out their will, whether licit or illicit. In the early decades of the century this was not so. Although there were cases where the public confidence was abused, it must be said that, on the whole, the influence of the Creole leaders, which was very great, was used to promote high ideals of political behavior. For the most part they were men of a very keen sense of personal honor and public responsibility, and jealous of their reputations for political rectitude. They kept both state and city politics on a very high plane. When Mouton, for instance, was nominated for governor, in 1842, he at once resigned his seat in the United States Senate through a feeling of delicacy about retaining that post of power and influence in a campaign in which his adversary had no such advantage. Moreover, when the demand arose a little later for a new state constitution, Mouton at once signed the bill calling the convention, although perfectly well aware that by doing so he shortened his own tenure of office. Such cases were frequent. On the other hand, some instances of the other sort can be cited. In 1830, when Samuel J. Peters was serving his second term in the City Council, and was made chairman of the finance committee, he began an investigation of the way in which the city finances had been handled by his predecessors. There had been considerable complaint on this subject, as the revenues were known to be equal in amount to the expenditures, yet the city was compelled to issue warrants

p205to meet its ordinary expenses, and these warrants were sold on the streets at ruinous discounts. Each finance committee up to this time had contented itself with a merely nominal audit of the books of the city treasury; but Peters, in spite of endless obstacles thrown in his way, made a complete study of the records, and discovered defalcations to an enormous amount. The investigation could be carried back only seven years; beyond that time the books were not to be found. One official absconded; another committed suicide; others who apprehended the results of Peters' further inquiries threatened him with challenges to duels, and two attempts were made to assassinate him.

onMouseOut="nd();">4 But in spite of such instances, which merely prove that human nature in those times was as fallible as in our day, the general average of political conduct was down to the '40s very high.

In these early days an almost Acadian simplicity distinguished management of a political campaign, state or city. In general there was only a very small floating vote which could be swayed from one side to the other. People were Democrats or Whigs, and there was no possibility of inducing a man to change. Adherence to party was a matter of family and tradition as much as possible. Hence in the city and the state the simplicity of the processes of nomination and election to which allusion has been made once or twice already. Candidates for the mayoralty did not, prior to 1830, announce any principles. The interrogation of Freret and Prieur by the Native Americans in 1842, which amounted to something of the kind, was looked on and resented as an innovation. Even after that date for some years candidates were put up by their friends; a primary of the party elected delegates and the nominations were made at a party convention in due course — ? the convention having no committees on resolutions, nor much of one on credentials, since it was looked on as an offensive insinuation to examine the right of a delegate to sit when he presented himself, and such insults could be wiped out, according to the code of the day, only in blood. After nomination there was little electioneering, as we understand the word. To canvass for votes was looked on as betokening a lack of modesty. Consequently, there was, down to Crossman's time, little excitement in the city elections.

A change, however, began about the time that Texas revolted against the tyranny of Mexico, and succeeded, after a gallant struggle, in making herself independent. As early as 1835 the steady stream of American immigration into Texas began to raise grave problems in Louisiana. After the establishment of the independence of Texas, the augmentation of the flow of Americans into the new state made these problems acute. Presidents Jackson and Van Buren were reluctant to annex the territory, although pressed to do so by the new settlers. The little republic became a theater of intrigue on the part of the representatives of the European powers, who offered their help and protection in return for concessions and privileges. Thus, the United States remained exposed to the danger of political disturbance on her western border down to the time when Tyler opened negotiations for the annexation of Texas. Annexation was the inevitable consequence of the steady expansion of the United States westward. It was not a thing that could properly be made a party issue. The Whigs, who did not adopt it as a part of their platform,

p206endorsed it tacitly by nominating for the presidency two men who had made their reputations as military leaders in the conflict which resulted from that annexation. The situation was therefore sufficiently complex to admit of considerable variation of opinion within the ranks of party.

Louisiana was normally a Whig state at this epoch. That party was strongly entrenched in New Orleans. Party loyalty led some of the leading Whigs to oppose the program of annexation. They were supported by those who thought that annexation would react unfavorably upon the Louisiana sugar industry, as a result of Texan competition in the world's marts. The question of banks and banking was almost mixed up in the situation; the commercial interests of New Orleans exercised a preponderant influence upon the political opinion of the state, and they supported the Whig policy as to a national bank.

onMouseOut="nd();">5 There was also a Whig influence due to the general feeling that the government should co-operate liberally in matters of internal improvement, especially in regard to the waterways. Self-interest therefore helped to breed antagonism to the national administration. The Democrats, on the other hand, had the support of the large number of Louisianians whose friends and relatives dwelt on the other side of the Texas border. Texas maintained agents in New Orleans, who carried on a vigorous propaganda, as well as a valuable trade in arms and ammunition. Moreover, there was the natural gratification which the prospect of the extension of American territory and influence produced on the minds of those in the local population who had no other interest in the matter.

In the political contest which arose over this question in connection with the presidential candidacy of Polk, John Slidell, a New Orleans lawyer, attained to national importance. To Slidell, perhaps more than to any one other individual, New Orleans owes the doubtful blessing of organized politics. A feeling of unrest not in the city only but throughout the state had for some time prevailed with the existing order of things; it helped Slidell in building up a "machine" which came speedily to dominate first state and then city politics. The state constitution of 1812, which continued in force down to 1845, was decidedly aristocratic in tendency. The parish judges, for example, were clothed with extraordinary powers, which were not always exercised with an eye single to the public interest. The governor possessed an immense patronage. He appointed even the judges of the Supreme Court, not to mention police jurors, the attorney general and the district attorneys. If so disposed, he could influence the administration of justice in its most remote ramifications. That this power was not systematically abused is one of the clearest evidences of the generally high standard of official conduct which the public opinion of the day long imposed. The governor also was vested with a veto power which applied to every ordinance passed by the legislature except a motion to adjourn. His disapproval could only be set aside by a two-thirds vote, which it was very difficult to obtain. This was too much power to be placed in the hands of any one man. There was a strong feeling that it ought to be diminished. The Whigs, who were in power, saw no reason for a change. Consequently, the discontented element flocked into the Democratic party and found an efficient leader in Slidell.

p207

His ability as a leader and especially as a political organizer was demonstrated first in the presidential election of 1844. It was then that he engineered the "Plaquemine Frauds," so-called, by which the electoral vote of the state was secured for Polk. The Whig presidential candidate, Henry Clay, was supported in Louisiana by Ex-Governors White, Roman and Johnson, Judah P. Benjamin and other influential citizens. They rallied to Clay on the basis of a promise which he made to restore the duty on sugar. Polk, on the other hand, had voted for the reduction of that duty. With Slidell lined up the Democratic leaders, like Ex-Governors Mouton, Pierre Soulé, Charles Gayarré and John R. Grymes.

onMouseOut="nd();">6 The Whigs contemplated as an election maneuver the disenfranchisement of large numbers of the naturalized voters, whose right to the ballot would now be deemed incontestable, but which the chaotic state of the laws at that time made at least debatable. Such schemes were the regular feature of election times in the state. The Whigs were in possession of the electoral machinery of New Orleans. There was no registration of voters; each individual had the right to deposit his vote in any precinct in the county in which he had his residence. The "County of Orleans" was equal in population and representative power to four of the other parishes — ? that is, it possessed four representatives in the State Senate.

onMouseOut="nd();">7 Its frontiers extended from the "County of Acadia" to the Gulf, and embraced whole of what is today called the Parish of Plaquemine. In the city the Whigs were certain of a majority, but if enough precincts in other parts of the "county" could be rolled up for the Democratic cause, that city majority might be overcome; since the vote was totaled, not by popular majorities, but by precincts. This Slidell saw. He was governed accordingly. His scheme was not, properly speaking, a fraud. It was merely an exhibition of what we would now term "machine politics" in operation.

The Whigs did not think of sending men down from the city to the lower reaches of the Mississippi to vote. But Democrats could be transported thither. Slidell and his lieutenants chartered steamboats, loaded their partisans thereon and delivered the cargoes at the polling places where their ballots were needed. Enough precincts were thus gained in Plaquemine to offset the Whigs' precincts in New Orleans; and the election was carried. A storm of vituperation which extended from one end of the United States to the other greeted this performance. But by delivering the electoral vote of the state to Polk and Dallas, Slidell acquired an ascendancy in the Democratic party in the nation almost as great as that which was his award in Louisiana.

On the other hand, the Whigs had not hesitated to commit what we would today characterize as frauds, when that suited their purpose. For example in the state election of 1842, under the leadership of Benjamin, the city had been carried for their candidate mainly by the "cab" votes, which Benjamin was credited with inventing. He himself was a candidate merely for the lower house of the lower house of the State Legislature, but his office in Exchange Alley was the principal meeting place of the Whig committee and on election day was its headquarters. Under the property clause of the state constitution, it was asserted that the ownership of a

p208carriage or cab, proved by the payment of a license tax, was sufficient to qualify a voter. The Democratic newspapers charged that licenses were issued on cabs that had no existence outside of Benjamin's imagination, and that hundreds of "repeaters" had voted through this trick. The inspectors at the polls had no time to investigate the existence of the cabs, but accepted the license receipt as evidence of ownership within the meaning of the law.

onMouseOut="nd();">8 The responsibility of Benjamin in the matter has, however, never been positively established; and the difference between this case and that of Slidell was that the latter's example was followed with pernicious effects which did not attend the "cab vote" trick, nor any of the other petty vote-stealing schemes put into effect in New Orleans prior to Slidell's time.

Slidell had shown that a well-organized minority might under the leadership of a bold and resourceful chieftain snatch power from a majority which lacked a leader, or whose leader was inferior in resource or daring. There is probably in all democracy an irresistable tendency towards organization in politics. Slidell may simply have had perspicacity enough to perceive this tendency, and capitalize it for party benefit. If so, he did it at the psychological moment. The rise of the slavery question made the dominance of the Democratic party in Louisiana certain. The state, as we have said, had always been distinguished for its party loyalties, even though in the election of 1844 the anomaly was seen of many Democrats voting for Clay under the impression that this course was more advantageous than any other for the sugar planters of the state.

The first state campaign which was vital in its effect upon party history in Louisiana was that over the issue of the revision of the constitution, in 1845. Revision was advocated by the Democrats, opposed by the Whigs. Religious prejudices which were involved in the controversy gave the contest a special bitterness. Twice the House of Representatives passed the bill; twice Governor Roman vetoed it, and it was finally carried through only because the financial difficulties of 1837, the effects of which were still felt, made imperative some constitutional provision regarding the state banks, and the regulation of the part which the state had in their affairs. It was felt that there should be in the state constitutional guarantees which could be relied on as the basis of future financial development. True, these aims were not carried out expertly, many years were to elapse before the present admirable banking laws were worked out to completion. The convention met in 1845 at Jackson, Louisiana, and immediately adjoined to more commodious quarters in New Orleans, where its work was finally performed.

The effect of this constitution was largely to break the power of the Whigs in both the state and the city. The Mexican war followed. Then came the election of General Taylor, who was a citizen of Louisiana, and who carried the state on a wave of popular enthusiasm and local pride. But otherwise the democrats retained control of state affairs. Their ascendancy remained unbroken to the Civil war. The northern part of the state was rapidly filling up with settlers from the English-speaking states along the Atlantic littoral. They brought with them the ideas of Jefferson and Jackson. Emigrants from Europe settling in New Orleans — ? as they did in large numbers down to the Civil

p209war — ? were drawn to the Democratic party because to them it seemed identified with popular principles, and represented the reaction against that monarchy which they were desirous to escape. The Louisiana state constitution of 1852 was shaped under Democratic ideals, and still further strengthened that party in state and city; whereas, after the defeat of Scott in 1852 the prestige of the Whigs was lost and their influence practically ended.

This long-continued dominance of one party produced its customary results. "Cliques" and "rings," as they were called, formed to control patronage and exploit finances. The abuses which flowed in abundance from this frankly established spoils system awakened bitter resentment among the better class of citizens. The situation was not peculiar to Louisiana, but was a phenomenon observable in many parts of the United States at about this time, wherever one party had exclusively control of any one locality. The result was the rise of the Know-Nothing party. This party had its origins in principles of progress and patriotism, but contained within its organization elements which in the end proved unpalatable to right-thinking Americans and led to its overthrow. It held, for example, that the corruption of American politics, national as well as municipal, was due principally to the presence in the electorate of the foreign-born. To some extent the inference was justified in New Orleans. The emigrants, especially the Irish laborers imported into New Orleans from about 1848 onwards to the Civil war, had been used systematically by corrupt election managers to adulterate the vote. Five thousand immigrants landed at New Orleans in 1853; more came in a succeeding year, and a very large fraction remained congregated in certain parts of the city, near the river front, around the Soraparu Market, in Rousseau Street, and what is still popularly known as the "Irish Channel," and there they fell easily under the control of the ward club presidents who were the leaders and organizers of "machine" politics from this time down

onMouseOver="return Ebox(SourceOm0)"

onMouseOut="nd();">to the closing part of the century. But the Know-Nothing party was a secret society, with oaths and a ritual; its name was given in connection with this feature of its organization; since the members were in the habit of answering all inquiries with the set formula, "We know nothing in our principles contrary to the constitution." It was opposed to the Catholic Church, on the ground that it was a foreign society, and, under foreign control, likely to be dangerous to free thought and free speech. This last feature brought great bitterness into its campaigns.

The Know-Nothing party was formed in Louisiana by a group of discontented Whigs in 1853. Being neutral with regard to slavery, it soon became popular. Moreover, its ritual seems to have exerted a special fascination over the imaginations of the state electorate. Before its leaders fully realized what they were doing, the voters had been swept into a movement which none of them really desired to see succeed.

onMouseOut="nd();">9 It was halted as soon as men had time to reflect. In the first election in which Know-Nothingism figured it elected Merrick chief justice over J. K. Elgee, the Democratic nominee. But at the first convention at which its platform had to be clearly defined, the fact of its opposition to the Catholic Church emerged, to the consternation of its promoters.

p210Half of the population of the state, like that of the city, was Catholic. The dilemma had to be avoided. The only way that they could think of was to "pretermit" this embarrassing section of the platform. But the subterfuge deceived nobody. The leaders soon fell out among themselves. Governor Wickliffe opposed the movement and was instrumental in its early end in the parts of the state outside of New Orleans.

But in New Orleans its life was longer. We have seen that it elected Freret to the mayoralty. Even after it ceased to exist by its distinctive party name, it continued, as the Native American, or American, party, to be a source of agitation and disorder. Inspired by Slidell's example, the democracy was employing to insure the continuance in power of its "ring," means which made many right-thinking men turn to the American party as a means of expressing disapproval of what was deemed a terrible evil. The methods now so common in the politics of American cities were new then; their persistent use inflamed public opinion, and its seemed justifiable to employ any means, even violence, to circumvent the dextrous and unscrupulous professional political leader. The state election of 1855 illustrates the degree to which this feeling went. At that election candidates were presented for governor, lieutenant governor, congressmen, members of the state legislature, justices of the peace, sheriff, constable — ? in fact, a full party slate, minus the municipal officers. The chief interest in New Orleans was over the contest for sheriff. Joseph Hufty was the Native American candidate; John M. Bell was nominated by the Democrats. A somewhat less intense interest was felt also in the contest for clerk of the Fourth District Court, for which the Democrats placed in nomination W. C. Auld, and the Native Americans, J. B. Walton. The election was preceded by a turbulent, truculent campaign. Election day was November 5, 1855 — ? a date memorable for the many outrages perpetuated at the polls. Men were beaten, stabbed, shot, murdered. The Native Americans initiated these disturbances, but their rivals were not slow in responding to the challenge, and both factions were represented in the toll of dead and wounded.

Under the law New Orleans was divided into twenty-six election precincts.

onMouseOut="nd();">10 A description of the way in which the election was conducted may be interesting as illustrating how this sort of thing was done before the Civil war. At each polling place were two boxes, in one of which were deposited the votes for justice of the peace and constable. In the others were put all other votes. There were three commissioners of election at each poll, assisted by two clerks. The votes were received up to the hour of closing the poll — ? about 5 P.M. — ? when the boxes were opened by the commissioners, who then began to count the votes. The results were tallied by the clerks. Then the votes were placed in their proper boxes, which were locked and taken to the city hall, or to the courthouse, as the case might be. The sheriff was, under the law, the returning officer. Only in cases of contest does there appear to have been any attempt to verify the returns by a recount of the votes. The returning officer was content merely to tabulate the certificates received from the commissioners. It is easy to see how corrupt men might deal with these reports. Fraud was rendered all the more easy because there were no official ballots. Each party published its own ticket, which was exposed on tables in front of the polling booth, in charge of its own

p211representatives. A voter picked up one of the tickets, entered the poll and delivered it to one of the commissioners, whom he watched deposit it in the proper box. It was known instantly what party the vote was for. The commissioner was not supposed to examine the ballot, but the way in which the citizen obtained his ticket gave all the information necessary. Thus the party watchers kept tab from hour to hour on the voting; and intimidation, violence, etc., might be employed by the unscrupulous to control the balloting; as was, in fact, frequently done in the decade preceding the Civil war.

There was no question that at this election the full Democratic ticket was elected in the state. R. C. Wickliffe thus became governor. But the Parish of Orleans, at least on the face of the returns, gave the Native American party a majority for most of the parochial offices. The counting of the ballots seems to have been completed in most of the city precincts without trouble, but in the Seventh and Ninth Precincts the compilation of the returns was interrupted by a Native American mob, which invaded the polls, took possession of the boxes and burned them in the streets.

onMouseOut="nd();">11 As a result about 900 votes were destroyed. Hufty was on the face of the returns declared elected sheriff and Auld clerk of court. Contests were immediately instituted by the unsuccessful candidates. Bell brought suit before Judge Cotton for a mandamus to compel the election commissioners of the Seventh Precinct of the First District (now the Third Ward) to make a return of the vote cast at that poll, although the ballot box had been, as we have seen, destroyed. He was represented by J. P. Benjamin; Randall Hunt appeared for the defendant. The case was a cause celebre. The trial proceeded in a courtroom filled with the armed adherents of both factions. It was known that judge and the sheriff also were prepared for all contingencies. Counsel were cautious, however; nothing occurred to disturb the decorum of the proceedings, and the mandamus was issued to Bell, as prayed for. The validity of Bell's claim was, however, passed upon unfavorably in the First District Court. In December, therefore, the governor issued a commission to Hufty, but the whole matter was so obviously unjust that the Legislature, in the following February, availed itself of a procedure rare in the history of Louisiana, to "address" Hufty out of office.

onMouseOut="nd();">12 Hufty refused to surrender his office, whereupon Bell filed ouster proceedings in the Sixth District Court, and carried the case up to the Supreme Court, where it was at last decided in his favor.

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In the case of Auld, the District Court sustained Walton's claim to election, but when the matter was taken up to the Supreme Court, Auld was declared to be entitled to the post.

onMouseOut="nd();">14 A regrettable incident of the election riots was that Chief Justice Thomas Slidell, a relative of the more famous John, received injuries to which he succumbed a few years later. He was attacked by a ruffian at the polls, struck on the head with brass knuckles, and knocked senseless. His wounds were such that he was permanently affected in health, and was at last obliged to resign his position at the head of the highest tribunal of the State, where he had presided with distinguished ability, and died in 1860 in a sanitarium.

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The situation in New Orleans was so bad that in 1857, in his annual message to the State Legislature, Governor Wickliffe felt constrained to say: "It is a well known fact that at the two last general elections many of the streets and approaches to the polls were completely in the hands of organized ruffians, who committed acts of violence upon multitudes of our naturalized fellow citizens who dared to venture to exercise the rights of suffrage. Thus nearly one-third of the voters of New Orleans have been deterred from exercising their highest and most sacred prerogatives."

onMouseOut="nd();">15 Accordingly, in March, 1857, the Legislature passed a general election law, under which was created the office of superintendent of elections for the Parish of Orleans, with the special duty of supervising the elections in the City of New Orleans.

onMouseOut="nd();">16 It was laid upon him to "prescribe and arrange the ingress and egress from the polls; to preserve tranquility and order during elections; to prevent and suppress riots, tumults, violence, disorder and other practices tending to the intimidation of voters or disturbances in the elections; and, in general, to take care that all elections are so conducted that the privilege of free suffrage may be supported and the constitutional rights of the citizens shall not be impaired or defeated by violence, tumult, intimidation, or other improper practices." To these ends the superintendent was authorized to appoint deputies, and was, in fact, invested with a range of powers up till that time not known in Louisiana political history.

Judge John B. Cotton, who had tried the mandamus case of Bell vs. Hufty, was appointed to this responsible position. Cotton later became involved in the politics of the Reconstruction epoch, and sided with the "carpet bag" party, with the result that his memory is less honored in his own land than his services to the State and to the law deserve. In the present emergency he addressed himself to his task with courage and ability. This was not done without grave personal risk. On one occasion he was notified that a mob was on its way to attack his house and murder him, by way of protest against some of the measures which he had seen fit to adopt. His reply was, that the mob would get a warm welcome. He put his home at the corner of Seventh and Camp in a state to withstand a siege, removed his family, and sent for some trusted friends to help in the defense. The mob assaulted several citizens known to be opposed to the American party, but when they were apprised of Cotton's preparations, they wisely concluded to desist from their enterprise, and the real object of that tumultuous night's outbreak was not accomplished.

When Cotton laid down the perilous commission with which he had been entrusted, he had to all intents and purposes restored the good name of New Orleans and stopped the objectionable practices at the polls.

onMouseOut="nd();">17 But this was not done until there had occurred in New Orleans one of the most singular uprisings in all its long, tumultuous history — ? a disturbance amounting to insurrection, in which the constituted authorities of the city were overturned, and for two days, at least, New Orleans was in the hands of armed mobs.

Notes

1. cause celebre.a controversial issue that attracts a great deal of public attention.

Text prepared by:

• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage
• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux

Chapter XIII

The "American" "Know-Nothing" uprising in 1858 is one of the most singular events in the history of New Orleans; it occurred just before the municipal election of that year. Professedly, it was a movement to rid the city of the disreputable characters which had infested it for more than a year. In this it was largely successful. It must be confessed that there was need of some such drastic remedy as the "Americans" proposed. "That our city has been infested by a band of desperadoes who have shed innocent blood and spread terror and consternation among certain classes, is most true," said one of the local newspapers.1 As election day approached these miscreants became more active. On June 1st, for example, a man named Reynolds was admitted to the Charity Hospital suffering from two bullet wounds in the head, inflicted in a lonely neighborhood, to which he had been lured by a stranger. The next day an Irish steamboat man was attacked in his lodgings in Delord Street, near Magazine, dragged from his bed to the street, and there brutally butchered. On the 3d the Bee announced that "several persons had been stabbed or slung-shotted." Notices of a similar tenor may be found in the columns of the newspapers almost every day from months previously; and in fact, nearly a year before, the True Delta, in a sarcastic editorial, had apologized to the mayor for drawing his attention to the danger which ordinary, peaceable citizens ran whenever they ventured abroad, as a result of what was in many ways a reign of terror.

These outrages were, in the main, directed against persons of foreign birth. Whether this was accidental or premeditated is not clear. In the squalid slums of the city were collected large numbers of ignorant Irish and Germans; in that class crimes of the sort were to be expected, but how far local politics and race prejudices motived them, it is impossible to say. Some lingering anti-American sentiment drew the Creoles together. Both groups were re-enforced by these in the population who were outraged and indignant at the prevalence of crime, and felt that the time had come for action. In this way, about March, 1858, an organization was effected which afterwards was known as the Vigilance Committee. There is no doubt that this society was formed under the inspiration of the similar organization in San Francisco, which a few years before had done such effective work when a situation prevailed in that city like that in New Orleans. Although not less than 1,000 persons were interested in the organization, it appears to have been kept entirely secret, and not until it struck, on the night of June 2d, five days before the municipal election, does its existence appear to have been known.

The Vigilance Committee was interested in seeing that the elections passed off without any of the riotous scenes which had recently marked all such days in New Orleans. But it specifically disclaimed any political bias. Therefore the selection of candidates for the various municipal offices was made without interference from it. The American party's city nominating convention was held on May 25th. The friends of Mayor Waterman were anxious to see him renominated, but a letter was presented to the convention as soon as it organized, in which he stated his intention not to be a candidate for the nomination. The name of Gerard Smith was then put up for mayor, and without opposition accepted. The ticket was quickly rounded-off with the nomination of C. O. Fleschier, for street commissioner: A. G. Brice, J. L. Fabre, and Webster Long, for recorders; A. Dupre and P. S. Wiltz, for aldermen; and J. E. Holland, L. Lombard, and J. B. Leefe for assistant aldermen. Under the provisions of the city charter, the remaining city officials held over to a later date.

The attitude of the public with regard to the election was one of indifference. Three weeks before election day the Bee, commenting upon the subject, alluded to "the utter absence of interest."2 But there was sufficient dissatisfaction with the existing regime to cause a movement of protest to set in, as soon as the American ticket was announced. Rumors that an independent party was forming had been current earlier in the year.3 The opportunity was favorable, for not only were there dissentions in the administration itself, but the defeated candidates for the American nominations "harbored much ill feeling,"4 and could be counted on to fight their late associates. The sentiment crystallized in an address signed by nearly 700 prominent citizens, which appeared in the Bee on May 26th, and tendered to Major P. G. T. Beauregard the nomination for mayor.

Beauregard's reply was dated June 5th. It was a cautious acceptance of the proffered honor. He made it very clear that he would, if elected, regard himself as in no wise hampered by promises or agreements, except the understanding that he would devote his best efforts to the public service. He had, he continued, his own opinions, which, "while not ultra," were decided. He was a "States Rights Democrat, of the progressive school," who, while attached to the Union, felt that his duty to his native state might, under certain circumstances, outweigh his allegiance to the nation. But national issues had no place in a city election. The most important matter before the people of New Orleans was, in his judgment, connected with the police. If elected, he would feel it his most important duty to "organize a strong and efficient police. Unless a mayor be clothed with sufficient power and authority to place it on a footing which will insure unity of purpose, and impart to its operations a character which will command respect, it were vain to expect from him that he should carry out successfully the great object and measures which you have in view." He did not propose to destroy the force as at present constituted, but would "get rid of those who by their bad habits or dishonest character" would disgrace it if they remained members.5

A few days later the independent ticket was completed by the nomination of the following: Dr. D. J. Rogers, street commissioner; G. Y. Bright, Emile Wiltz, and Joseph Solomon, recorders; W. M. Mercer, Elijah Peale, L. E. Forstall, J. V. Gourdain, George Jonas, aldermen, and James White, Samuel Jamison, John Stroud, Jr., Jules Benit, F. Moreno, Jr., J. E. Massicot, John Newman, and Robert Huyghe, assistant aldermen.6

Beauregard was a formidable candidate. He had an excellent reputation as citizen and soldier. He was, and long remained, the type par excellence of the cultured, distinguished, efficient Creole. His letter took issue with the existing administration over the matter which it was least able to defend. How far these considerations determined the action of a crowd of rowdies who, on June 1st, seized the office of Registrar of Voters, it is impossible to say. The situation at least suggests that they were acting in the interest of the American party. They set to work to revise the lists of voters in a way such as to eliminate as many whigs and independents as possible. The democrats, for some reason, were taking no part in the campaign. They made no nomination, and it is not clear which party their vote went to. Some of the independent leaders applied to the courts for the proper legal remedies, but either were convinced that they could expect no co-operation there, or realized that by the time law interposed to expel the interlopers from the register's office, their nefarious work would have been accomplished. It was at this juncture that the Vigilance Committee took action.

Gen. Johnson K. Duncan

It is to be regretted that, coming precisely at the moment when it did, the uprising should have worn the aspect of a revolution designed to put Beauregard in power. True, many of the persons suspected of complicity in the outbreak, were his supporters; but it is also true that when Recorder Stith subsequently visited the headquarters of the committee, he was assured that in its ranks were many of his partisans. At any rate, on the morning of June 3d, when New Orleans awoke, it was to find that a large part of the city had passed into the control of the Vigilance Committee; that the city government had virtually ceased to function; that civil war was threatened. Late the preceding night armed men under the command of Capt. J. K. Duncan, of the United States army,a marched to Jackson Square, occupied the court rooms in the Cabildo, and posted sentinels at all the approaches to that part of the city. They then seized the arsenal in the rear of the Cabildo and distributed among themselves the arms which they found therein. Several pieces of cannon, which were stored in this place, were hauled out and posted around the square. When Judge Hunt went down to the Criminal Court, he found it impossible to proceed with his docket on account of the presence of the Vigilance Committeemen in the building, and after an ineffectual effort to hold court, desisted and departed. Judge Howell, of the Sixth District Court, and Recorder Fabre, on finding their courtrooms filled with armed men, made no attempt to perform their usual functions.

In the columns of the Courier and of the True Delta that morning appeared notices intended to inform the people of the purpose of these strange proceedings, and to reassure them as to the intentions of those at the head of the Vigilance Committee. "Having resolved to free our city from the murderers who infest it, we have assumed its temporary government," read one of these documents; '[. . .] we have no political object in view, and we call on all good men and true to join in the work we have undertaken. [. . .] We shall inflict prompt and exemplary punishment upon well-known and notorious offenders and violators of the rights and privileges of citizens, and shall not lay down our arms till this is effected."

At the same time an address to the citizens of New Orleans was posted about the streets which explained the objects of the rising in more detail:

"After years of disorder, outrage, and unchecked assassination, the people, unable and unwilling either to bow down in unresisting submission to a set of ruffians, or to abandon the city in which their business, their social sympathies, and their affections cluster, have at length risen in their might — ? have quickly taken possession of the arsenal and buildings at Jackson Square, and have established here the headquarters of a Vigilance Committee; pledging each to the other to maintain the rights unviolable of every peaceful and law-abiding citizen, restore public order, abate crime, and expel or punish, as they may determine, such notorious robbers and assassins as the arm of law has, either from the infidelity of its public servants, or the inefficiency of the laws themselves, left unwhipped of justice.

"For the present the ordinary machinery of police justice is suspended — ? the mayor and the recorders, we understand, yielding up the power they confess to inability to exercise for the preservation of public peace, and the preservation of property; and the Vigilance Committee will therefore provisionally act in their stead, administering to each and every malefactor the punishment due to his crimes, without heat, prejudice, or political bias. All citizens who have sympathies with this movement, and who think that the time has come when New Orleans shall be preserved like all other well ordered and civilized communities, will report themselves without delay at the principal, where the character of the movement will be explained, and the determination of the people more fully made known. All has been done noiselessly thus far; all will continue noiselessly, dispassionately, and justly, but the ruffians who have dyed our streets in the gore of inoffending citizens, and spread terror among the peaceable, orderly, and well-disposed, must leave or perish. So the people have determined — ? Vox Populi, vox Dei."

It appears that the response to this call was small.7

The five days over which the Vigilance Committee's activities extended, were agitated ones. The authorities made futile, and on the whole absurd, efforts to argue Duncan into submission. The police seem to have proven absolutely incapable of handling the situation. The wildest ideas were ventilated. A special meeting of the council was convened at 10 A.M., June 3d, and lasted till late in the afternoon. It was proposed to arm the people and disperse the Vigilance Committee by force. This meant hard fighting. Duncan was an experienced officer, and with him were several men who had just returned from Nicaragua, where they had seen service under the filibuster, Walker, then on trial in the city on a charge of violating the neutrality laws. They had fortified their position with granite blocks torn up from the pavement in Chartres Street. Waterman seems to have perceived the impossibility of a successful attack. Moreover, he wished to avoid extreme measures. He refused to issue a proclamation along the lines advocated by the council. Thereupon the council passed a resolution demanding his resignation, in order that Recorder Summers, who, under the charter, was next in succession, might assume the mayoralty, with the understanding that he would immediately take steps to carry out the program suggested by the aldermen. Waterman refused to resign. Eventually it was agreed to invest the mayor with discretionary powers. Then the meeting adjourned.

Waterman paid a visit to the headquarters of the Vigilance Committee. He was accompanied by Benjamin S. Harrison, a gentleman prominent in the councils of the independents, who had been a candidate for the nomination before it was tendered to Beauregard. Apparently, he was expected now to influence the Vigilance Committee, under the idea that he and it belonged to the same political persuasion, and it would therefore be amenable to his blandishments. This notion proved erroneous. Duncan refused to retire unless the mayor would agree to swear in his forces, who now numbered nearly one thousand well-armed and well-equipped men, as a special police, to serve at least till after the election. This the mayor said he had no authority from the council to do.8 On Waterman's return to the city hall, an announcement to this effect received the uproarious approval of an immense throng collected in Lafayette Square.

It was now determined to call out the militia. Orders to that effect were issued to General Lewis, but not a man responded to the notifications which that official tardily and reluctantly sent out.9 In the meantime, as a concession to the crowd, which clamored to be led against the Vigilance Committee stronghold, the mayor signed a requisition on one of the largest local hardware stores, for weapons; and the mob streamed off in the direction of that establishment, which it speedily stripped of firearms. On their return to Lafayette Square, they found some pieces of artillery which had been removed from the quarters of one of the militia companies, and parked there. Waterman now issued warrants for the arrest of Duncan and his associates on charges of being in arms without lawful authority, and the chief of police served the papers at Jackson Square, but lacking the means to reenforce them, retired, feeling somewhat ridiculous. Next, placards were posted offering awards for Duncan's arrest or destruction; these bore no signature, and were probably issued without official approval. The city government, however, through whatever officials it could rely on, was rounding up suspects. A Doctor Lockwood and two others were taken into custody, examined at the city hall, and held in duress.10

The inefficiency of the city government was becoming glaringly apparent. A meeting of fifteen gentlemen, "of no special bias in political matters," was called at the St. Charles Hotel. They agreed on a plan for settling the differences between the hostile parties. Two committees were appointed, of seven each, one to treat with the Vigilance Committee, the other to confer with the mayor. They took up their duties with a good heart, but do not seem to have had any effect upon a situation which was hourly growing more critical. In the meantime all drinking places were ordered closed, and business hours generally, apprehensive of what might follow the fall of night, followed the good example.11

That afternoon posters attacking the mayor for treating with "traitors" began to appear on the walls of the city. Just who issued them was never known.12 It was beginning to be believed that Waterman's sympathies really lay with the Vigilance Committee. The crowd which swirled excitedly around the city hall all day long and far into the night, were losing faith in him. That night addresses made from the steps of the building denounced him for his efforts at compromise. The speakers were Colonel Henry, a veteran of Nicaragua; and Colonel Christy, an old gentleman who had earned his military title in the War of 1812. The latter followed up his address by publishing a handbill in which he offered to captain any force organized to attack the Vigilance Committee. This handbill, circulated the following morning, occasioned some excitement, but happily, there was no organized response to his offer. All that night a force of 100 men, under Justice Bradford, remained on duty at the city hall, to guard it against the anticipated attack of Duncan's men; though no such attack was ever attempted. Duncan's sentinels never came above Canal Street. That night they occupied the lower edge of that thoroughfare as far out as the river. On the upper side a similar line of men marked the boundary over which the city government still claimed to exercise jurisdiction. In between lay the "neutral ground"b — ? neutral that night, in an unexpectedly significant way.

At 11 o'clock the following morning the mayor and General Lewis went to the headquarters of the Vigilance Committee, at Jackson Square, with the intention of working out a compromise. No other course was open, if bloodshed was to be avoided. Here they were joined by Messrs. Fellows and Norton, representing the merchants' committee, at the St. Charles Hotel. The conference lasted till 1 o'clock. In effect, Waterman accepted Duncan's terms. It was agreed that the committee's forces should be sworn as a special police to do duty at least till after the election, and meanwhile to retain their military organization.13 With this news the mayor returned to the city hall.

The announcement of the agreement was very ill received by the mob, composed, as it appears to have been, in large majority of "American" partisans. In the face of a positive prohibition by the mayor, a large detachment took possession of two cannon, and, armed with muskets and side-arms, set off to attack what was beginning to be called "Fort Vigilance." On reaching Canal Street somebody fired on the column from the sidewalk, and one man was wounded in the cheek. This halted the advance. Recorder Adams, who happened to be on the spot, took advantage of the opportunity to counsel the men to abandon their mad attempt. About one-half of the party did desist. They returned to Lafayette Square. The remainder marched down Royal Street, but remarking that they were likely to receive a warm reception at the barricades visible in that thoroughfare, crossed over to Chartres; but there perceiving the same degree of preparedness on the part of the enemy, retreated to Canal. The sentinels on duty there thought them the advance guard of the Vigilance Committee moving up to attack the city hall, and were about to open fire. Fortunately, at this moment they were recognized, but a regrettable loss of life was averted by the narrowest of margins. At last the entire party reassembled in Lafayette Square, where Adams disarmed them and stored their weapons in the hall. At "Fort Vigilance," however, there were two casualties that day, due to the premature discharge of a cannon. One man was killed and one wounded.14

On the 5th the agitation against Mayor Waterman over the compromise which he had effected, and which left the Vigilance Committee untroubled in its entrenchments, came to a head. Fortunately, a heavy shower of rain dispersed the crowds at the city hall. Threats of violence were thus rendered ineffective, but Waterman thought it safest to throw himself into the arms of the Vigilance Committee, and that morning left the city hall privately, and took up his quarters at Jackson Square. There he was later visited by A. G. Brice and Judge A. G. Semmes, who endeavored to induce him to return to the hall, in order to swear in a special police which, in view of the disturbed condition of the city, and the collapse or disappearance of the regular force, and the general unwillingness of the council to resign the city completely to the Vigilance Committee, seemed necessary. These gentlemen urged him either to do this or to resign, and make way for the president of the Council, who, it was expected, would deal resolutely with the situation. Rather than accept the alternative, Waterman made out a paper in which he invested Recorder Stith with authority to swear in the special police in his place. Armed with this document, Brice and Semmes returned to the city hall. Stith began to swear in the new police.15 By nightfall he had 1,600 men in service. During the afternoon, however, Mayor Waterman was informed by his legal advisors that he could not delegate to another his powers as chief of police; that Stith's authorization was void. He accordingly sent to the True Delta a notice to that effect; but for some reason a copy was not served on Stith till the following day, and in the interim he declined to consider as valid the mayor's revocation of his commission.

The council met at 6 P.M. Waterman, it was understood, would appear and explain his recent actions. He was not present when the meeting convened. Instead, a message came from him asking what protection he could expect if he concluded to attend. Recorder Stith was empowered to go to Jackson Square, assure the mayor that his safety would be provided for, and escort him to the hall. Stith departed on his mission, but remained away several hours. The unruly demeanor of the crowd which by now had reassembled in Lafayette Square certainly gave ground for Waterman's apprehensions; it was necessary for Colonel Lumsden, one of the editors of the Picayune, to entertain the tumultuous gathering with an account of his visit to Fort Vigilance, in order to keep it from committing some indiscretion or other. Waterman, who agreed to accompany Stith, came as far as the St. Charles Hotel; but learning of the demeanor of the mob, refused to proceed any farther. Informed of this decision, the board of assistant aldermen now proceeded to prefer articles of impeachment against the absent mayor. The mayor, ran this document, "has deserted his post [. . .] and since June 2d has been in the hands of an unlawful and armed organization, and the lives and property of the citizens of New Orleans are jeopardized; [. . .] and said Waterman has by his acts attempted to legalize the existance of said unlawful organization, and is now and has been within the last thirty-six hours within the limits of said unlawful armed organization [. . .] and has failed, neglected, and refused to enforce the laws of the United States and the ordinances of this city, and disperse the said unlawful organization, and has been recreant to his duties," and therefore his impeachment was ordered.

The board of aldermen, which, under the charter, became the tribunal to try the impeachment proceedings, also adopted resolutions. Waterman, these declared, had "abandoned the seat of the municipal government without just cause, and cannot be found nor induced to attend to his duties, and [. . .] there is no longer a mayor of the City of New Orleans. [. . .] In the present state of excitement it is the duty of the common council to provide means for the protection of the inhabitants of the city [. . .] said city having been left for two days without a single officer to protect the lives of our citizens or their property."

The effect of the impeachment was to remove Waterman summarily from office. A resolution passed both boards of aldermen asking Summers to act as mayor. He immediately took charge of the mayor's office, with the understanding that he should be provided by the council with "all the sinews of war" if needed against the Vigilance Committee. He issued a proclamation at once denouncing the Vigilance Committee as a lawless band, and called on them to disperse or suffer the consequences. He also revoked the appointment of Duncan's men as special police. No other action was attempted, fortunately. Armed patrols continued to circulate through the First District, and pickets were maintained on Canal Street. The Vigilance Committee's operations appear to have been at all times limited to the Second District. Their forces never attempted to enter the First or Third districts.16

This was Friday. That night occurred the most serious incident in the Vigilance Committee's history. This was the accidental firing upon one of its own patrols, the killing of four men and the wounding of nine others. The patrol was returning to camp through Orleans and St. Peter streets. It was mistaken for an attacking party from Lafayette Square, and before the error could be rectified a volley was poured into its ranks. The men killed were Thomas Mooney, Patrick Craddock, Laurance Monahan, and Thomas Eastport, the first three Irishmen, and the latter a German. Subsequently Coroner Osborne held an inquest upon their bodies and brought in a verdict of death due to a discharge of firearms by parties unknown. Five of the wounded were admitted to the Charity Hospital. No attempt seems ever to have been made by the authorities to investigate the affair further. Even the men in the hospital were not interrogated after the subsidence of the disturbances.

On Saturday morning the attorney general, Mr. Moise, visited Fort Vigilance and explained to Duncan that his men were acting illegally. Duncan seems to have accepted this intelligence with great calm. It was probably not precisely news to him. At one time or another most of the city officials had called on him with similar information. Various influential citizens put in an appearance on Sunday and argued with Duncan in favor of his laying down his arms. Except for an effort to reorganize the regular police, Summers seems to have made no move that day against the Vigilance Committee. He removed Col. Henry Forno from the post of chief of police and replaced him with Col. John A. Jacques. Jacques issued an order for the regular patrolmen to report for duty, which they seem to have done during the day. Barring an alarm due to the firing of three cannons in Fort Vigilance by some irresponsible young men — ? this was the signal set by the committee to summon all its supporters to its assistance — ? the night passed without alarm. Fortunately, the cannon shots failed to elicit any response. It must be admitted that there was never any general response to the committee's appeal. The attitude of the public generally was either one of indifference or active opposition. In view of this lukewarmness of the people, the failure of the movement was inevitable. It persisted, however, till the result of the election was announced; and it is quite possible that the quiet which marked the election day was, as the Picayune suggested, due to the fact that the committee retained its organization, and was in a position to act should there have ever been occasion for their interference. General Lewis notified Duncan that he would ask his aid only in case of extreme need; Summers swore in enough special policemen and appointed enough commissioners to keep order at the polls; and the result was one of the most orderly elections in the history of the city.17

The election took place on June 7. In view of the proceeding events it is not astonishing that a relatively small vote was cast. The result was, on the whole, a complete vindication of the American party. Stith received 3,581 votes, and Beauregard 3,450. In the Fourth District, it is curious to note, the vote for mayor was a tie. Here the recent disturbances had scarcely so much as had an echo. Throughout all that troubled week, the courts had functioned there as usual; the police had continued to perform their duties; and the ordinary citizen went about his concerns with almost complete indifference to the tragedy which was in progress only a short distance away.18 The failure of Stith to carry his district under such circumstances is, to say the least, suggestive. For street commissioner Fleschier was elected over Rodgers by 3,650 to 3,326. Fleschier ran ahead of the entire American ticket. Summers, E. Wiltz, and Long were elected to the recorderships by majorities which varied from 200 in the case of the first-named, to 55 in the case of Wiltz. Wiltz was the only independent elected to a recordership. Forstall, independent, was elected to the Board of Aldermen from the Second District. White, Benit, Moreno, and Massicot, all independents, were elected to the Board of Assistant Aldermen. Huyghe was elected unanimously, his name being on both tickets. Otherwise, the American ticket was everywhere successful.

The result of the election was, at least on the face of the returns, conclusive. The majority of the voters were opposed to the Vigilance Committee. A card in one of that afternoon's papers announced that the committee had disbanded. "The object of the Vigilance Committee is today what it was when it was first formed, viz., to deliver the city from the notorious thugs and assassins who infest it, and are abhorred by all good citizens. The result of the late election has, therefore, not in any way changed the honest views entertained by the committee, and to prove that we have never had any political views in our organization, but only the security of all good citizens in their lives and property, we now put ourselves at the disposal of the mayor, and at his call will assemble under arms as a special police in order to put down the rule of murderers and thugs. Yielding to public opinion relative to our possessing the State Arsenal and the Sixth District Court — ? but doing this only — ? we now hereby abandon and give up our position, and we agree thus to answer a call from the mayor, our engagements as such lasting for at least three months, or longer, if found expedient." Thus ran this curious document, which was signed Duncan "for self and others."19

The Vigilantes actually abandoned the Arsenal at 4 A.M. on the morning of the 8th. Many had already quickly withdrawn to their homes, but about 200 were still on duty. These men left their arms scattered about the vicinity, where they were afterwards looted by negroes, boys, and the populace generally. The detachment marched under Duncan's leadership down to the United States barracks, where their commander was quartered. There he made them a speech, deprived them of their arms, and advised them to disperse to their homes. But they were fearful of violence at the hands of the people. The majority found means of crossing the river to the swamps below Algiers, where they hid for 24 hours, until driven out by hunger. On the afternoon of the 9th a detachment of 50, mostly foreigners, surrendered to the police in order to get food. A police lieutenant took them in charge, but upon being notified that authorities had issued no warrants for their arrest, the miserable party was turned loose and told to go home. Another policeman rounded up a party of twelve, and locked them in the Third Precinct Station, but they, too, were soon set at liberty.

The apprehension which these poor fellows entertained regarding the danger of going unprotected about the city seems to have been well-founded; for in the papers of the next few days are found several notices of men suspected of having been implicated in the recent disturbances set upon and badly beaten.20 In spite of indignant denials from the American organs, there can hardly be any question that these assaults were committed by persons affiliated with that party.

As for the leaders of the late revolt, 30 of them fled the city on a steamboat early on the 8th. Affidavits were sworn out against some of them, but nothing more was done.21 Among them were several persons of wealth and prominence, whom it was not deemed good policy to prosecute; and the whole matter was suffered gradually to be forgotten. It was estimated that the men, who supplied the cash for the movement, spent $30,000 for the five days' campaign, besides contributing their own services, which, as the Crescent pointed out sarcastically, must have been exceedingly arduous for persons so unaccustomed to anything but luxurious surroundings and dainty food.

Thousands, moved by curiosity, visited the abandoned camp on June 9, and were shocked at what met their gaze and offended the sense of smell. The pavement was bloodstained; the carpet of the Sixth District was saturated with the same dismal fluid; the jail, the courthouse and the small private apartments connected with the court were filled with filth. A large force of negroes were promptly set to work with brooms and scrubbing brushes to cleanse them for the opening of court. When Judge Howell returned to his courtroom, he found that the papers there had been scattered, and that part of the records in twelve suits had been destroyed. Some of the abandoned arms were collected during the day and returned to the arsenal. The street commissioner discovered 60 bales of cotton which had been built into the barricades. These were removed to the public pound. Subsequently, the clerk of the Sixth District Court, for some inexplicable reason, issued writs of attachment to hold these bales as satisfaction for damages to property, both public and private. They turned out to be privately owned, and had been commandeered by the Vigilantes without the consent of the owners.

There is much about this whole affair that invites comment. For example, it is difficult to understand how Duncan, an officer of the United States army, became involved in the uprising. The conduct of Mayor Waterman is hard to explain. It is known that there were factions in the American party, of which he had been a leader; and his refusal to be a candidate for renomination suggests that the breach between him and "his quandom friends," was wide. How far was his attitude towards the Vigilance Committee dictated by sincere desire to avoid bloodshed, — ? how far by partiality for the independent cause? Nor is it not easy to determine, whether the frequently insisted on non-partisan character of the movement was mere camouflage, or not. The fact that the American party was almost unanimous in opposition indicates that by it the movement was regarded as, after all, an election manoeuver on behalf of Beauregard. The conduct of General Lewis offers another problem. Why did he hesitate to call out the militia, as we know he did actually hesitate? He is charged in one of the newspapers with being reluctant to commit himself to either side; vacillation under the circumstances, was equivalent to favoring the committee. Finally, there is the obscure point of justice meted out by the committee itself. At the close of the disturbance, the coroner held inquests upon eleven persons "slain within the entrenchments." The newspapers describe the deaths of six of these men; who were the other five, and how did they meet their end? The reticence of the public prints is among the most singular parts of the whole matter.

"We have passed through one of the most critical trials which the people of New Orleans have ever been called on to meet," observed the Picayune, in an editorial dismissing the entire incident. "On the eve of the election the city was filled with armed men. At night armed patrols hostile to each other perambulated the streets, and more than once came to look directly in the faces of each other, with arms at present, hands on triggers, and momentarily expecting word to fire. The overthrow or disintegration of the city government left us for days in the hands of men who were volunteers."22 Due probably to the inclination to ignore the episode, now that it was over, no effort was made to press the impeachment charges against Mayor Waterman. Summers continued to act as mayor until June 21, when the new administration came in. He was bitterly attacked by the Courier on more than one occasion. He had been a member of the council under Mayor Crossman. At that time he was considered a staunch whig. The Courier charged him with having been an advocate of the expulsion of all democrats from that chamber.23 Now, he was a good American — ? or Know-Nothing, as many called the party. By his political adversaries he seems to have been very cordially hated, and this hatred lasted for many years, down into Civil war days, when for a few moments Summers again occupied a conspicuous place on the political stage.

Mayor Gerard Stith

Stith was a native of Virginia. He was born in 1821, and was the son of Griffin Stith and was wife, Mary Dent Alexander. The family was connected with the Bollings, Meads, Fitzhughs, Randolphs, and others who had long been prominent in the affairs of that State. Young Stith was brought to New Orleans at a tender age. In this city he received his education. He became a printer, entered the employ of the Picayune, and rose to be foreman of the composing room in the offices of that influential publication. He was thus employed when nominated. To this employment he returned after his term as mayor was over, and there he continued down to the time of his death. Although nominally only foreman of the composing room, he really was for years the editor of the paper; having the entire confidence of his employers, and using his own discretion as to what should be printed in the paper, whenever these employers were absent. In this way, he overrode the policies of those who were nominally editors of the paper. He became head of the Printers' Association and thus was accounted a leader of organized labor in the city. He entered politics in 1857 when he was elected a member of the State Legislature. He was returned by a large majority, and made a good record in the House. In 1854 he was elected a member of the City Council, and in 1856 was chosen recorder of the First District, which office he was holding when named for mayor.

Stith's administration presents several features of importance. He had — ? what no executive had ever had previously — ? a definite policy with regard to public improvements. This policy was consistently and continually expounded in his messages to the City Council. For the first time in the history of the city the doctrine was laid down that the public authorities were responsible for the public health, and that they should see to the enforcement of proper sanitary measures. The need of such was brought home forcibly by the reappearance of yellow fever in a virulent form in the summer of 1858. As elements in a general plan for the sanitation of the city he advocated the extension of square granite block paving, improved street drainage through the reduction of the grades to one uniform standard, and the reclamation of the swamps between the city and the lake. In all of these projects he did not have at first the co-operation of all of his associates, nor of the public at large. There was, for example, early in his administration, a controversy between the street commissioner and the Board of Health as to their respective jurisdictions, which had to be settled before anything could be done to improve the condition of the streets. While this dispute was pending, the streets were suffered to fall into a disgusting state of filth and disrepair.24 The mayor's persistance, with the co-operation of the press, and the support of the council, led eventually to a complete change of public opinion, and as a result, by the end of his administration, improvements were registered in regard to the streets which were at that time unparalleled in the city, and possibly in every other American city of the time. Granite blocks covered nearly half of the most frequented streets, the cost of the paving of the intersections of the streets and of the improvements on Canal and Esplanade streets, alone, was estimated to have cost $900,000 — ? an enormous sum for those days.

Stith advocated the construction of a real protection levee around the city, but in this plan he failed to secure the support of the Council, and it was not carried out. He did, however, succeed in having the levees considerably extended. He introduced a method of flushing the gutters with water from the river, pumped for the purpose at a plant established on the levee in front of the city. This system was also utilized successfully as a source of water-supply during fires. The wharves were also extended, especially in the First District, where considerable new constructions were rendered necessary by the shallowing of the water by river deposits.25 In regard to education and to benevolence, the administration also achieved some definite results. A new normal school was opened in 1858.26 The Boy's House of Refuge, which had fallen into sad disrepair, was restored, and an effort was successfully made to make the institution self-sustaining by the introduction of various small manufacturing processes, the good effect of which was further seen in the moral betterment of the inmates. Moreover, they were thus taught valuable trades, which, on being released from the institution, enabled them to take a respectable place in society.27

With regard to the police, Stith made extensive and drastic changes and suggested others. In his inaugural message he pointed out the necessity of increasing the pay of the force, the duties of which, he said, were exceedingly onerous. He thought that there should be some law curtailing the mayor's appointing power so that the members of the department might not be entirely dependent upon the results of each municipal election. He seems, in fact, to have been feeling after a civil service, but the time had not come when this idea could emerge, and most of his suggestions on this subject were too vague to crystallize in definite legislation. Soon after he took office the Grand Jury made an investigation of the department, and condemned its general inefficiency and negligence, especially with reference to the Vigilance Committee uprising, and to the carnival of crime which had preceded that extraordinary episode. Stith's first official act was to appoint Thomas E. Adams to be chief of police. Adams proved to be a good officer. The "rogues' gallery," which now forms an important adjunct of every well-organized police department throughout the world, was established in New Orleans at this time. The fire and police alarm telegraph, which was another great advance, was also introduced during Stith's administration. Most important, however, was the purging of the force itself, over 400 men being dismissed or resigning during the time that Stith held office.28

Stith was a man of strong personality, and great independence of mind. His popularity unquestionably suffered from these traits, but they helped him to correct a multitude of abuses which had grown up in the administration, so that, in bidding him farewell, in an editorial published the day he left office, the Picayune was able to say that his period of service was "as the beginning of a new epoch in city affairs. No man has ever left public office with so broad a foundation for future popularity. No succeeding one can find occasion to do more for the public weal."

During this period the Native American party securely established itself in control of the city government. Its candidate was destined to become the next mayor of the city by a large majority. But civic politics were being relegated to a minor place in the public attention; the community was absorbed in the great issue of secession, which was now beginning to loom large on the horizon of the future. In the controversy on this subject which shook the city to its depths the leading spirits were John Slidell and Pierre Soulé. Space is lacking to deal adequately with the struggle between these two gifted men, and between their partisans, for control of the State on this vital question. Slidell was not a match for Soulé in brilliancy of wit, in eloquence, in charm of manner. He was, however, one of the most consummate political organizers that have ever flourished in Louisiana, and had behind him a competent State machine, which was destined to sweep Louisiana headlong into the secession movement. Soulé was a Frenchman by birth, the idol of the Creole element in New Orleans. Slidell was supposed to be high in favor with President Buchanan. He was a native of New York. These two facts were urged against him as separating him from the mass of Southerners, and coloring his views on slavery. Whatever his position was on this subject, Slidell was an ardent democrat. He strove to prevent a split in the party. When the Charleston Convention, however, made its momentous decision, he felt, along with Tombs, Davis, and other influential Southern leaders, that he must support Breckenridge. On the other hand, Soulé and his partisans declared for Douglas as the true exponent of democratic tradition. They criticized with the bitterness which then characterized all political discussion, the sectionalism of those who, as they conceived, were hurrying the country to a terrible catastrophe. We cannot follow the various phases of this great political struggle; it belongs properly to the history of the State of Louisiana, although the City of New Orleans was the scene upon which it was chiefly enacted. It may be questioned whether Louisiana as a whole favored secession; New Orleans came into the movement reluctantly, as though with a premonition that it meant for her disaster.

Text prepared by:

• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage
• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux

Chapter XIV

The municipal campaign of 1860 attracted little attention. Interest in New Orleans was focussed upon the national campaign, which was understood to involve the question of peace or war. Three candidates appeared for the mayoralty — ? John T. Monroe, Alexander Grailhe, and Lucius W. Place. "The issues are of small importance," was the comment of the Picayune, a few days before the election took place. In fact, the only serious criticism which was offered to Mr. Monroe's candidacy was, that he was the nominee of the Native American party, and thus in a sense represented the administration. Mr. Grailhe, who was running on an independent ticket, criticized the Stith administration severely, particularly with regard to the cleaning of the city; and intimated that the election of Monroe would perpetuate the methods of which he complained. Grailhe was in Europe at the time his name was selected to head the independent ticket. On his return, he announced that, if elected, he would accept no salary, but divide his official income among the city charities. The contest among the candidates for the mayoralty was overshadowed interest by that between J. Milton Relf, and C. C. Fleschier, for the post of street commissioner. Fleschier was the incumbent under Stith, and the blame for the bad condition into which the public thoroughfares had fallen, as a result of his inability to compel the contractors properly to perform their work of cleaning them, was, perhaps unjustly, laid upon him. The papers of the time are filled with complaints about the foul condition of the stagnant gutters, the luxuriance of the weeds that grew along the margins of the streets, and the general neglect of the city scavengering.

Mayor Stith took measures to insure a safe and orderly election, and on June 5, 1860, Monroe was chosen mayor by a vote of 37,027. Grailhe received a much smaller vote, and Place, who was running on a citizen's ticket, hardly figured in the contest. Monroe, who thus became seventeenth mayor of the city, was a blood-relative of President Monroe. He was a native of Dinwiddie County, Virginia, but was taken by his parents to the State of Missouri, when very young. With Missouri the family was prominently identified for many years. Daniel Monroe, father of the mayor, at one time represented the State at the National Congress. Young John Monroe came to New Orleans before attaining his twenty-first year. He learned the business of stevedore. Working on the levee, he was brought into contact with the men who then controlled what were called "the masses"; he drifted into politics under their auspices, and speedily became a leader of the labor element. Over the working classes his control was never broken. They first elected him Assistant Alderman, and he signalized himself so greatly as their representative and champion in the lower branch of the municipal legislature, that he was subsequently chosen assistant recorder. In the lower board of the council he served as president. His experiences there fitted him admirably to discharge the duties which now devolved upon his shoulders.1

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Mayor John Monroe

Mayor Monroe was inaugurated on June 18. On that day he announced one appointment, that of Marion Baker, to be his secretary. Baker was a young newspaperman, connected with the "Delta," a journal with which Monroe himself had at one time been associated.

The election made little change in the City Council, but sufficient to justify the hope that there would be improvement in the management of the streets. Relf, although a candidate with Place, on the citizens' ticket, had been elected street commissioner, over Fleschier. He immediately addressed himself to that task, and seems to have enjoyed the support of the new mayor. The new alignment of the City Council also opened the way to betterments in the police force. There had been many complaints as to the material from which the force was made up. These, and other pressing problems, were touched upon in the mayor's inaugural message, which was sent in to the Council on June 26. In this document Mayor Monroe outlined the policy which he experienced the administration to follow. He said that some of the provisions of the City Charter were probably obnoxious, and ought to be changed, but as long as they remained in force, it was his intention to see that the laws were carried out "without fear or favor." He called attention to the supreme importance of the police department for the protection of life and property, and for the good reputation of the city at home and abroad; and, having as head of that department, full power of appointment and removal, he declared that he accepted the responsibility, and would not shrink from the performance of all the duties involved. He admitted that in the selection of several hundred men, mistakes might be made, but reminded the Council that he had the authority to remove, and would exercise that power whenever necessary. He urged the uniforming of the police, and stated that as its recognized head, he would himself adopt the new uniform. He called attention to the growth of the city and the importance p230of its commerce, and warned the citizens not to rely upon past efforts, but to prepare the way for greater prosperity. "Much," he said, "will depend upon the enforcement of the laws; much upon light taxation, and more than all upon the absence of epidemics." He promised to enforce all ordinances for keeping the streets clear, and to co-operate with the Council in all measures for settling up the rear portion of the city, the draining of the swamps, and the extension of streets in those districts. He laid stress upon the advantages to be derived from the building of street railways, and the ills ensuing from an insufficient supply of water. He closed with the assurance that he would support any measure which the Council might adopt which might redound to the prosperity and good name of the city.

The message was not a remarkable literary performance, but it gave great satisfaction, as indicating that the mayor meant to deal effectively with the most crying evils of the moment. A few lines only can be given here as to the manner in which these promises were fulfilled. Monroe's interest in the extension of the street railroads, led to a considerable activity in that direction. The car tracks which were being laid in Canal Street on the side thoroughfares were, at his urging, removed to the "neutral ground," where they have ever since been located. The "neutral ground" was, at the same time, embellished with rows of trees: which, however, were removed some years later. Considerable changes were made in the routing of the five existing street-car lines. In April, 1861, the Picayune described the routes of several new horse-car lines, — ? the Magazine Street line, the Camp and Prytania streets line, the Canal and Metairie Ridge line, the Rampart and Poland Street line, the Rampart, Esplanade and Barracks Street line — ? on all of which cars were in operation about the first day of June. The mayor also advocated the replacement of horse-power by steam engines, called "dummies," on the Carrollton Railroad. This change brought the suburb of Carrollton within a relatively short distance of the center of the city, raised the price of real estate along the route, and would, but for the beginning of the Civil war shortly after it was made, have caused the building-up of the city in the direction of Carrollton which, as a matter of fact, took place nearly twenty-five years later. This activity with regard to local transportation facilities persisted through the beginning of the new year. On January 31, 1862, for example, the City Council authorized the sale of the right of way of three new railroads, on which horse-cars were to be run. One of these was on Dumaine, from Rampart to Bayou St. John, thence to St. John Street, and back through Rampart to Dumaine. Another began at St. Charles Street, and ran through Lafayette, Claiborne, Elysian Fields, Moreau, Ferdinand and Victory, and then back by way of Elysian Fields, Claiborne, Perdido and St. Charles to the starting-point. The third was a double track road, leading from the river through Julia Street to the New Basin. The construction of these roads was, however, postponed by the events which followed rapidly upon the date of the advertisement, and which interrupted all public enterprises in the city for many years.

That the mayor's announced policy with regard to the police was productive of improvement in the organization may be inferred from the increased number of arrests which are reported to have been made at this time. The ability and energy of the department were severely taxed, for in 1861 the city was afflicted by an epidemic of incendiarism. p231At one period fires were of nightly occurrence. William Howard Russell, who visited New Orleans in 1861, comments frequently upon the number and extent of these conflagrations. "Every night since I have been in New Orleans, there have been one or two fires; tonight [May 26] there were three — ? one a tremendous conflagration. When I inquired to what they were attributable, a gentleman who sat near me, bent over, and looking me straight in the face, said, in a low voice, 'The slaves.' " Russell, however, with more than average British perspicacity, discounted this remark; for he adds: "the flues, perhaps, and the system of stoves, may also bear some of the blame." The police made every effort to deal with the offenders, but appear not to have been able to check the incendiarists until the outbreak of the war supplied, through the military organizations, ampler means to deal with such miscreants; when the frequency of such fires diminished. The police were also kept busy in other ways. Russell reports a statement made to him by the criminal sheriff — ? "a great, big, burly, six-foot man, with revolvers stuck in his belt, and strength and arms quite sufficient to enable him to execute his office in its highest degree" — ? which shows that the lawless element in the community was still large and active. "Speaking of the numerous crimes committed in New Orleans, he declared it a perfect hell on earth, and that nothing could ever put an end to the murders, manslaughters, and deadly assaults till it was made penal to carry arms. [. . .] Bar-rooms, cocktails, mint juleps, gambling-houses, political discussions and imperfect civilization do the rest."2

Something was done to improve the drainage of the city, although the time had not yet come when this important enterprise could be systematically and efficiently undertaken. In July, 1860, the Board of Commissioners of the Third Drainage District erected a drainage machine near Linden Avenue, at a cost of $40,000, half of which was defrayed from their own funds, and the remainder appropriated by the city. Pumps were established at the Levee water-works, each with a lifting capacity of — 400,000 gallons per hour, which were used to flush the gutters. The Toledano Canal was extended to connect with the New Canal, and the Melpomene Canal was dug and connected with the Toledano Canal, thus affording a channel through which the waters of the Claiborne Canal also found their way into the lake. These improvements consumed the greater part of a fund of $18,000 which had been placed in the hands of the Drainage Commissioners for the purpose.

On the whole, the city showed progress during the first months of the administration, and in his message addressed to the Council on October 10, 1860, Mayor Monroe was able to congratulate the community upon its health and prosperity. He gave in this document a statistical account of its growth in business, wealth, improvements, and population. The increase and extension of the wharves necessitated by the development of commerce was mentioned. The debts for 1860 had all so far been met, and no legal obligation was due till 1863, when outstanding obligations amounting to $228,000 would mature. The police force had been increased to 338 men, but there was no need to recruit its ranks still further. The public schools were in good condition. The mayor also added a paragraph recommending that steps be taken looking to the enactment of legislation to secure greater security or stability in the buildings erected p232in the city: a curious comment upon the character of work done at that time.

The activities of a progressive administration were, however, destined now to be checked by the outbreak of war between the states.

The slavery question, which had been a subject of debate between the two great political parties for many years, reached a crisis in 1860, when a split in the ranks of the democracy made certain the election of Lincoln to the presidency of the United States. The presidential campaign was accompanied by great excitement in New Orleans. The convention in Charleston, found an echo in New Orleans on May 30, when a great meeting was called to ratify the nomination of Bell and Everett. The call for this meeting bore the signatures of such representative citizens as Randall Hunt, Christian Roselius, Moses Greenwood, J. R. Conway, W. H. C. King, W. O. Denegre, E. T. Parker, and F. A. Lumsden. At this meeting was first seen the Young Bell Ringers, one of the picturesque organizations which became a feature of the campaign in the city. The Young Bell Ringers wore a costume of which the principal features were red collars and cuffs, and carried bells, which they rang incessantly while on the march. On the opposite side appeared the Young Men's Breckenridge and Lane Club. The members of the latter organization were recruited from a class probably a little inferior socially and financially to the Young Bell Ringers, but they represented the popular cause, and affiliated organizations promptly sprang up in every part of the city. These clubs, variously known as Young Guards, the Breckenridge Guards, the Chalmette Guards, the Southern Guards, etc., played not merely a prominent role in the campaign, but, after the election of Lincoln, became the nuclei of military organizations which set to work to drill and otherwise prepare for the war which was seen to be inevitable.3

The first president of the Breckenridge and Lane Club was Ernest Lagarde; the second was Frederick N. Ogden. On its initial appearance the organization could boast of but twelve members; at its second, it was 2,000 strong. In September it was re-enforced by the Breckenridge Dragoons, a marching club which paraded on horseback, wearing black coats, white belts, and caps adorned with gold bands. Mass meetings were held under the auspices of the rival parties, the Breckenridge and Lane supporters rallying at the Armory Hall, the Bell and Everett men meeting alternately in Lafayette Square, Washington Square, and Annunciation Square. On October 29, Wm. L. Yancey arrived in the city to deliver an address. A vast crowd assembled in Camp Street to listen to his fiery periods. The wildest enthusiasm attended his visit. A week later came the news of the election of Lincoln. Throughout the South the tidings were accepted as foreshadowing the dissolution of the Union, if not war. In New Orleans they produced the disconcerting effect of a sudden dash of cold water. All factions were equally startled and disappointed. Quickly all the various democratic factions amalgamated into one, and that one rapidly transferred itself into the party of Secession — ? into the party of the Confederacy.4

Although the majority of the population of New Orleans unquestionably favored the withdrawal of the State from the Union, there was a respectable minority opposed to this course. The leaders of this faction p233included Randall Hunt5 and Christian Roselius, both men of very exceptional ability. The secessionists did not lack spokesmen. The most eloquent and possibly the most influential was Rev. B. M. Palmer, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church. In a memorable sermon delivered on Thanksgiving Day he set forth the Southern theory of slavery with convincing power. The argument in support of it, he said, "sweeps over the entire circle of our relations, touches the four cardinal points of duty to ourselves, to our slaves, to the world, to almighty God. It establishes the nature and solemnity of our present trust, to preserve and transmit our existing system of domestic servitude, with the right, unchallenged by man, to go and root itself wherever providence and nature may carry it. This trust we will discharge in the face of the worst possible peril. Though war be the aggregation of all evils, yet should the madness of the hour appeal to the arbitration of the world, we will not shrink even from the baptism of fire. If modern crusaders stand in serried ranks upon some plain of Esdraelon, there shall we be in defense of our trust. Not till the last man has fallen behind the last rampart, shall it drop from our hands, and then only in surrender to the God who gave it."6 Such words, uttered in such a place, by so eminent a man, could not fail to produce a great effect in steeling the heart of the community to meet the crisis which was now approaching.

The winter of 1860-1861 was a period of incessant excitement in New Orleans. Organizations favorable and unfavorable to secession were formed. We hear of the "Southern Rights Association" and of the "Young Men's Southern Rights Association." Meetings were held almost every night in one part of the city or other, and orators of distinction urged, or discouraged, the separatist movement. On December 10 the Legislature convened in Baton Rouge, in extra session, to determine "at once" — ? in Governor Wickliffe's energetic language — ? what course the State should follow. A bill suggested by the governor, calling a convention to make the fateful decision, was passed. The members of this body were elected on January 7, 1861, resulting in the selection of a delegation from New Orleans almost solidly in favor of secession.7 The vote in the State gave the "Southern Rights" candidate as a majority of a little less than 3,000 over their "Co-operation" opponents.

The action of the convention was a foregone conclusion. Without waiting for the formal enactment of an ordinance of secession, The State Government took action to possess itself of the military posts in Louisiana. On January 9, Brig. Gen. E. L. Tracy, commanding the newly created First Brigade, called his captains together in New Orleans, and informed them that the United States Arsenal in Baton Rouge, Fort Pike, at the Rigolets, and Forts Jackson and St. Philip, on the lower reaches of the Mississippi, were to be seized. In accordance with his orders, Captains Dreux, Walton and Meilleur assembled their men, fully equipped, at their armories that night. The following day at noon, Colonel Walton, of the Washington Artillery, marched his command on board the river steamer "Natchez," and started for Baton Rouge. With him also went detachments from the Crescent Rifles, Chasseurs à Pied, Orleans Cadets, etc., — ? altogether 250 men. On January 10, Maj. Paul E. p234Theard, of the Bataillon d'Artillerie, left on the steamer "Yantic" with 166 men to seize the river forts. A third expedition, under Lieutenant Merriam, set out for Fort Pike, and still another, seized Fort McComb, on Bayou Chef Menteur. All these places surrendered without resistance. The men required for these purposes, and later for the garrisons at these points, drew from the city so many of its young soldiers, that a movement to organize new companies as a "home guard," was initiated amidst great enthusiasm. Several commands were formed among the foreign residents. This movement had considerable popularity. Within the year three brigades were formed, one of which was made up exclusively of French regiments. The others were composed of Spaniards, Italians, Germans, Dutch, Scandinavians, Belgians, and Englishmen. Three brigadier generals were selected from among the French population to command these organizations.8

The State was thus committed to secession before the convention met. When it assembled at Baton Rouge on January 23 it had merely to give legal form to a situation which, as a matter of fact, already existed. Three days later the Ordinance of Secession was adopted by a vote of 113 to 17. Of those voting in the negative all but ten subsequently signed the act. Among those who steadfastly refused to do was the celebrated lawyer, Christian Roselius. Many of the co-operationist delegates united with the secessionists when the bill was put on final passage. Their attitude was well stated by Ex-Governor A. B. Roman, who, in an impassioned speech against the ordinance, declared that he would, nevertheless, "cheerfully support the bill when adopted, and share the fortunes and follow the lead of his native State." "The State has seceded," exulted the New Orleans Bee, when the news reached the city; "Louisiana has recovered her sovereignty. The allegiance of her citizens is now due to her alone."

Louisiana was thus erected into a separate, independent republic. Immediately after the adoption of the ordinance, the convention transferred the seat of government to New Orleans. Proclamation of the convention's action, resulted in the resignation of the Louisiana members from both branches of the United States Congress. The members of the House who withdrew were Miles Taylor, a native of New York, who represented a part of the City of New Orleans and the great sugar parishes of the lower coast; J. G. Laudman, a South Carolinian, who represented the Red River parishes; T. G. Davidson, a Tennessean, and John Perkins, a Mississippian, who represented the cotton-growing northern parishes of the State. One representative remained. He was Edouard Bouligny, who represented the district which included the Vieux Carré of New Orleans, and certain of the parishes below the city. He was a member of a prominent Creole family, and had been elected to Congress on the Know-Nothing ticket. He had been a consistent opponent of the democracy and of secession. He had married in Washington, and now identified himself with Federal Government and the Union cause. He was not, however, typical of the Creoles. They were, almost to a man, enthusiastic advocates of the new order of things.

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Ordinance of Secession of Louisiana

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On the whole, New Orleans maintained good order at this tremendous moment. The numerous citizens who expressed Union sentiments were not molested unless they made overt and objectionable display of their p236heterodoxy. On the night when the Ordinance of Secession with adopted, the city was illuminated. A few of the Union sympathizers displayed the United States flag over their doors and from the galleries of their homes, or set up transparencies lettered with anti-secession sentiments. Angry crowds collected and made noisy demonstrations of disapproval in these instances, but no damage was done either to the persons or the property of the offenders. The mood of strained loyalty which produced such demonstrations found a legitimate vent on February 13, when the State flag was hoisted over the City Hall. On that day the militia, under command of Gen. J. L. Lewis, assembled in Lafayette Square; the convention suspended its sessions in order that the members might attend; and a salute of 20 guns was fired as the flag rose on the staff. The president of the convention, Alexandre Mouton, made his appearance, walking with the lieutenant-governor, Hyams. The flag was hoisted by Colonels Laubuzun and de Choiseul. As its silken folds unrolled themselves in the bright morning sunshine, the young soldiers in the square below presented arms, the seething multitude cheered, and the bells in the steeple of Doctor Palmer's church rang joyously.9

The convention, which was now the congress of the free and independent republic of Louisiana, met in New Orleans, on January 29, in the Lyceum Room on the third floor of the City Hall. The election of delegates to the convention of Southern States about to be held in Montgomery, Ala., was one of the immediate questions taken up. This precipitated a discussion about the course to be followed by the State. Should Louisiana cast her lot in with the other Southern States which had already seceded? Should she wait, and see what action would be taken by her immediate neighbors, which, including some of the largest of the Southern Commonwealths, had not yet committed themselves either way? A majority of the convention was in favor of joining the Confederacy forthwith, but a minority urged delay. They pointed out that Louisiana would be the State on which the heaviest burdens would press, in case war eventually developed. The leaders paid little heed to these counsels of moderation, except insofar as they were induced to allow the delegates to go uninstructed to Montgomery. The delegates were chosen. They were seven in number — ? two at large, and one each from the five congressional districts. The two delegates at large were Alexander de Clouet and John Perkins, both ex-members of the United States Congress. De Clouet was a wealthy lawyer and planter. Among the other delegates two were from New Orleans — ? Charles M. Conrad, distinguished as having been Secretary of War in the cabinet of President Fillmore, and Duncan Kenner, one of the best-known men connected with the history of the turf, whose memorable contest with John Slidell over the United States senatorship had resulted in the election of Pierre Soulé to that body.

The convention named George Williamson ambassador from Louisiana to Texas. It also authorized the seizure of the United States Mint and the Customhouse in New Orleans, and appointed a committee to take charge of the former, and see that it continued in operation, for the benefit of Louisiana. One of its last official acts was to pass an ordinance creating a State army. This was done chiefly at the instance of "Dick" Taylor, son of President Zachary Taylor, who was a native of New Orleans, and a p237resident of the city. General Braxton Bragg was to command this force, which was to be composed of 500 men, enlisted for a period of four months. He was to have the title of brigadier-general. A. H. Gladden was appointed colonel of the infantry regiment, and J. K. Duncan, colonel of the artillery. The former was a veteran of the Mexican war; the latter was a graduate of West Point, who had resigned from the army in 1855, with the expectation of serving with high rank in the filibustering expedition organized by General Quitman, which was frustrated by a presidential proclamation in that year. Bragg's force was quietly organized, but before it was completed, Louisiana had ceased to be an independent political entity, and had incorporated herself into the Confederacy. It therefore became a part of the military organization of the Confederate States.

Events now followed fast one upon another. Beauregard, dismissed from the superintendency of West Point, to which he had just been appointed, arrived to tender his services to the Government, and was promptly ordered away to Charleston. News of the preparations there against Fort Sumter operated to stimulate recruiting in New Orleans. At the first muster of the local military organizations, which took place on Washington's birthday, at the Fair Grounds, Major General Lewis was able to turn out 4,000 men, divided into two brigades, commanded, respectively, by Brigadier-Generals Palfrey and Tracy. The occasion was made memorable by the presentation of a flag to the Washington Artillery by the ladies of New Orleans, and Judah P. Benjamin delivered a thrilling address, to which Lieut. J. T. Wheat, who had been secretary to the secession convention, made a fitting reply. More than 20,000 people flocked to the Fair Grounds to witness the ceremony.

In the midst of these exciting scenes, New Orleans preserved its accustomed blithe spirit. Adelina Patti sang to large audiences in her favorite parts at the French Opera House; Maggie Mitchell played the famous part of "Fanchon," at the St. Charles Theater; Blind Tom, the negro pianist, amazed and delighted hundreds of spectators at Armory Hall; Dan Rice gave exhibitions at Carrollton; the Christy Minstrels entertained a laughing public at the Academy of Music; while at the Metairie Jockey Club the races were going on as usual. In the columns of the newspapers the serious aspect of affairs might find room, but nowhere else was the approaching storm allowed to dampen the good humor of the moment. The Carnival of 1861 was celebrated with all its usual brilliancy. There were splendid balls; the masquerading on Mardi Gras was as general as ever; the procession of the "Mystic Krewe of Comus" lacked nothing of its customary magnificence.

On the day that Lincoln was inaugurated — ? March 4, 1861 — ? the convention again met in the Lyceum Hall. Its first act was to arrange for a public reception to General Twiggs, who was returning from Texas to his home in New Orleans, after having been ignominiously dismissed from the United States army, of which he had been long one of the most illustrious ornaments.a He was a veteran of the War of 1812, and had served conspicuously in the field longer than any other officer then connected with the military establishment of the nation. Now old and enfeebled, he had surrendered to the people in San Antonio when they rose and menaced his tiny garrison with attack. For this his resignation had been demanded at Washington. He therefore returned to New Orleans invested with something like the halo of martyrdom. An immense throng gathered on the levee at Canal Street to welcome him; E. W. p238Moise pronounced an address of welcome, and the old soldier was escorted to a carriage and accompanied by the local military organization, was borne in triumph to his home on Prytania Street, near Erato. Twiggs subsequently entered the Confederate service, with the rank of brigadier general, and was put in command of the land defenses at New Orleans, serving in that capacity till replaced by Lovell.

The convention also transacted other business, but soon became involved in disputes over the amount of authority to be relegated to the Confederate Government, and the amount which should be reserved to the State. Ultimately the general constitution already accepted at Montgomery was approved, and then this body, which had performed so many epoch-making acts, adjourned sine die on March 26.

The fall of Fort Sumter on April 14 supplied the next sensation. A banner displayed at the "Delta" office, on which were painted the words, "Sumter had fallen," flashed the news to an immense crowd assembled in front of that office. A fiery orator declaimed the particulars from a window on the second-floor. The intelligence produced varying effects upon the populace. Some were made sorrowful at the thought of the completed rupture with the old government; others were frankly appalled at the prospect of a fratricidal war; but the majority, especially the younger element, was boisterously pleased with the prospect of adventure, and vociferous in their enthusiastic admiration for General Beauregard. Followed a few days later President Davis' proclamation calling the South to arms. Louisiana's quota of troops was fixed at 5,000 men. Twice that number promptly offered themselves, — ? more than could be armed; and the majority of this total was recruited in New Orleans. Gladden had taken advantage of the prevailing excitement to recruit his regiment to its full strength; Colonel Coppens had organized a regiment of Zouaves; and both of these commands, together with the Crescent Rifles, the Louisiana Rifles, and other commands, were now hurried off, on a requisition from General Bragg, to re-enforce his army in Pensacola, where he was planning an attack on Fort Pickens. On April 29 a review was held at which 8,000 were in line.

The report that United States warships had instituted a blockade at the mouth of the river was the first hint of the disadvantages of war which the city received, but even this serious news did not produce any panic. This fact, joined to the news of General Grant's operations around Cairo, made the citizens realize the need to fortify the city against a possible attack. The valorous spirit of inexperience, however, made them take this subject lightly. It was recalled that Jedediah Leeds, one of the oldest foundrymen in the city, had, in 1812, driven off a British ship with a single 6-pounder gun and a few hot shot, and there seemed no good reason to suppose that a similar exploit might not have been attended now with a similarly satisfactory result. Col. P. O. Hebert, Hebert',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();"> a West Pointer, was, however, sent to make an inspection of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and reported that much work would be needed to put them in a condition where they might offer a serious resistance to an enemy's attack.b The guns in these forts were all comparatively small — ? 42-pounders and 24-pounders, as they were termed in that day. Seven Columbiads found in the arsenal at Baton Rouge, when it was captured from the United States garrison, were now sent down to the forts, after having first been mounted in the gunshops recently opened in the Customhouse. The City Council later (Aug. 9) appropriated $100,000 p239to be expended by Twiggs on the defenses of the city. In February, 1862, the Council floated bonds to the value of $1,000,000, the proceeds of which were handed to Lovell, and used by him for similar purposes.

In April, the steamer "Havana," a little steamer which formerly had made a semi-monthly trip to Cuba, was purchased by the Confederate Government, and in a shipyard in Algiers was converted into the cruiser "Sumter." Marines for service on board of her were recruited in New Orleans by Captain VanBenthuysen.10 This was the privateer which, under Admiral Semmes, wrought so much havoc among Federal shipping. A month later the Phoenix Iron Works, in Gretna, opposite the City of Lafayette, cast the first gun made in New Orleans for the Confederate Government. This was an — 8-inch Dahlgren gun, intended to fire shell, and had a length of — eight and one-half feet.11 About the same time the steamer, "Star of the West," was put in commission as the navy's receiving ship in the port of New Orleans. She was stationed at the navy yard in Algiers, under the temporary command of Midshipman Comstock.12 This active interest in the Confederate navy culminated in a meeting of the New Orleans steamboatmen, held at the Captains' Association Room, on August 29, at which resolutions were adopted expressing "fealty" to the Confederacy, and promising to the government the support of the Southern boatmen.

During the remainder of the year the history of the city is mainly a catalogue of military organizations, formed, mustered, and dispatched to the seat of war. After May 1 one of these left the city almost every day. Among them one of the first to go was the celebrated Battalion of the Washington Artillery, which, having won renown on the battlefields in Mexico, twelve or fourteen years before, was now to earn a still more enviable reputation in far greater and bloodier contests. The citizens raised $7,000 with which to outfit the command, of which some $500 was contributed by the women of the city. On March 26, the day when the command entrained, remarkable scenes were witnessed. The soldiers first marched to the First Presbyterian Church, where Doctor Palmer addressed them in words which eloquently embodied the crusading spirit of the community at this moment of exaltation. "Soldiers," he exclaimed, "history reads to us of wars which have been baptized as holy; but she enters upon her records none which is holier than this in which you have embarked. It is a war of defense against wicked and cruel aggression — ? a war of civilization against a ruthless barbarism which would dishonor the dark ages — ? a war of religion against a blind and bloody fanaticism. It is a war for your homes and your firesides — ? for your wives and children — ? for the land which the Lord has given us as a heritage. It is a war for the maintenance of the broadest principles for which a free people can contend — ? the right of self-government. Eighty-five years ago our fathers fought in defense of the chartered right of Englishmen, that taxation and representation are correlative. We, their sons, contend today for the great American principle that all just government derives its powers from the will of the governed. It is the corner-stone of the great temple which on this continent has been reared to freedom; and its denial leads, as the events of the past two months clearly show, to despotism p240the most absolute and intolerable — ? a despotism more grinding than that of the Turk or Russian, because it is the despotism of the mob, unregulated by principle or precedent, drifting at the will of an unscrupulous and irresponsible majority. [. . .] Soldiers, farewell! And may the Lord of Hosts be around about you as a wall of fire, and shield your head in the day of battle!"13

From the church the command marched to the train. They were followed by a great multitude, which, when the soldiers halted, filled their pockets with spending money, and showered them with flowers. Similar demonstrations attended the departure of the other commands. Within two months Louisiana sent to the army 10,000 men, without exhausting her man-power; so that when Grant's advance into Mississippi involved a fresh draft, several fine commands, including Fenner's battery, were still available in New Orleans to go to Columbus, to strengthen the Confederate line there. At least one colored regiment was organized in the city at this time. It was 1,000 strong. It tendered its services to the Confederate Government, but as a matter of general policy, which did not countenance the organization of colored commands, they were declined. Otherwise, it is quite probable that many other units equally powerful might have been recruited in New Orleans alone. This solitary negro regiment retained its organization for a long time. It had white officers, and participated under their command in many reviews. There was also a battalion of colored men, under a negro man named Jordan, who had beat the drum which called Jackson's forces into line at the beginning of the battle of New Orleans, in 1815. So earnest were these troops in their loyalty to the Confederacy that when a large detachment of prisoners was sent to the city after the battle of Manassas, they begged the privilege of escorting the Federal soldiers through the streets to their place of confinement. Though this request was denied, the battalion turned out and followed the prisoners through the streets in a sort of mock triumphal procession.14

Towards the close of April a camp was established at Metairie Ridge. It was first known as Camp Metairie, but subsequently this name was changed to Camp Walker. It accommodated about 4,000 men. Later, it proved unhealthful, and was ultimately abandoned. Another camp was opened in what is now called Audubon Park. This was named Camp Lewis, in honor of the gallant old soldier, John L. Lewis. In May it was estimated that between 10,000 and 15,000 troops were collected in and around the city.15 Four months later, when a great review was held, not less than 25,000 men took part. Successive drafts, however, rapidly depleted these totals. In February, 1862, the city was virtually stripped of troops to re-enforce Beauregard's army in Western Tennessee. What then remained in New Orleans was organized into a state militia, which included a European brigade recruited among the French, English, and other foreign residents of the city, and was commanded by Maj. C. T. Buddecke.

The condition of New Orleans at the outbreak of the war was never so prosperous. The crops of that year were gathered and marketed after the passage of the Ordinance of Secession; they were the largest and p241most valuable in the history of the State. The sugar crop amounted to 458,000 hogsheads, and there were twice that number of barrels of molasses; the sale of which brought into the State $25,000,000 to be divided among 1,300 planters. The cotton crop aggregated 600,000 bales, valued at $30,000,000. These, with rice, represented the exportable products of the State; most of them were handled through New Orleans. The fraction of its business represented by the imports, exports, and domestic receipts were valued at a total of $324,000,000.16 The price of real estate rose to unprecedented figures as a result of the great prosperity of the city. In 1861 there were eleven banks, with an aggregate capital of $20,251,000; only four of them survived the next ten years. In 1865 the joint capital of these banks did not exceed $8,578,000, represented by assets conservatively estimated to have a cash value of not more than $4,000,000. For the moment, however, the sale of the vast stores of cotton and sugar accumulated in the city enabled the banks to carry on their business, and up to the middle of the year 1861, apparently "flush" times prevailed.

But as the year advanced conditions changed. As early as July 29 it was necessary to call meetings to take action for the relief of Confederate soldiers and their families. At a meeting held on that date in the Merchants' Exchange, at which Doctor Palmer and Judge Ogden made brilliant addresses, a standing committee of twenty-four prominent citizens was appointed which labored ceaselessly thereafter at this laudable task. The gradual cessation of business caused a corresponding extension of the distress. Receipts and orders from the country declined. There was for a time some speculation connected with the blockade runners which, under letters of marque from the Confederate Government, braved the Federal warships on guard at the Passes, and carried cotton out to foreign ports, or brought home from them the articles of which the Confederacy was already beginning to feel the need. Gradually, however, as the blockade became stricter, that business, too, vanished. The towboats once busy in the harbor, collected under their tarpaulins in the shelter of Slaughterhouse Point, or at Morgan's Texas Steamship wharf. Some of these were converted into war vessels by the simple process of plating them with railroad iron, bulkheading their prows, and erecting fenders of cotton bales around their boiler rooms. Then, armed with whatever artillery could be found for the purpose, they had stolen away — ? some up the river and some down. The merchants in the city found occupation in speculating on the daily diminishing supply of food and goods. A few, more honorable and more patriotic, refused to share in this manipulation of the necessaries of life, and dealt with consumers directly. In September the banks suspended specie payments under an order from the Confederate authorities. The local markets were greatly disturbed by the scarcity of small change which naturally followed.17 The City Council authorized the issuance of checks with a view to relieve the need. These checks, made in various small denominations, passed into general circulation, at first at their par value, and then at progressive rates of discount. Business houses, too, began to emit notes and certificates to meet the famine of small change; these evidences of indebtedness were called "shinplasters," and became the principal medium with which p242minor commercial transactions were carried on. George W. Cable, the celebrated novelist, who was an eye-witness of the distress of the city at that time, has given us a vivid account of the expedients which were adopted to supply the city's need of small coin. Boss butchers and the keepers of drinking-houses were among the most prolific publishers of this kind of money; and in lieu of the five-cent pieces, the tickets of the street car companies were much in vogue.18 As the value of the circulating medium declined, the cost of food and clothing rose. Finally the market men and women, who were largely Germans, Gascons, and French, refused to accept the "shinplasters" and the city authorities had to intervene, and compel them to receive it.

Steps were ultimately taken to distribute food among those who were by now no longer able to pay for it. In July the new iron water works building at the foot of Canal Street was opened by order of the City Council as a depot of supplies. This was the so-called "free-market." It began its work in the nick of time; for at the beginning of the following month, the financial condition of the city compelled it to suspend payment of the allowance of $10 per month which it was making to the families of volunteer soldiers. This was a severe blow to a large class of worthy poor. To them the "free market" was of incalculable benefit. The planters along the river above the city furnished supplies generously. Bread in loaves, meal, rice, beans, molasses, sweet potatoes, and other vegetables were regularly available. The distribution of these supplies was under the supervision of Thomas Murray. Twice a week poor families might apply to the "free market" and have their necessities at least in part relieved. On the first day on which the "free market" was in operation — ? August 16 — ? 723 such families applied; this number rose rapidly to 2,000; and on the day that this useful institution was finally closed, April 29, 1862, its relief was accepted by 1,940 families. No one was ever turned away. "Some scenes in the free market are quite ludicrous," comments Julia LeGrand, in her diary, written at this time; "Some of the women, if told that they cannot gratify some particular taste, refuse all that is offered; for instance, one became angry a few days ago, because presented with black tea instead of green, and another, finding no coffee, turned up her nose at all the other comfortable items which the market contains. Some women, they say, curse their benefactors heartily when disappointed. Coffee they had at first, but blockade times have changed this once familiar berry into something resembling gold beads. Cleopatra, with her pearls, was scarcely more 'wastefully given' than a coffee drinker in these days."19 But the cases of ingratitude were infrequent, and the real good done by the "free market" can never be estimated. There was some distress which its ministrations could not reach. Those who were too proud to accept public charity were reached by private enterprise, or by associations formed for this purpose, of which there were many. The Confederate Guards, an aristocratic command formed from among the older and richer members of the community, and included in the so-called "home guard," not only raised and equipped several companies of soldiers for the active service from which age debarred themselves, but now exerted themselves to take care of the families of the men who enlisted. One company of this command taxed its members $250 each for this p243purpose. The women of the city were indefatigable in their exertions; not only did they relieve cases of distress brought to their attention locally, but they worked ceaselessly to supply food and delicacies for the wounded Confederate soldiers at the front. They were fiercely loyal, these ladies; and they sent old hoop-skirts to the men who for one reason or another, remained at home instead of joining the army and going away to fight.

An editorial published in the Picayune on September 27, 1861, commended Mayor Monroe for his activity in arresting alien enemies. There are frequent mentions in the newspapers of the time of the arrest and trial of spies. It was believed that Butler dispatched these wretched persons into the city from the camp at Ship Island, where a Federal army was slowly being collected under the protection of the Federal fleet, for a descent upon New Orleans. Cable also speaks of an elaborate system of espionage instituted in New Orleans by the "Thugs," a name which was applied indiscriminately to the Know-Nothing party and to the rowdies and gangsters with which the city had been infested for several years.

Finally, inTwiggs was relieved of his post on October 7; Lovell replaced him on October 18.',WIDTH,150)" onMouseOut="nd();"> October, 1861, Maj. Gen. Mansfield Lovell relieved General Twiggs of his command of the department in which the City of New Orleans had been placed. On February 21, 1862, a committee of public safety, many of whose names are still familiar in the city, was appointed by the Council to act in concert with the general, in reference to the city and its approaches. And then, on March 16, General Lovell put the city under martial law. Information had been received that the long-rumored attack on the city by the Federal fleet was about to be made.

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Chapter XV

At a dinner given in his honor shortly before the departure of the "Sumter," Admiral Semmes, discussing the possibility of an attack by the Federal fleet on New Orleans, said, frankly, that in his opinion Forts Jackson and St. Philip could not be depended on to check the advance of the enemy's ships up the Mississippi. This was the verdict of a sailor thoroughly acquainted with the situation. It was not the view held by the Confederate authorities in Richmond, nor that of the people of New Orleans. Although New Orleans was the largest city in the Confederacy, and in spite of the fact that its capture would admittedly have grave commercial and strategic consequences, the town was stripped of its resources to supply the needs of the forces fighting in Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Mississippi.1 Between the date of the passage of the Ordinance of Secession and the beginning of 1862, New Orleans sent to the front 20,000 men — ? virtually all her military population. When the news of the impending attack on the city became certain — ? about the beginning of January, 1862 — ? Lovell set energetically to work to organize the land defenses of the city. Brig.-Gen. J. K. Duncan was assigned to command of the coast defenses. This brought under his control not only the river forts, but Forts Pike, McComb, and Bienvenu, on the lakes; and Forts Livingston, Caillou, Quitman, Berwick, and Ch — ne, on the gulf coast. Lieutenant Colonel Higgins was put in charge of Forts Jackson and St. Philip. The latter point was under the immediate control of Captain Squires. Higgins established his headquarters at Fort Jackson, and remained there until, a few days before the beginning of the attack, when Duncan took charge at that point.

All that could be done in an emergency was done. Forts Jackson and St. Philip were strengthened, and some small addition made to their armament, by bringing guns from elsewhere in the Confederacy, and mounting them in the works. Elaborate and scientific earthworks were erected below the city, at Chalmette; others somewhat less elaborate were constructed above. For these the City Council appropriated the funds set aside for charitable and educational purposes. These fortifications served no good end except to convince the citizens that the administration was making every effort to protect the city. As a matter of fact, when they were finished, there was no artillery with which to equip the lines, practically everything of that sort having been turned over to the outlying fortifications, the river-fleet, and the forts. Lovell also opened powder mills in the city, which turned out considerable supplies of material of rather dubious quality. He understood very clearly that the main attack of the Federals would be delivered along the line of the Mississippi, and shared Semmes' view, that the forts, with their 100 or 110 guns, could not prevent the fleet from passing. He therefore supplemented the defenses there with a raft or boom, which, stretched across the river and securely moored with chains, would, it was hoped, be effective in holding the enemy's vessels under the fire of the batteries. The p245building of the raft was very difficult at this season, when the Mississippi was at flood stage; in February it was swept away, and was with difficulty replaced under the supervision of Colonel Higgins. The expenses connected with the work were met by a subscription among the wealthier citizens of the city. Higgins had been formerly an officer in the United States navy, but now held the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. He appreciated the danger of having the raft again swept away, and suggested that in its place a cable be laid across the river, to be carried on a line of hulks anchored with bows upstream. This plan was adopted and executed.

The French Market and Shipping

A river defense-fleet was organized under Captains Montgomery and Stevenson, both old and able steamboat captains, on whom the Confederacy now conferred authority to purchase all the vessels they could get, and convert them into war-ships. They had likewise authority to raise and equip crews for these boats. The plan was to make each vessel as impervious to the enemy's shot as possible with rows of cotton-bales enclosed with heavy timber and railroad iron. They were to be fitted with powerful engines and armed with a few heavy guns. To each was assigned as commander an experienced river pilot. Fourteen vessels were thus fitted out, mainly towboats and river steamboats. Lovell, however, was able to retain only six of them, the remainder being requisitioned to re-enforce the fleet in the upper Mississippi resisting the advance of the Federals from that direction. Several of the little fleet were supplied with an iron ram at the prow. These were the "Warrior," Captain Stevenson; "Stonewall Jackson," Captain George Phillips; "Defiance," Captain McCoy; "Resolute," Captain Hooper; "General Lovell," Captain Byrd Paris, and "John C. Breckenridge," Captain James Smith. They were supplemented by what was called the "State" fleet, comprising the "McRae," formerly the "Star of the West," a merchant ship captured by the Confederates in a Texas port, altered and strengthened, and armed with five 42-pounders, and commanded by Lieutenant Huger, a gallant Carolinian, who had formerly held a commission in the United States p246navy; the "Jackson," a similar vessel, commanded by Lieutenant Renshaw, also an ex-United States naval officer; the "Governor Moore," commanded by Capt. Beverly Kennon, another ex-naval officer; and the "General Quitman," commanded by Capt. Alex Grant, a planter and river-boat master of long experience. These vessels had been refitted at the expense of the State of Louisiana.

The entire fleet was not regarded with much confidence either by the authorities or the people. They put much more faith in the iron-clad floating battery "Louisiana," and the huge armor-clad "Mississippi," the latter of which lay on the stocks on the river front in Jefferson City, with hundreds of men at work on her day and night, in a frantic effort to finish her in time to be of service against the enemy's fleet. The "Louisiana" was in a dry-dock protected with a plating of iron in which a powerful marine engine was being installed. She was to have a battery of 16 guns of large caliber. Her commander was Captain Mitchell, an officer of the old navy, a well-known and competent officer. He had been promoted to the command of the "Louisiana" when Hollins, her first officer, was put in charge of the Confederate naval defenses. Mitchell devoted himself energetically to the task of completing his vessel. As yet her guns had not been mounted, her machinery was imperfect, and she could not maneuver in any way under her own power. The demand of the public, however, compelled the military authorities to order her to be launched and taken down to the forts in this incomplete state. Mitchell did not expect much of this clumsy contrivance.

There was also the little ram "Manassas." She was originally the little ocean-going steamer "Enoch Train," of Boston. This vessel was built as an ice-breaker and had been used as such in the northern Atlantic ports. The idea of the "Manassas" originated with Captain Stevenson, then a member of a prosperous commission house in New Orleans. At the beginning of the war this gentleman turned his attention to plans for the defense of the city, and recommended to the authorities the construction of a new kind of war-vessel, the novel feature of which was a powerful ram at the prow. He took his project to Montgomery, and obtained from the Confederate authorities there permission to experiment, with the promise of further recognition if he succeeded in constructing a serviceable craft. Stevenson bought the "Enoch Train" in 1861, for $100,000, subscribed by a group of patriotic men in New Orleans, and refitted her in one of the yards in Algiers, opposite New Orleans. Stevenson's plan included no armament. A single gun, was however, installed in the bow of the ship, despite his objections. When Hollins was put in command of the naval defenses, he ordered this little vessel out for trial. He himself accompanied her to the forts, Stevenson being retained as pilot. There were then lying in the passes several large Federal warships, part of the blockading squadron, including the "Preble," the "Vincennes," and the "Richmond," all powerful ships, any one more than a match, in the view of naval experts, for the small Confederate vessel. Hollins made a reconnaissance in a smaller vessel, and convinced himself that there was, nevertheless, some chance of a successful attack upon the Federal squadron. On his return to the "Manassas" he found that Stevenson had been superseded as master by Lieutenant Warley, of the Confederate States navy. Stevenson was very much offended at the action of the Confederate Government in thus displacing him, and his anger had important consequences, later, when the p247Federal attack developed, and the necessity for united and harmonious action on all sides became urgent.2

It decided that the "Manassas" should be permitted to try herself out, and on October 11, 1861, accompanied by the "Ivy," a converted towboat armed with two 42-pounders and commanded by Lieutenant Fry, later shot in a filibustering expedition in Cuba, and the "McRae," to which Commodore Hollins now transferred his flag, she weighed anchor under cover of the night. The "Manassas" first attacked the "Richmond." Fortunately for that ship, however, a coal barge which lay alongside received the impact of the ram, and the only serious damage inflicted upon the Federal cruiser was done by a shot from the "Manassas's" bow gun, which passed through the captain's cabin. The jar of the blow disarranged the "Manassas's" machinery, and she was therefore unable to maneuver so as to bring her gun to bear, and consequently could not fire again. At this juncture the other vessels of the Federal squadron concentrated their fire upon her. The Confederate ships now came up, and the Federals drew off. In executing the operation the "Richmond" ran on a mud lump and stuck fast. The "Ivy" was able to approach quite close, and opened fire with both of the guns which composed her armament. Before Fry could sink his opponent, however, the "Preble" and the "Vincennes" came to the rescue and he was forced to abandon the unequal struggle. The "Manassas" was towed away from the scene. The exploit gave great satisfaction in New Orleans. Stevenson's idea was vindicated; the little ship was accepted by the Confederate authorities, and after having been repaired was added to the regular navy.

The contractors who were building the "Mississippi," the Messrs. Tifts, of Georgia, planned to make her the mightiest war-engine known up to that time. She was larger and more powerful than the famous iron-clad "Virginia," the services of which in Hampton Roads are well-known. Unfortunately, here, as in all the works undertaken for the protection of the city, the lack of skilled mechanics and ship-wrights was severely felt. Practically all this kind of labor had been drafted by the Confederate Government, and withdrawn from the city long before. For this reason the heavier parts of the "Mississippi's" machinery had to be cast in Richmond. The building of the ship took much longer than anticipated. In February, 1862 her sixteen engines yet remained to be put in place, her iron armor to be finished, her prow to be re-enforced, and her guns to be put on board. The delay in completing the ship caused some anxiety in New Orleans. A committee was formed to see that all the material required by the contractors was promptly furnished. Its members visited the yard and made periodical reports on the work. The grounds were lighted by gas in order to facilitate the work at night. A large guard was established around the spot where the great hulk lay, to insure order and protect the vessel from treachery. But the insistence of the public finally compelled the contractors to launch the "Mississippi" prematurely. The launching was successfully effected, and caused much rejoicing in the city; but the difficulties of getting the machinery to work, and the incompleteness of many other parts of the ship, made thoughtful observers tremble. It was known that the enemy was informed of the p248progress which was being made on the "Mississippi," and that his attack would be delivered, if possible, before she was ready to meet him.

The situation, then, as far as the naval defenses of the city, was not encouraging. Lovell was still worse off for land forces. At the beginning of 1862 he had succeeded in creating a fairly respectable body of troops, but it had been drained away to supply men to the army at Corinth, just as the major part of Duncan's river-fleet had been requisitioned to defend Island No. 10. By March he could count only 3,000 men in and around the city. The Confederate Government persisted in the idea — ? in which General Beauregard concurred — ? that the rumored attack from the gulf was merely a demonstration; that the serious danger was to be apprehended from above;3 and that at any rate, even if the Federal fleet did intend actually to attack the city, that attack could not be delivered before the latter part of the spring, by which time the borrowed fleet and some of the borrowed regiments would be returned, the "Louisiana" and the "Mississippi" would be finished, and an efficient resistance could be offered. Although the people of the city pinned their faith to the invulnerability of the forts and the effectiveness of the great iron-clads which they were building, they did not altogether succeed in blinding themselves to the peril of their position, and a feeling began to prevail that the Confederate authorities in Richmond were either indifferent, or at any rate did not realize the fate which menaced New Orleans.

By the end of February the United States army collecting at Ship Island received its last quota. It now numbered between 12,000 and 15,000 men. Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, who had, some time before, made himself conspicuous as an advocate of the attack on New Orleans, was appointed to the command. The magnitude of the naval preparations were not very clearly understood, even in the North. Both Farragut and Porter, two of the ablest officers in the navy, had given their opinion that it was feasible to attack, with ships, the forts on the Mississippi River. They differed, however, as of method. Porter favored an elaborate bombardment of the forts, which he calculated could be silenced within 24 hours. Farragut relied on his ships alone. He was intimately acquainted with the topography of the entire vicinity of New Orleans. His father, a native of Minorca, who had emigrated to the United States early in the century, had spent a short time in New Orleans, and a much longer time in trading along the river into the city, rafting lumber down the stream to sell at the United States navy yard below the suburban town of Algiers. Farragut's own sister was even then living near the mouth of the Pascagoula River. As a boy this able officer had repeatedly visited New Orleans, and still included among his friends in the city prominent persons, such as Marion Baker, Mayor Monroe's secretary.

Preparations for the attack began in 1861. An advance force of 2,000 men was sent to Ship Island under Phelps. The building of Porter's mortar fleet went on systematically in New York and elsewhere. Twenty-one strong schooners, each of 75 to 100 tons, were altered and strengthened to withstand the shock of firing 13-inch mortars, carrying a shell which weighed 200 pounds. The British war-correspondent, Russell, who furnished the London "Times" with an account of these vessels while p249they were under construction, said that they were the most formidable instruments of warfare yet devised in the United States. Farragut on his part was provided with the best ships in the United States navy, including the "Hartford," the "Pensacola," the "Richmond," and the "Brooklyn," vessels of about equal size and armament, averaging 2,000 tons burden, and equipped with 24 guns, most of them of 9 or 11 inch bore — ? formidable weapons indeed, judged by the standard of those times. To these were added the gunboats "Iroquois", "Oneida", "Wissachickon", "Cayuga", "Sciota", "Pinola", "Itasca", "Varuna", "Kennebec", "Kineo", "Katahdin", and "Winona," all newly-built, of great strength and heavily engined, and each armed with a large "pivot" gun and five or six smaller pieces. The smaller steamers "Harriet Lane," "Westfield," "Owasco," "Miami," and "Jackson," each carrying from six to eight heavy guns, and two sailing sloops, the "Vincennes" and "Portsmouth," each armed with 20 guns, made up a formidable fleet. Including the mortar schooners there were 47 vessels, mounting 310 guns — ? by far the largest and most powerful fleet that had up to that moment ever operated under the flag of the United States. Farragut chose his subordinates with the same meticulous care that he selected his ships. They included David Porter, Jr., Bailey, Bell, Smith, Alden, Morris, Craven, Smith, Wainwright, Boggs, Lee, and others of the ablest officers in the navy.

Butler, on arriving at Ship Island, and taking over the command from Phelps, set to work to organize his army. For practice he sent out several small expeditions to operate along the Mississippi coast. These succeeded in shelling a few Italian settlements and capturing some fishing boats; but most important of all, they were designed and to some extent succeeded in convincing the Confederate Government that his attack, if made at all, would be in the nature of a flank movement against New Orleans. Farragut, meanwhile, was busy getting his vessels over the bar at the mouth of the river — ? a difficult and dangerous affair in those days — ? which occupied two or three weeks. The plan which he now communicated to Butler, was, that the bomb-vessels should fire upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip until they were completely reduced; whereupon Butler's forces would ascend the river on transports and occupy the fortifications. If, however, the bombardment failed to produce the anticipated result, the navy, which in the interim would remain quietly further down the river, would make an attempt to run by the forts, try to clear the river of the enemy's obstructions, and cut off the forts from all supplies. Thereupon Butler was to land below Fort St. Philip, approach from the rear, and try to take it by assault. It was known that no preparations had been made to resist a land attack from that direction. The development of the latter plan was credited to Lieutenant, afterwards General, Godfrey Weitzel, who had been associated with Beauregard in the construction of the forts, and who, on that account, was considered to know the locality intimately. It was, however, a dangerous plan, and if carried out, would probably have brought disaster upon Butler and his troops.

The news that Farragut had crossed the bar and that his ships were at anchor in the Mississippi a few miles below the forts was received with much alarm in New Orleans. This mood of discouragement was helped by other circumstances. Rumors were afloat that the delay in completing the "Mississippi" was due to treachery. A detachment of sharpshooters, under Captains Mullins and Lertigue, who had been dispatched p250to the lower reaches of the Mississippi in the hope that they could delay the fleet, had failed to accomplish anything; and a regiment, commanded by the veteran Polish revolutionary, Szymanski, sent to co-operate with them had accomplished nothing as the high water in the river made it impossible to get within rifle range of the enemy, who, moreover, had easily repelled the attack with the fire of the howitzers mounted in the fighting tops of his ships. Moreover, the news of the heavy Southern casualties at Shiloh had just come, still further to dampen the spirit of the city. New Orleans was largely represented on that battlefield. Nearly one-half of its soldiers had fallen, killed or wounded. Many of the injured were now finding their way back to be cared for by the friends who had witnessed their departure, so short a time before, full of youth and confidence.

By April 15 Farragut's advanced vessels arrived at the point of woods below Fort Jackson. The other vessels stretched out in a long line thence downstream, with the transports with Butler's men on board at the end, towards the passes. Above that point the wood had been cleared away to allow the guns in the forts full command of the river. Why this had not been done more extensively was never known. Behind this shelter the enemy now disposed his mortar-vessels in almost complete security. The vessels were stationed inshore; with rigging dressed with foliage, and hulls painted dark gray, they were invisible at a distance of — two miles. Six boats were anchored on the east bank of the river, in full view of the batteries at Fort Jackson, with a view to draw their fire. The idea of bombarding a fortress under such circumstances was a novelty in warfare; the result of the experiment was awaited with the liveliest expectation throughout the fleet. Success depended upon the accuracy with which the shells were aimed. Captain Gerdes, of the U. S. Coast Survey, who had spent much time in the vicinity, undertook to supply charts by which to locate the bomb-vessels. While these preparations were being made, the Federal gunboats made frequent dashes into the zone of fire of the forts, in order to divert attention and to reconnoiter. Duncan repeatedly fired on them, but learned to his dismay that nothing of less size than his seven-inch gun could reach these daring adventurers. It is probable that the quality of powder turned out from Lovell's mills in New Orleans was principally to blame for the failure of his artillery to prove effective at these short ranges.

Not long after taking up these positions Farragut discovered the damage done to the raft, or boom, by the river's current. On the 17th he observed the Confederates at work repairing it. On the 17th Duncan and Higgins sent down a fire raft, one of the many barges assembled for this purpose above the forts, under charge of the river fleet. It was expected that these vessels, loaded with combustibles, should be released at frequent intervals. This duty was confided to Captain Stevenson, but much dissatisfaction was expressed over the way in which he managed it. This initial raft collided with the hulks supporting the cable and threatened to carry it away. Lieutenant Renshaw was then put in charge of the work, but met with no better success. Finally, when by the united exertions of all parties, a raft was got flaming past the obstructions and sent down into the enemy's midst, it produced great excitement, chiefly because it was thought that the burning craft carried explosives as well as combustibles; but as soon as this error was ascertained, the "Iroquois" attached a line and towed it ashore, when it burned itself out p251harmlessly. Warned by this experience, however, Farragut formed a patrol of small boats, which diverted all subsequent visitors away from the vessels of the fleet. The fire rafts, if properly managed, would, at least, have performed a useful function by illuminating the river. Duncan, who had established his headquarters at Fort Jackson, was constantly urging that they be sent down, but little attention was given to his requests.

The bombardment opened on the afternoon of April 17. About 4 P.M., a gunboat ran out into the stream and engaged in a long range duel with the fort, under cover of which two mortar-schooners were towed out and opened fire. The fire, slow and irregular, at first, showed that the crews were unaccustomed to their work. The shells fell near the fort; some even struck; but nothing serious resulted, except some damage to the levee, which increased the flow of water, a nuisance with which the garrison had constantly to contend, owing to the high level of the river. Early on the 17th each of the Federal gunboats towed four mortar-schooners into position at the edge of the cleared space in the woods on the west bank of the river. Here fifteen of these vessels were soon moored in a line, — about one and one-half miles below Fort Jackson, which was to be the principal object of attack. Six other mortar-boats took up position on the opposite side of the river. Both forts opened fire, but without doing much harm. Only a single rifled piece in Fort Jackson could reach the enemy. Little attention was paid to the fire of the forts, except as the "Owasco" replied with an occasional shot. After a few rounds the great 13-inch mortar, in Fort St. Philip, which, was expected to do much, collapsed and became useless. At 9 o'clock the bombardment opened in earnest and lasted ten hours. Some 2,000 shells struck Fort Jackson. Only an occasional shell was directed at Fort St. Philip, as it was known that, when Fort Jackson fell, the other fortress would necessarily capitulate also, not being able alone to offer any protracted resistance. The garrison in Fort Jackson early had to seek refuge in the casements and leave the works to suffer as they might from the enemy's fire. The quarters in the bastions, which contained all the property of the soldiery, was ultimately set on fire. There was no way to extinguish the flames. The citadel, near which the ammunition was stored, was next to catch. All hands turned out in a valiant effort to suppress the fire before it communicated to the ammunition. The flames were extinguished and rekindled several times. Higgins exerted himself to the uttermost, but the citadel was finally completely consumed. Meanwhile, the river-fleet was sending down frequent fire-rafts, some of which grounded near the fort, others of which got no further than the cable, and the remainder were intercepted and towed away by Farragut's patrols. At the end of the day the men in the forts were greatly exhausted by their exertions. In many cases this was their first taste of actual warfare. The casualties were not serious — ? one killed and six wounded. A few of the guns had been damaged. The fort itself was practically unharmed. The enemy also had practically escaped damage. A few of the mortar boats had been hit, but not much injured; their wounds served merely to show the need of removing those hitherto stationed along the east bank, to a less exposed position with the remainder of the flotilla, along the west bank.

p252 During that night the Confederates neglected to maintain a strict guard over the cable. The Federals were able to inspect it, and ascertained that it could easily be removed.

The bombardment was resumed the next day. Many shells struck the fort, but the majority buried themselves in the soft earth near and exploded harmlessly. Several guns were dismounted including one 10-inch and one 7-inch Columbiad. The fire from the forts was more brisk than on the previous day, as the garrison was become habited to the shells, which no longer kept them from the guns. The "Oneida" was hit and suffered a loss of nine men wounded; a mortar schooner was sunk. Two men were wounded in the fort during the day. The bombardment did not cease at nightfall, but continued through the night, to the great annoyance of the wearied men. Duncan telegraphed a report to the city written in a more hopeful vein than his messages of the preceding day. Bad weather set in on the 19th; the bombardment continued all through the day, and that night, under the shelter of darkness and rain, the enemy made a daring and successful effort to cut the cable. For some unascertainable reason, the river-fleet omitted to send down fire-rafts. Under cover of a tremendous fire two Federal gunboats approached the cable. One of them, the "Pinola," laid herself alongside of a hulk, while a Prussian engineer, Krull, who was on board, attached a petard and connected the wires of an electric battery which was to explode a heavy charge of gunpowder and wreck the barrier. But as the "Pinola" cast off, the wind caught her and drove her down stream and the wires parted. Farragut had, however, another less scientific but more effective method of solving the problem. The "Itasca" landed a party of men on one of the hulks who attacked the cable with chisels, and after half an hour of strenuous labor they cut it. Duncan, finally apprized by a rocket from a scout boat of what was going on, opened a heavy fire, but the Federals calmly completed their work. The "Itasca" swung down stream entangled in the severed cable, and had a narrow escape from being driven ashore in a very exposed situation, from which she was only extricated by the courage and skill of her commander, Captain Caldwell.

Farragut had by now made up his mind to a more energetic mode of procedure. The process of reducing the forts by bombardment was proving unexpectedly slow. Most of the mortar boats were beginning to be short of ammunition. On the 20th he issued orders stating his opinion that the fleet should run past the forts and that the troops should then effect a landing from the Gulf side in the vicinity of the Quarantine, both forces thereafter to move together up the river, aiding each other as the necessity arose. On the 21st, before daybreak, the fire rafts which Stevenson had failed previously to dispatch drifted down the river in the midst of the Federal fleet; this time they came near to causing a great disaster; one narrowly missed setting fire to the "Hartford," and another to the "Sciota." The fourth day of the bombardment resulted in dismounting more guns in Fort Jackson, and one man was wounded; but the garrison was learning how to take care of itself, and Duncan began to feel confident of his ability to hold out, although anxious for an intermission in the bombardment, in which he might remount his damaged artillery and make other repairs. Efforts to replace the cable had been in vain. Duncan therefore now asked for help from New Orleans, suggesting that the "Louisiana" be sent to his support. Lovell accordingly p253instructed Mitchell to have her towed down the river, although he probably knew as well as anybody else that in her imperfect state she was useless both as a vessel and as a stationary battery. Mitchell had orders to take command of the whole motley Confederate navy. It would have been a great relief to Duncan to have an experienced officer in this position. Unquestionably Mitchell should have been sent earlier to undertake this important duty, but he had been detained in the city in order to hurry the work on the "Louisiana." With him now came Captain McIntosh, who was assigned to command that vessel. Mitchell frankly told Duncan that the "Louisiana" was useless; her own machinery refused to function, and there were no towboats in the fleet capable of managing her; and if pushed into action it would be entirely possible for the enemy to take positions where his ships could batter her to pieces. In these views Mitchell was supported by all the other naval officers present at this interview with the commander of the forts. Duncan, however, persisted in his demand that she should take a position before the fort and go into action. He hoped in this way to converge three fires upon the enemy. Mitchell insisted that if the fifty mechanics whom he had brought with him and who were still actively at work on the vessel had a few days more of undisturbed labor, the vessel might be put in shape to be really useful. As a matter of fact, by superhuman effort she was actually completed before the forts were finally compelled to surrender, and it is quite possible that had his advice been accepted at this critical moment this result might have been attained in time to render the "Louisiana" a deciding factor in the battle with the fleet. Duncan, however, was disgusted with what he regarded as Mitchell's obstinacy; his reports show his irritation. Later on he went so far as to blame the disastrous result of the siege upon Mitchell, but a court-martial, after a full investigation, vindicated that gallant officer entirely.

Mitchell, deferring to Duncan's insistence, agreed to do all in his power to see that the fire rafts were dispatched at proper intervals. He found, however, that this was not easy to do in the disorganized condition in which he found the river fleet. Two boats which had been detailed to handle the fire rafts had failed to do their work properly on account of defective machinery. Moreover, the larger part of the fleet under Stevenson declined to recognize Mitchell's authority, on the ground that officers and men had joined on the understanding that they should not be subject to the orders of the regular navy, nor be placed under the command of the regular naval officers. Stevenson, whose anger over the "Manassas" episode is easily perceived in these acts of insubordination, consented, however, to co-operate in every possible way with Mitchell, reserving the right to use his own judgment as to details, and on the distinct understanding that the vessels in his charge should constitute a separate command.

It was unfortunate that disagreements should have arisen among the commanding officers at this moment, when more than ever it was imperative that all of the Confederate forces should combine to offer a definite and coherent resistance to the enemy. In fact, the ultimate failure of the defense was in no small part traceable to the failure of the river fleet to align itself harmoniously with the general scheme of operations mapped out by Mitchell. Stevenson contended that he was only demanding what General Lovell desired to have done. In this statement the old river captain was probably sincere. As a matter of fact, he misunderstood p254Lovell's ideas. Referring to the river fleet, at a later time, Lovell expressed an opinion anything but complimentary to its organization. "Unable to govern themselves, unwilling to be governed by others, their almost total want of system, vigilance and discipline rendered them useless and helpless when the enemy dashed upon them suddenly on a dark night." In fact, the whole organization of this little fleet was a blunder. It was due, doubtless, to the pressure which popular opinion exerted upon the government. Mitchell's whole command, therefore, resolved itself into the unmanageable "Louisiana," the guns of which were not yet in position on the very eve of the battle; the ram "Manassas," the "McRae" and the "jackson," two steamers loaned by Governor Moore, the "Quitman" and his namesake, "Governor Moore."

On the 22nd and 23rd of April Duncan shelled vigorously the woods behind which the Federal squadron lay concealed. He also repaired the fort, where some damage had been done that required attention. The heavy fire from the enemy's mortars continued all through the 23rd. But at noon on that day it slackened perceptibly. This Duncan interpreted as presaging some new development in the attack. He communicated this view to Mitchell and entreated him to tow the "Louisiana" into a position below the fort, where her guns would command the lower sweep of the river. He was so determined to have this done that he took up the matter with Lovell by telegraph. Lovell, in his turn, communicated with Whipple,a senior officer of the Confederate Navy in Louisiana, and asked him to strain a point, if possible, in order to gratify Duncan. Lovell himself decided to go to the forts and try in person to arrange the differences that had arisen between two capable and loyal officers. The people of the city, however, were not allowed to know that any dispute existed. Everything was represented to them as progressing satisfactorily, and the feeling of confidence which had been stimulated by Duncan's optimistic telegrams was permitted to remain undisturbed.

So far Fort Jackson had suffered a loss of six men killed and thirteen wounded. Fort St. Philip was still intact, although about a thousand shells had fallen within the works. The men of the garrisons were in good spirits. On the morning of the 23rd no attempt was made in the forts to reply to the bombardment. Mitchell was now able to send a message to Duncan, through his lieutenant, Shryock, that he expected to have the "Louisiana" in condition by the following day. He had succeeded in getting at least part of his guns into position. Duncan was convinced that the enemy's final attack was to be expected momentarily. He therefore sent back by Shryock urgent messages relative to the fire rafts. Shryock himself undertook to see that they were dispatched at frequent intervals during the night; but they failed to come at intervals of two hours, as Duncan had been led to hope. There does not seem to be any real foundation for the belief which Duncan afterwards expressed, that this neglect was a principal cause of the Federal success; all that can be said is, that it helped towards a result which was determined by many agencies. Mitchell, sharing Duncan's apprehensions, made the best disposition possible of his fleet. The "Manassas" lay with her tender just above Fort Jackson. The "Louisiana," with her tenders, on board of which were most of her cannoneers — ? the mechanics still being in possession of the vessel herself — ? retained her old position above Fort St. Philip. Near her was the "McRae," and still further upstream were anchored the "Quitman," "Moore" and the six boats under Stevenson. p255The "Jackson" had been dispatched to the Quarantine Station to prevent the Federals from landing troops by way of the bayou and canals, and also to cover the infantry force which Lovell had dispatched to repel Butler, if he should, as expected, attempt to make his way in from the Gulf by these water courses to the river.

It is not necessary here to give a detailed account of the passage of the forts by the Federal fleet. A brief outline of the fighting will suffice to enable the reader to understand why the forts were ineffective in stopping the enemy's ships. Farragut's squadrons began to move between 2 and 3 A.M. on the morning of April 24th. They formed three divisions, the first under Farragut himself, the second under Bailey and the third under Bell. Previous to and during the advance the mortar fleet redoubled its fire. The night was still but hazy, and the moon did not rise till 3 o'clock. In the midst of the obscurity the steamers moved against the current at the rate of — four miles per hour. The formation adopted was expected to divide the enemy's fire as much as possible. It was anticipated that the action would last about an hour and a half. Under such conditions the Confederates had need to be very expert artillerists to do much damage with a battery of 104 guns. Higgins' men opened fire as soon as they distinguished the approaching vessels. Bailey sustained the first broadside from Fort St. Philip. Pushing the "Cayuga" close in, he returned the fire energetically as he pressed on. The other vessels followed his example, and all the ships of his division got by without much damage, except the sailing vessel, "Portsmouth," which was in tow; the tow rope was cut by a shell and the boat drifted down the river helpless.

In the meantime, Bailey was actively engaged both with the forts and with the Confederate vessels. One of his largest boats, the "Mississippi," steamed down upon the "Louisiana," from which a rapid fire had been maintained upon the enemy as they passed. Mitchell stood in a most exposed position upon the upper works of the vessel. The great enemy vessel swept up so close that he felt it necessary to order a group of sharpshooters to prepare to repel boarders. The "Mississippi" reached a position — not thirty feet away, athwart the hawse of the "Louisiana," before she delivered her tremendous broadside. The concussion was terrific, but the iron plating with which the "Louisiana" was sheathed was impervious and the cannon balls fell harmlessly from her armored sides. Her own guns returned the fire, but did no material damage, as they could not be sufficiently depressed to hull the enemy at that short distance.

Bell, in the third division, had a harder time in getting past the forts. He was more exposed to the fire of the forts than Bailey. Half of his division, however, had passed, when the "Itasca" received a ball through her boiler, became helpless and drifted down stream. The "Winona" and "Kennebec" also were so badly injured that they had to drop out of the fight.

The heavy ships under Farragut also experienced the full effect of the fire of the forts. They opened when the "Hartford" was — one and one-half miles distant. The ship was struck several times. Farragut replied with two guns, but reserved his fire till he arrived within — half a mile of Fort Jackson. Then he fired a heavy broadside, killing and wounding several men in the fort. The same thing was done by the "Richmond." The "Brooklyn," suddenly confronted by the "Manassas," p256which now steamed into the fight, exchanged several rounds with her without either vessel incurring serious injury. Then the gallant little Confederate vessel undertook to steer a fire raft against the "Hartford." In trying to avoid contact with this formidable foe the flagship ran aground and was unable to escape, as the "Manassas" pushed the blazing mass against her sides. Instantly the ship was in a blaze. Only the prompt and devoted efforts of her crew saved her from destruction. She was finally extricated from her position and continued on her way up the stream. The "Manassas" in the meantime had turned her attention to the "Mississippi," but her engines became unmanageable and sustained a severe fire, under which she was disabled so completely that Warley had no alternative but to run her ashore and abandon her. She ultimately drifted away from the bank and floated down the river on fire. As she approached the Federal vessels below the bend her appearance created general dismay; they fired on her, until her harmless condition was discovered, when an effort was made to salvage her as a curiosity, but scarcely had a rope been passed around her when she exploded faintly, her bow gun went off and she sank.

Above the forts Bailey met the remainder of the Confederate fleet. First alone, and then with the support of the remaining vessels of his squadron, he sustained a smart engagement with them. Here the "Stonewall Jackson" rammed and so seriously injured the "Varuna" that she was run ashore and her crew abandoned her. The "Jackson" came out of the encounter in scarcely better shape and likewise had to be run ashore and abandoned. The other vessels of the river fleet fought valiantly, but the issue of the contest was never in doubt. Stevenson, in the "Warrior," made a gallant effort to imitate the "Jackson's" exploit. He rammed one of Bailey's boats heavily, but the blow proved insufficient to dispose of his antagonist, while his own vessel suffered severely from the almost vertical fire poured into it from the howitzers in the enemy's tops. All of the river fleet was quickly put out of action, driven ashore or sent down stream in a disabled condition. They lost heavily, especially in officers, among whom the gallant Captain Cooper, widely known along the river as a steamboatman, was killed. The "Governor Moore" lost seventy-four out of a crew of ninety-four. The only vessel to emerge from this phase of the contest was the "McRae," which was cleverly handled. She engaged several of the enemy's vessels in succession and then rescued the "Resolute" when that vessel had been driven ashore and was on the point of hoisting the white flag. The "Resolute," however, was unfit for further service and was subsequently run ashore and burned. The "Warrior" was finally disposed of in the same way. The "McRae" was much cut up and her brave commander, Huger, was mortally wounded. She took refuge under cover of the forts. The "Louisiana," after her encounter with the "Mississippi," was seen to be invulnerable, and the Federals made no further effort to molest her.

Fort Jackson suffered no real harm from the cannonading of the fleet. The casualties there in the action were nine killed and twenty-one wounded. Fort St. Philip received the fire of every division of the fleet in turn, but the loss there was but two killed and four wounded. Several of Squires' guns were dismounted. Farragut's escape from destruction while under the fire of the fort had been little less than miraculous. When the "Hartford" went aground in trying to escape from the attack of the "Manassas" and the fire raft, she lay for some time within point-blank p257range of the water battery at Fort St. Philip. Squires ordered all guns concentrated upon the ship, but the two Columbiads on which he mainly relied had become unmanageable, and another gun which bore directly had just been broken near the trunnions and consequently the "Hartford" was able to pull off the mud before she had sustained anything like the damage that would otherwise have been her portion. The fire of Fort St. Philip was on the whole more effective than that of Fort Jackson. The guns there had greater depression, and the enemy's ships passed closer, but owing to the number of ships among which the fire was necessarily distributed and the speed at which the ships passed, it was found impossible to concentrate long enough on any one vessel to sink her. The loss in the fleet was thirty killed and 119 wounded.

The Federals on the vessels remaining below the forts had no difficulty in guessing how the combat had gone. By 8 A.M. a cloudless sun revealed the United States flag fluttering from the mastheads of shipping far beyond the Confederate fortifications. Duncan, however, was still in a sanguine mood. The "Louisiana" echoed with the clatter of the tools of the machinists at work within her stout hull. She might still fight. He himself set to work to reorganize his troops. When Porter sent up a flag of truce, to demand the surrender of the forts, Duncan's answer was a negative. As the boat approached, her mission not being perceived, she had been fired on; this error elicited ample apologies, which were conveyed to Porter by the officer in charge. Later in the day the "McRae" and the "Resolute" moved out into the river and opened fire on the enemy's vessels in the distance. Porter, alarmed at the preparations which he perceived were being made on board the "Louisiana," withdrew the mortar flotilla to a point just above the head of the passes.

This ended the fighting at the forts. Nearly 17,000 shells are estimated to have been fired, of which probably one-third found their mark. The bombardment lasted in all seven days. At its end the forts remained practically unhurt. Some weeks later, when Lieutenant Weitzel was sent thither to make an inspection and report upon their status, he was able to say that, barring a few superficial repairs, they were in as good a condition to meet an enemy's attack as they had ever been. But this was small comfort. The enemy's fleet had passed and the fate of New Orleans was practically settled. Farragut's ships steamed slowly up to the Quarantine, — six miles above the forts, where they anchored. On the way up they sighted a tugboat hastily putting out from the station; it was the "Doubloon," with General Lovell on board. He had reached the forts on his mission of reconciliation only in time to be forced to beat a hasty retreat, and now was on his way to New Orleans to confirm the mournful news which would precede him. The gunboat "General Lovell" made a generous effort to divert the attention of the fleet from the fleeing "Doubloon;" her commander, Lieutenant Renshaw, exchanged shots with the "Cayuga," but a ball passed through his vessel, and he deemed it wise to make all the speed he could after the "Doubloon," pausing only to send a telegram — ? the last to go over the wires from the forts — ? announcing the injury which his vessel had received and his own intention of proceeding immediately to the city.

As Bailey approached the Quarantine Station he saw in the narrow plain beyond, known as the Chalmettes, a body of Confederate soldiers. Believing that they were preparing to attack, he opened fire on them and p258killed one man. It was Szymanski's regiment and the Chalmette Guards. This little force had no option but to surrender — ? the first prisoners taken by the expedition.4

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Chapter XVI

While the fate of the city was thus being settled at the forts, New Orleans preserved its mood of calm confidence. There was nothing in the bulletins sent up by Duncan to give cause for alarm. The prevailing impression was, that the enemy would not attempt to run past the forts until they had been demolished by the bombardment. After six days of tremendous firing they were virtually intact. Therefore, all that was necessary was to hasten work on the great "Mississippi," and she would soon drop down the river and disperse or destroy the Federal flotilla. The "Louisiana" could also be relied on to detain the enemy. So highly was the "Louisiana" valued that a few days before orders had been sent to Duncan to dismount one of his largest guns — ? mate of that one which did such effective work during the battle — ? and send it to her. New Orleans, moreover, underrated the size of the Federal fleet. It was believed to be composed for the most part of transports; the fighting ships were probably few. On the night of April 23rd the city fell asleep, serene, and expecting tidings of victory. In the public squares, and at Chalmette below and at Greenville and in Carrollton, above, the soldiers remained under arms; but that was in deference to the military situation, not that their services were likely to be required. They included the Confederate Guards, a command recruited from among the leading citizens of the city, elderly men who might be useful to co-operate with the police, but of whom little could be expected in the field. There was also the Foreign Brigade, which, it was understood, should be called on only to protect the peace and maintain public order. Both commands were poorly armed, having been stripped of their weapons to furnish the soldiers going to the front. The remainder of the garrison comprised ninety-day men, citizen soldiers, fragmentary regiments which had not been sufficiently organized or equipped to justify sending them to Corinth in answer to Beauregard's call for re-enforcements. Altogether, they did not constitute a full brigade.

It had been arranged that, in the remote chance of the Federal fleet passing the forts, the fire alarm bells should strike twelve, four times repeated. Early on the morning of the 24th the fateful news was received by telegraph. The bells sounded the dread signal. The stupefaction which prevailed in the city was extreme. By common consent business and virtually all other occupations were suspended. There was much excitement. Here and there feelings of anger and revenge led to demonstrations against persons known or suspected to be Federal sympathizers, but on the whole the community was concerned only for the fate of the forts, overwhelmed with grief over defeat and apprehension regarding the future. The members of the various military organizations assembled at their headquarters. Preparations were immediately begun to remove from the city the government archives and other property. The governor, his staff and the state officials in general "showed," in the bitter words of an eye-witness, "equal activity in providing for their own safety and for that of the property in their charge." The streets leading to the depot of the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern p260Railroad were soon crowded with vehicles loaded with the baggage of the war offices. Colonel Lovell was instructed to seize all the river steamers necessary to remove the ordnance and commissary stores.

Hope revived for a moment when one of the local newspapers published a bulletin that only two of the enemy's ships had passed the forts. But the arrival of Lovell in the "Doubloon" brought tidings which left no room for doubt as to the extent of the disaster. The general had been slightly injured by a fall during the trip up from the forts, but was able to mount his horse at the levee and rode at once to his headquarters in Lafayette Square, where he issued the few orders that the situation required. One of these was to Brigadier General Smith and directed him to move the troops under his command in the camp at Carrollton to Chalmette and make whatever resistance might be possible to the advancing enemy. The confusion which the execution of these orders occasioned added to the excitement in the city. Orders were issued to burn all the cotton in the city and all shipyards and all ships without regard to ownership. Officers hurried to and fro with details of troops seizing drays and carts for the performance of this duty. The destruction of the cotton was accomplished with considerable deliberation. Fifteen thousand bales were taken from the cotton yards, piled up in the streets or on the levee and set on fire.

Other property was generally spared, although at one point the misguided zeal of an over-patriotic citizen caused an attempt to fire the warehouses containing tobacco and sugar. Then the ships at the wharves laden with cotton were fired, cut adrift and allowed to float down stream to warn the enemy of the desperate spirit of the people. All the river steamers except those requisitioned by Colonel Lovell to remove military property, were destroyed. Soon the whole extent of the harbor front on both sides of the river was belted with flames and a vast column of smoke rose over the city, in the shadow of which thousands of people engaged in a struggle for plunder stimulated by the general penury and want. Hogsheads of sugar, boxes of meat, barrels of molasses, all were broken open and the contents rifled. Women bore away what they could in their aprons. The gutters ran with molasses. Scraps of iron, bits of half-burned cotton — ? anything was regarded as fair prize. The better element in the population was at first so stunned by the disaster that they were unable to take measures to check these disturbances. At last the Foreign Brigade intervened, but succeeded in restoring order only at the point of the bayonet. In some instances the troops were defied as "Yankees in disguise," and nowhere did they dare break ranks for fear of assassination. The ringleaders were arrested and the trouble finally ceased — ? probably as much because the plunder was exhausted as for any other reason. By the end of the day the levees were swept bare of everything except a little debris, a few dismounted cannon and some broken machinery.

Meanwhile, at the Custom House — ? where in the basement a shop had been established for the repair of artillery — ? the material which might prove of value to the enemy was brought out into Canal Street, heaped up and burned. Timber and wood yards were next consigned to the flames. The workshops on the Algiers side of the river were stripped of their machinery, which was dumped into the water. This work was performed by the owners themselves. The large dock in Algiers, which cost several millions of dollars and which gave employment to several p261hundred persons, was sunk by the proprietors where she could not be raised.

On the evening of the 24th Governor Moore, the state and Confederate officials and their families, the families of Lovell and his staff, some furloughed Confederate officers and a few others departed on board the steamers "Magenta" and "Pargoud." Guards were stationed at the gangplanks to keep the citizens from thronging aboard. The Jackson railroad was likewise closed to passengers. The road was only available for the transport of government stores. The effect was to embitter the population. One of those thus condemned to remain in the city and share its fate has left us a description of what he terms "the deplorable lack of dignity, self-possession, manhood and fortitude and the gross manifestations of egotism and selfishness which appeared in the conduct and movements of the general-in-chief and several of his staff and of others in high command. When a devoted, self-sacrificing people found themselves by no delinquency of their own in the presence of a great calamity, which they had so long been assured by those to whom in the most generous confidence they had entrusted their protection and defense, would be kept from them — ? they naturally and justly looked to their chiefs for an exhibition of the spirit, the fortitude, the firmness, the calm and dignified devotion to duty and country which the great crisis demanded. [. . .] The time [. . .] was consumed by General Lovell and his staff in idle disputes and profitless gossip, in frequent visits to the clubs, [. . .] in earnest demands at the bank counters for specie to pay their expenses out of the city, and in careful arrangements for the safety and comfortable transportation of their families beyond the dangers to which the people would be left exposed."1 But in the midst of these depressing scenes an example of heroism was given by General Buisson and his men, marching to Chalmette to take part with Smith in the expected fighting with the fleet. Theirs was a forlorn hope; as they passed the spectators, knowing the desperate character of their mission, applauded wildly.

On the morning of the 25th the fires had not yet burned themselves out and smoke and ashes filled the air. A calmer mood possessed the city. Many young men were preparing to leave to join the Confederate army. Foreigners flocked to the offices of their consuls and deposited their valuables for safekeeping; so many, in fact, that in more than one instance it was necessary for the officials to rent large buildings to shelter these deposits. Several days before the banks had made arrangements to send away whatever specie was on hand, and now some $6,000,000 was dispatched by the Jackson railroad under the protection of the Confederate Guards, many of whom were stockholders in the very institutions of which they were thus helping to deplete. Some of the banks converted their specie into foreign bills, and thus the cash became the property of foreigners and was legitimately turned over to the consuls for safekeeping. Foreign flags were displayed wherever there was any possible excuse for them. Pillaging on a diminished scale began again on the levee. Excited crowds in other parts of the city made demonstrations against persons suspected of sympathizing with the enemy. Lovell, wounded at the manifestations of disapproval which had been made the previous day by persons denied the use of railroads or p262steamboats, made an attempt to vindicate himself by advertising, through a member of his staff, Col. S. L. James, for one hundred desperate men to board the enemy's ships when they arrived and capture them. The scheme was impracticable; even had it been feasible there were no boats left in which to convey the men to the points of attack.

Early in the day the "Mississippi," of which so much had been anticipated, was fired and set adrift. As she passed flaming in front of the city a wail of despair rose from the watching crowd. The great vessel lacked but a few days of completion. Vain attempts had been made to tow her up the river and her commander had only consented to her destruction when it was evident that she could not possibly be otherwise prevented from falling into the enemy's hands.

By now the mayor and the city authorities had recovered from the torpor into which the receipt of the news of the passage of the forts by the fleet had thrown them. Measures were taken to assure order. Gen. Paul Juge, a French veteran, was put in charge of the policing of the city. He discharged his duty with zeal and success. The mayor issued a series of proclamations urging merchants to open their shops, promising to continue the free market and denouncing those who refused to receive Confederate paper money in payment of accounts. These had a great effect in calming the populace.

In the meantime Farragut had sailed from the Quarantine, leaving two vessels there on guard. He came to anchor — eighteen miles below the city and there spent the night of the 24th. On the 25th he moved cautiously on, appalled at the burning wrecks which went floating by. At 9 A.M. the batteries at Chalmette were in sight and he made signals for the ships to engage them. These were open works on either side of the river, extending at right angles with the stream and forming part of a system of defenses intended to impeded an enemy's advance overland between the river and the swamp. At the present stage of the river the guns of the fleet dominated their entire length. They were really untenable. The 42-pounders with which these lines were supposed to be equipped had been removed and sent to the forts. The ammunition supply had been diminished for the same purpose. Smith, on arriving at Chalmette, had been obliged to set his men to work making cartridges. Several battalions of infantry, including the whole of Lovell's disposable force, was stationed on the plain at Chalmette to support the batteries. On the east bank the battery was armed with five 32-pounders manned by one company from the Twenty-second Louisiana Volunteers, under Capt. I. W. Patton; a squad of artillerists from Fort Pike, under Lieutenant Butler, and one company from the Beauregard Battery. Among the men was Toby Hart, a sign painter from New Orleans, whose name was afterwards widely known. Smith stationed himself on the opposite bank where a battery of 32-pounders, nine in number, were supported by three companies of Pinckney's battalion. When the first enemy's ship was within — half a mile the batteries opened fire. The fleet answered with a heavy broadside. The sound of the cannonading was audible in the city. The effect on the ships was small. One man was knocked overboard by the wind of a passing shell, but no other casualties were reported. On the other hand, the Confederates suffered the loss of only one man killed and one wounded. They continued to fire until the ammunition was exhausted. Then the men on the west bank retreated to the Opelousas Railroad and used it to make their way into Lafourche, p263while those on the east bank fell back into New Orleans. The encounter was a mere waste of powder and shot; the fleet was not even delayed.

Farragut was now before the city. It had, as we have seen, been stripped of everything of any possible value to the foe. On the levee a vast multitude watched the great vessels as they slowly glided by, not over — 100 yards from the shore. For some time perfect silence reigned on both sides. Then a tumult rose, for which no reason has ever been assigned. A discharge of firearms rang out; the multitude swayed back and forth; a roar of voices was heard. Some said that the firing was directed at the ships; some that it was intended to silence some person of Union proclivities who had attempted to communicate with the fleet. Neither explanation is satisfactory; the latter, however, was later accepted by Farragut and made the subject of representations to Monroe, but at the moment he paid no attention to the incident and steamed silently on until the foremost vessel was opposite the upper limits of the city. Then the signal was given to anchor, and thirteen ships, carrying 200 guns, came to a stop in front of New Orleans, their batteries on a level with the lower floors of the houses, in positions where they commanded the principal streets. Just then a sudden rainstorm descended. This caused the crowd in a great part to disperse. In the midst of the rain a boat was seen to put off from the flagship with several Federal officers in it, but without displaying a flag of truce. These officers included Captain Bailey and Lieutenant Perkins, charged to proceed to the city hall and demand the surrender of the city. They landed at the foot of Canal Street and asked the bystanders to direct them. The answer was a curt intimation that they might find their own way. The two officers started up the street, followed by a constantly increasing crowd. Several citizens, realizing the danger which menaced, interfered to protect them, but were thrust aside, harshly treated and some even slightly injured in the scuffling. Finally two individuals whom everyone knew and respected, William Freret, ex-mayor of New Orleans, and L. E. Forstall, a member of the council, pushed their way through the unruly throng and took the arms of the unwelcome visitors, placing themselves between them and the mob, and thus escorted Bailey and Perkins in safety to their destination.

On the city hall was flying the state flag, a red, white and blue striped ensign with a large pale yellow star in the middle of a red field.a This had been run up by the mayor's secretary, Marion Baker, at the mayor's own order, as soon as it was known that the fleet had passed the Chalmette batteries. The mayor was in his office with Pierre Soulé, several members of the city council, and some of the committee on public safety. To these gentlemen Bailey explained that he was not merely bearer of a demand for the surrender of the city, but for the removal of the flag then floating over the hall, for which the United States flag would be substituted. He also required that the national emblem be placed above the Mint and the Custom House. The interview took on the character of an informal conference between the mayor, Soulé and the Federal officers. The mayor insisted that he as a civil magistrate could not perform a military action like the surrender of the city. That function properly belonged to General Lovell. The city was still under martial law. As for the flag on the hall, this the mayor refused to remove. The Mint and the Custom House were Confederate property; his jurisdiction did not extend to them. In these conclusions Mayor Monroe's advisers p264concurred. Lovell was sent for, and pending his arrival the conversation turned on general subjects. Bailey expressed regret for the destruction of property which had taken place. The mayor answered, somewhat brusquely, that the material destroyed was owned by private parties, who had the right to make any disposition of it that they pleased, and they had burned it as a solemn, patriotic duty, to prevent it from passing into an enemy's hands. Several Unionists intruded into the apartment during this discussion. They introduced themselves to Bailey and drew him apart, forming a little group separate from the Confederates, who lingered around the mayor's desk.

Lovell promptly appeared. Bailey repeated his demands, prefacing them with the statement that he had givenI\'ve supplied '+BadF+'he had given'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,220)" onMouseOut="nd();"> his message to the mayor and the council, but that they had refused to receive it. Lovell's answer was to refuse to surrender the city. He said, however, that he would withdraw the troops, thus leaving the civil authorities in a position to take whatever action was most satisfactory to them. Monroe decided to refer the question to the Common Council, and announced that he would forward a formal reply as soon as that body could act. Bailey and Perkins were then escorted to their boat by Colonel Lovell and Major James. The presence of these officers had caused a large crowd to assemble around the hall. In order to occupy their attention and prevent trouble, Soulé and Lovell now undertook to address them. Both urged the people to disperse and to maintain peace and quiet. These counsels of moderation were well received. Lovell was especially gratified at the manifestations of approbation which his remarks elicited. His administration had not been popular in the city. He seized upon the present opportunity to vindicate himself for the failure of the campaign. It was due, he said, to the lack of time and of means to offer a more determined defense.

The council met at 6.30 P.M. The mayor sent in a message describing the situation. "I am now in momentary expectation," he said in conclusion, "of a second peremptory demand for the surrender of the city. I solicit your advice in this emergency. My own opinion is that [. . .] it would be proper to say, in reply to a demand of that character, that we are without military protection; that the troops have withdrawn from the city; that we are, consequently, incapable of making any resistance, and that, therefore, we can offer no obstruction to the occupation of the place by the enemy; that the Custom House, the Postoffice and the Mint are the property of the Confederate government, and that we have no control over them; and that all acts involving a transfer of authority be performed by the invading forces themselves; that we yield to physical force alone; and that we maintain our allegiance to the government of the Confederate States. Beyond this, a due respect for our dignity, our rights and the flag of our country does not, I think, permit us to go." Both boards of the council determined that an adjournment be taken till the following morning, in order to enable the members to reflect fully upon the proposed action. Mayor Monroe, fearing that, possibly, the delay might be misunderstood, on his own initiative that night sent Baker out to the "Hartford" to explain the situation, which he did to Farragut's satisfaction.

The council was due to meet at 10 A.M. Before that hour, however, the mayor received from Farragut the peremptory demand which he was anticipating. Farragut declined to occupy the city. "It must occur to your honor," he wrote, "that it is not within the province of a naval p265officer to assume the duties of a military commandant. I came here to reduce New Orleans to obedience to the laws of and to vindicate the offended majesty of the Government of the United States. The rights of persons and property shall be secure," and he thereupon repeated the demands already formulated through Captain Bailey. "I particularly request, he added, "that you shall exercise your authority to quell disturbances, restore order and to call upon all the good people of New Orleans to return at once to their vocations; and I particularly demand that no person shall be molested in person or property, for the profession of loyalty to their government." The letter closed with a reference to the firing of the previous afternoon on the levee while the fleet was passing. "I shall speedily and severely punish any person or persons who shall commit such outrages as were witnessed yesterday — ? armed men firing upon helpless men, women and children, for giving expression to their pleasure at witnessing the old flag."

The letter was delivered to Mayor Monroe by Lieut. Albert Kautz and Midshipman J. H. Read. They had had a thrilling experience between their landing place on the levee and the city hall. Kautz came ashore with a marine guard, which he expected to take with him to his destination. He was met by a howling mob. The marines drew up in line. Kautz first attempted to reason with the crowd, but this proving unavailing, he brought his men to the "aim." Before they could fire, however, women and children were pushed to the front. Rather than shoot these innocent persons, Kautz desisted. The situation was serious, as Farragut had promised that if a shot were fired at his emissaries he would instantly open on the city and level it with the ground. Fortunately, an officer of the Confederate Guards approached at this juncture. To him Kautz appealed. He undertook to escort the Federal officer to the hall, but urged that the guard be left behind, for fear of provoking a riot. Kautz took with him only a single soldier, to whose bayonet he fastened a handkerchief, as a symbol of truce. At the hall he was courteously received.

While these incidents were taking place, another, which was later to assume the gravest significance, occurred at the mint. Captain Morris of the U. S. "Pensacola," which was lying off the foot of Elysian Fields Street, ordered the United States flag displayed on that building. He came ashore with a landing party. After seeing the flag placed in position he returned to his vessel, warning the bystanders that the guns of the "Pensacola" commanded the vicinity and would fire if the national standard were molested. The men in the maintop of the ship had orders to open in that event with a howitzer loaded with grapeshot. The "Pensacola" lay in midstream. Morris left no guard on shore. There was nothing to indicate to late comers that the flag had been run up by proper authority. It was known throughout the city that the mayor had declined to surrender; that the town was still under the control of the Confederate authorities; that Farragut was not prepared to occupy the town, and that Lovell was talking of a scheme to resist the landing of the enemy. Viewed in any light, Morris' action was indiscreet, even if it were not, as believed at that time, deliberately designed to provoke an act which might justify the destruction of the city.

As soon as the flag was seen waving in the air there was a natural convergence of many hundreds of people towards the Mint. Several men climbed to the roof of the building and tore down the offensive p266bunting. Instantly the howitzer on the "Pensacola" was discharged. The charge passed high over the heads of the guilty parties and rattled harmlessly against the walls of an adjacent residence. The report startled the whole fleet. The ships cleared for action, there was great excitement among the crews, but fortunately no further firing occurred. The flag was brought down to the street in the hands of W. B. Mumford, Lieutenant Holmes, Sergeant Burns and James Peccel, all connected with the Confederate army. Followed by the mob, it was carried to Lafayette Square, where it was torn to pieces, which were distributed as souvenirs. Mumford and his companions arrived while Lieutenant Kautz and Midshipman Read were still closeted with the mayor. The demeanor of the gathering was so boisterous that Soulé suggested that the two officers lose no time in returning to their ships by a back way while he detained the mob by making a speech. This was done. The two men were hurried down the rear stair of the hall into a carriage and, accompanied by Baker, driven to the landing place at high speed. They were followed part of the way, but managed to outwit their pursuers.2

Farragut, to whom the episode was fully reported, did not take any action, except to describe it to Butler, who had that morning arrived by a schooner from the Quarantine. Butler was greatly irritated. He declared he would hang the person who had removed the flag. "You will have to catch him before you can hang him, general!" responded Farragut, smilingly. The responsibility of the affair will probably never be definitely fixed. Whether Morris acted on his own volition, or under Farragut's orders, is not clear. Baker, in his reminiscences, says that Farragut definitely informed him that he had no previous knowledge of Morris' intention. On the other hand, in a communication sent to Mayor Monroe on April 28th, Farragut referred to "the flag which had been hoisted on the Mint by my order." It seems likely that the flag was hoisted without Farragut's knowledge, but considering the excited temper of officers and men throughout the fleet he could not afford to disclaim the act. Mayor Monroe, in reply to Farragut's letter, protested against the violation of diplomatic usage in the premises. "Your communication is the first intimation I ever had that it was by 'your strict orders' that the United States flag was attempted to be hoisted on a certain of our public edifices, by officers sent on shore to communicate with the authorities. The officers who approached me in your name disclosed no such order, and intimated no such design on your part; nor could I have for a moment entertained the remotest suspicion that they could have been invested with such powers to enter on such an errand, while the negotiations for a surrender between you and the city authorities were still pending. The indifference of anyone under your command, as long as these negotiations were not brought to a close, could not be viewed by me otherwise than as a flagrant violation of those courtesies, if not the absolute rights, which prevail between belligerents under such circumstances." In fact, Farragut, when on the following day he determined to raise the flag on the Custom House, took pains to acquaint Monroe with his intention in advance, thus implicitly admitting the justice of the mayor's contentions.

In the meantime the council had adopted a resolution to the effect that "the sentiments expressed in the message of his honor the mayor p267[. . .] are in perfect accord with the sentiments entertained by those councils, and by the entire population of this metropolis; and that the mayor be respectfully asked to act in the spirit manifested by the message." This was signed by S. P. DeLabarre, president of the Board of Aldermen, and by J. Magioni, president of the Board of Assistant Aldermen. The mayor accordingly addressed a letter to Farragut in which he said: "To surrender such a place were an idle and unmeaning ceremony. The city is yours by power of brutal force, and not by any choice or consent of its inhabitants. It is for you to determine what shall be the fate that waits her. As to the hoisting of any flag than the flag of our own adoption and allegiance, let me say, sir, that man does not live in our midst whose hand and heart would not be palsied at the mere thought of such an act; nor could I find in my entire constituency so wretched and desperate a renegade as would dare to profane with his hand the sacred emblem of our aspirations. Sir, you have manifested sentiments which would become one engaged in a better cause than that to which you have devoted your sword. I doubt not that they spring from a noble though deluded nature, and I know how to appreciate the emotions which inspired them." (This was possibly an allusion to Farragut's former connection with New Orleans.) "You have a gallant people to administer during your occupation of this city — ? a people sensitive to all that can in the least affect its dignity and self-respect. Pray, sir, do not allow them to be insulted by the interference of such as have rendered themselves odious and contemptible by their cowardly desertion of the mighty struggle in which we are engaged, nor of such as might remind them too painfully that they are the conquered and you the conquerors."

This letter was sent to the "Hartford" by the hand of Baker. It was, except for the closing paragraph acknowledging the receipt of Farragut's communication of that morning, the work of Pierre Soulé. Soulé was the only prominent professional man in the city who at this critical juncture offered his services to the mayor. This was all the more creditable to him in view of the fact that he had opposed secession at the incipiency of the movement, and been an unsuccessful candidate for the convention of 1861 on a platform of opposition to the ordinance which that body ultimately adopted, withdrawing Louisiana from the Union. The mayor and his young secretary, Baker, had no experience in diplomacy, and were ignorant of international law. Soulé was both diplomat and lawyer. It is easy to see that he thoroughly enjoyed the management of the negotiations with Farragut, which were protracted over four anxious days. In spite of a good deal of rhetoric which served no purpose except to irritate the Federal commander, the papers which he prepared for the mayor's signature were statesmanlike compositions. Farragut appears to have been a good deal puzzled by the attitude of passive resistance adopted by the mayor and the council. Moreover, his decisions were warped by the reports of Union sympathizers who sought refuge on the fleet, alleging that they were in danger from the mob in the city. Their description of the situation on shore was exaggerated and misleading. It is clear from the tenor of the various communications which Farragut sent to the mayor between the 25th and 30th, that he had no desire to occupy the city; that all he hoped to do was to have the city government continue to function, acknowledging his authority and that of the United States; and to maintain some sort of order until Butler p268could arrive with the land forces to take possession. The fleet was probably short of ammunition; it would have been extremely unwise to send any part of its personnel ashore while the forts still continued to hold out; and it may be that Farragut was glad to have the negotiations drag their tedious length along until, on the 30th, he was able to announce the surrender of Duncan and Hollins. On the other hand, Monroe's dilatory tactics were supported by the mass of the population. Had the mayor consented to lower the flag at the city hall, it was freely asserted, the mob would interfere to prevent him from doing so.

Sunday passed without incident. On Monday came another letter from the "Hartford." It was brought by Capt. H. H. Bell and Acting Master H. B. Tyson. Farragut wrote that he was compelled to conclude from the tenor of the correspondence that the mayor and the council were determined not to comply with his demands, "all of which goes to show that the fire of this fleet may be drawn upon the city at any moment and in such an event the levee could in all probability be cut by the shells, and an amount of distress ensue to the innocent population which I [. . .] assure you I desire by all means to avoid. The election is with you. But it becomes my duty to notify you to remove the women and children from the city within forty-eight hours, if I have correctly understood your intention." Mayor Monroe was reluctant to believe that this threat was serious. In a communication which he sent to the council April 28th he wrote: "I am deeply sensible of the distress which would be brought upon our community by a consummation of the inhuman threat of the United States commander, but I cannot conceive that those who so recently declared themselves to be animated by a Christian spirit and by a regard for the rights of private property, would venture to incur for themselves and for the government which they represent the universal execration of the civilized world by attempting to achieve, through a wanton destruction of life and property, that which they can accomplish without bloodshed, and without a resort to those hostile measures which the law of nations condemns and execrates when employed upon the defenseless women and children of an unresisting city."

The council adopted resolutions approving the views of the mayor. They had "the unreserved approbation of this council," and embodied their "views and sentiments," and the mayor was "respectfully requested to act accordingly."

The mayor's letter to Farragut put the case very well. "Sir," he wrote, "you cannot but know that there is no possible exit from this city for a population which still exceeds, in numbers, one hundred and forty thousand, and you must, therefore, be aware of the utter inanity of such a notification. Our women and children cannot escape from your shells, if it be your pleasure to murder them on a mere question of etiquette. But if there could there are few among them who would consent to desert their families and their homes and the graves of their relatives in so awful a moment; they would bravely stand the sight of your shells rolling over the bones of those once dear to them and would deem that they died gloriously by the side of the tombs erected by their piety to departed relatives. You are not satisfied with the peaceable possession of an undefended city, opposing no resistance to your guns, because of its bearing its doom with some manliness and dignity; and you wish to humble and disgrace us by the performance of an act against which our p269nature rebels. This satisfaction you cannot expect to obtain at our hands. We will stand your bombardment, unarmed and undefended as we are. The civilized world will consign to indelible infamy the heart that will conceive the deed and the hand that will dare to consummate it."3

The population of the city in general, informed of the enemy's intentions, regarded the bombardment as inevitable. But there was no weakening on that account. A remarkable petition signed by hundreds of women, which was sent in to the mayor, urging him to stand firm, was symptomatic of the popular mood. There was some apprehension lest the timid or the Unionists might influence Monroe to submit, and a mob collected which proclaimed its intention to prevent any interference by those elements. Other influences were also at work to induce Farragut to reconsider his determination, if he had really arrived at a determination: a French man-of-war, the "Milan," which had recently arrived in port, had been sent to protect interests in New Orleans. Her captain, De Clouet, sent a note to Farragut protesting against the short term allotment for the evacuation of the city, on the ground that there were many French residents who would not leave within the period assigned, and demanding that if the "barbarous act" were to be consummated sixty days be allowed in which his compatriots might remove their effects. How far this protest influenced Farragut is not known; but, at any rate, on May 30, he addressed a final letter to Mayor Monroe deprecating the construction put upon his words, and stating that in view of the "offensive nature" of the mayor's reply, he would have no further intercourse with him nor with the City Government, but on the arrival of Butler, would turn the city over to that officer. "I venture to say," commented the mayor in a message to the council transmitting Farragut's letter, "that no reasoning mind can fail to place upon the note of the 28th inst., the interpretation attached to it by the people of this city. The notification to remove our women and children within forty-eight hours in case we adhere to our resolution not to haul down our flag, can be construed in no other way than as a threat to bombard the city. The meaning was plain, not only to us, but to the consuls of the foreign nations residing here. But in so clear a case argument is superfluous."

In the meanwhile several other important incidents had transpired. The "McRae" had come up in tow of one of the enemy's boats under a flag of truce, to bring the Confederate wounded who could not be properly cared for at the forts. From her passengers the people learned that the forts still held out and this information was at once forwarded to Lovell, who had retired to Camp Moore, seventy miles distant from the city. He promptly issued orders to stop the evacuation of the forts, which had already begun, under his previous instructions. This, however, came too late. Forts Pike, McComb, and Bienvenu had been abandoned on the 25th and 26th, and the garrisons were on their way to Madisonville. The gunboats under Captain Poindexter, which had been recently launched on Lake Pontchartrain, and were believed to be well armed and efficient, had been run ashore and burnt. The fortifications p270on the west coast of Louisiana — ? Forts Livingston, Caillou, Quitman, Berwick and Chêne, had been evacuated and the garrisons disbanded, a few members thereof making their way overland to Camp Moore. These steps had been taken by Lovell under the impression that Forts Jackson and St. Philip had surrendered. His order countermanding them were construed in New Orleans as evidences of panic, great dissatisfaction arose over the abandonment of these strong and well-provisioned places, which, it was believed, could have offered serious resistance to the Federals. In withdrawing from New Orleans, Lovell had unquestionably done the wise and prudent thing, but it is not so easy to justify his haste in evacuating these other points. Now he proposed to remedy as far as possible this mistake, and came hurrying back to New Orleans, to concert some sort of resistance to the Federals.

Down at Forts Jackson and St. Philip, Duncan, after the passage of Farragut's ships, was sanguine enough to prepare for further resistance. He managed to redistribute his artillery, originally mounted to bear downstream, in such a way as to command the up-stream approaches also. But on April 26 Captain Mitchell informed him that New Orleans had surrendered. Duncan thought the news was confirmed by the sight of the wrecks drifting by, the melancholy debris of the great fire in the city. Moreover, the enemy was closing in upon him. Enemy vessels were seen in the little bay in the rear of Fort St. Philip; a steamer was reported working her way up Fort Bayou, and a number of launches filled with Federal troops was moving through a network of little streams towards the Quarantine. The latter were troops from Williams' brigade of Butler's army. They succeeded in getting to the Quarantine, though only after heroic efforts, often dragging their boats by main strength through the shallow channels; but further progress was impossible without light steamers, and Butler hurried up to the city to ask Farragut to provide these. As a matter of fact, Farragut had no such boats, and the movements of this detachment were held up for several days.

Phelps, with another brigade, remained on the transports below the forts. This officer now divided his force, and put troops on each side of the river. This maneuver being visible to the garrison in Fort Jackson, they concluded that they were surrounded. At midday Porter sent a flag of truce with a demand for the surrender of the post. He offered favorable terms. Duncan and Higgins declined on the ground that there was as yet no official confirmation of the report that New Orleans had yielded to Farragut, and that it was their duty to hold out until such news were received. But the men in the forts were in no mood to prolong the resistance. There were many foreigners in their ranks. Duncan, who distrusted volunteers, had favored these troops, but he was now to have a demonstration of their defects which inhere in all mercenary military organizations. The 27th closed quietly, but at midnight the officers in Fort Jackson were aroused by a tumult outside of their quarters, and rushed forth to find a number of men reversing the guns, spiking others, and preparing to leave the fort with their arms. One company, the St. Mary's Cannoneers, composed of native Louisianans, refused to take any part in these proceedings. A part of the other troops was drawn up under arms. Duncan found the mutineers threatening the faithful remnant of his force. He saw at once that there was no course open but to permit the mutinous faction to leave the fort. Some 250 men accordingly put out in small boats. After their departure, he was mortified to p271discover that the remainder wanted immediate surrender. He was not able that night to get into communication with Fort St. Philip, but as the mutineers had been telegraphing thither at an earlier hour, this silence gave ground to apprehend that mutiny had also broken out there. The situation was very grave, for if Fort Jackson surrendered, Fort St. Philip would have no option but to do so too. Its shallow ditches, exposed situation and imperfect casements made it impossible to hold out when once the stronger fortification had passed into the enemy's hands.

At the approach of daylight Duncan sent messengers to the mortar fleet, which still lay in position below the forts, and proposed to resume the negotiations begun on the previous day by Porter. He also notified Mitchell, who still was on board the "Louisiana," but that officer took the ground that the surrender, if effected, need not necessarily apply to him, and he would fight. Duncan seems to have attached little importance to this announcement. In fact, he ignored Mitchell almost completely. The negotiations with the federals were opened without consulting the latter. Mitchell called a meeting of his officers, and found that they, like himself, were opposed to surrender. They favored destroying the vessel rather than let her fall into the hands of the enemy. Only one of them, however, wished to fight, and that was Lieutenant Bowen. Mitchell accepted the views of the majority. He ordered the tender "Burton" made ready to remove the crew. Just then the chief engineer, Lieutenant Youngblood, reported that the propeller engines were completed and could be used. Mitchell was nonplussed. He hesitated to order the destruction of this formidable fighting machine, at the very moment when her usefulness at last seemed possible. But Lieutenant Wilkinson had already begun the work of destruction, and after a few moments of indecision, Mitchell reluctantly directed him to proceed. The vessel was set on fire and in a short time was enveloped in flames. Mitchell then cut the ropes which moored her to the shore. She drifted down the river, abandoned by officers and crew, and blew up in less than a quarter of an hour. The explosion took place in front of Fort Jackson, and the flying fragments killed one man and wounded several in the garrison there. Another fragment struck Captain McIntosh as he lay wounded in a cot on board one of the towboats moored just above the fort. Such was the end of the "Louisiana." Many of her officers, subsequently expressed the belief that, handled with proper energy and boldness, she might have rendered important services to the Confederacy, or at least need not have been destroyed, but might have been taken down the river and around to Mobile. Even in her last moments the ill-fortune which had attended her from the beginning, pursued her. The Federals complained that her destruction was a breach of faith, but there was no ground for the charge.

With the exception of Captain Baker and one other officer, all of the crew of the "Louisiana" surrendered. Those two made their way to New Orleans. The negotiations for their surrender were made independently of the garrison in the forts. The Federals steamed up to Fort Jackson on board the "Harriet Lane" and three other gunboats, all flying flags of truce. At the fort a white flag was displayed on the flagstaff, below the Confederate colors. The terms were quickly drawn up and signed. Much good feeling was manifested on both sides. Several of the Confederate officers were old acquaintances of the conquerors. Hollins, for example, had been a messmate of Porter's in the old p272navy. It was agreed that the United States flag should not be raised over the forts until after the Confederate officers had departed for New Orleans. They accordingly went on board the U. S. S. "Kennebec," which promptly departed up the river. Colonel Jones, of the 26th Massachusetts, was put in command of the garrison at the forts. Lieutenant Weitzel, Butler's chief of engineers, now found himself commissioned to superintend their repair.

The mutineers from Fort Jackson were picked up in the course of the morning by a picket which had been posted by the Federals on the West bank of the river.4

Immediately upon the receipt of Farragut's final communication, on April 30, Mayor Monroe addressed to the Council a communication, in which he stated that his secretary, Baker, had had an interview with the Federal commander, with the result that "the latter had abandoned his purpose of bombarding the city, and signified his intention of removing the flag from this building (the City Hall) by means of his own forces." At the same time he issued a proclamation requesting "All citizens to retire to their homes during those acts of authority which it would be folly to resist." This advice was urged through fear that some disturbance during the removal of the flag might yet precipitate upon the city the fate which it had just avoided. It must be confessed that little heed was paid to the mayor's proclamation. An immense throng was present before the hall to witness the act which signalized the capture of the city. Farragut selected Captain Bell to remove the flag. Baker tells us that when he saw this officer on the "Hartford" just before starting for the City Hall, he was very nervous as to the kind of reception which he might expect ashore. Baker assured him that the crowd would offer no opposition to anything which Farragut might decide to do. Nevertheless the Federal command deemed it prudent to send a strong force with Bell. "Soon officers, marines, and sailors appeared in Lafayette Square," writes Baker, "with bayonets and two brass howitzers glittering in the sunlight. The marines formed in line on the St. Charles side of the square, near the iron railing which at that time enclosed it, and placed so as to command the thoroughfare either way. The crowd flowed in and filled the street in a compact mass above and below the square. They were silent but angry and threatening. Many openly displayed their arms. An open way was left in front of the City Hall, and their force being stationed, Captain Bell and Lieutenant Kautz passed across the street and entered the mayor's parlor. Approaching the mayor, Captain Bell said: 'I have come in obedience to orders to haul down the State flag from this building.' Mr. Monroe replied, his voice trembling with restrained emotion, 'Very well, sir; you can do it, but I wish to say that there is not in my entire constituency so wretched a renegade as would be willing to exchange places with you.' He emphasized this speech in a way which must have been very offensive to the officers. Captain Bell visibly restrained himself from reply, and asked at once that he might be shown the way to the roof. The mayor replied by referring him to the janitor, whom he would find outside. As soon as the two officers left the room, the mayor went out. Descending the front steps he walked out into the street and placed himself immediately p273in front of the howitzer pointing down St. Charles Street. Then, folding his arms, he fixed his eyes upon the gunner, who stood, lanyard in hand, ready for action. Here he remained without once looking up or moving, until the flag had been hauled down by Lieutenant Kautz, and he and Captain Bell reappeared."5 The mayor was apprehensive that some reckless person in the crowd might open fire on the officers engaged in the performance of their duty, and knowing that this would be followed by the discharge of the howitzer, was resolved that its bullets should find lodgment in his body, rather than in those of his people. Fortunately, the sad little ceremony passed off without interruption. When Bell and Kautz returned from the roof, the troops fell into column at a word of command, and as they marched off through the Camp Street gate of the square, Mayor Monroe remounted the marble steps of the hall, went to his office, and the people who had up till now maintained a gloomy silence, broke into cheers for the man whose heroic attitude they warmly appreciated.

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Chapter XVII

Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, as commander of the Army of the Gulf, was in command at New Orleans from May 1 to December 15, 1862. In that period of less than eight months he contrived to make himself the best-hated man in all the annals of the community. Butler's announced theory was that New Orleans was a conquered city, inhabited by rebels, who must be made to pay the full penalty of their crimes. The rigor of his administration was much applauded by certain elements in the North, but with the passage of years a less favorable verdict has been pronounced upon his work. "The selection of such a man for such a command," says John Fiske, "was a needless, though unintentional, insult to the conquered city," and he characterizes Butler as "an unscrupulous politician, bent upon money-making and intrigue."1

Butler landed in the city on the afternoon of May 1. Anticipating the action, the Federal fleet was stationed before the city in such positions that the heavy guns commanded all the principal thoroughfares, and could, with their fire, sweep them from end to end in case of any hostile demonstration of the part of the population. The transports then moved up the river to the foot of Julia Street, where the men disembarked. They fell into line on the levee in the presence of a crowd, mainly composed of negroes. After some delay, the command was given to march. They advanced along Julia Street to St. Charles and thence to Canal. It was almost dark when they reached their destination — ? the great, grim, roofless, granite Customhouse — ? where they were to bivouac for the night. Butler accompanied the troops on foot. He had six regiments of infantry and one section of howitzers. The artillery was posted in positions to command the approaches to the building. A great concourse of people lined the route to see the invaders pass. They maintained a stolid silence. Butler, after seeing his men established in their quarters, returned to the fleet and passed the night on board the "Mississippi."

Early the following morning, he came ashore, and entering a carriage which awaited at the landing, was driven rapidly to the St. Charles Hotel, where he proposed to establish his quarters. He was accompanied by an escort of mounted soldiers. The vehicle came to a halt outside of the ladies' entrance on Common Street. A staff officer hurried into the building in search of the proprietor, Mr. Hildreth. Hildreth was absent, but his son was found on the premises, and to him was communicated Butler's demand that rooms be prepared for himself and his staff. Young Hildreth replied that the hotel was closed, and all of its employees dismissed; he could not therefore receive guests. Butler's response was, that he would take possession and run the building with his own men. Leaving the carriage, he ascended to the second floor, where he picked out the apartments that he needed.

The news of his presence was quickly known throughout the city. A large crowd collected outside of the hotel and began to shout derisively. Butler appeared at one of the windows and looked down on the vociferating p275mob. He was accompanied by Ex-Recorder Summers, who had returned to the city that morning under escort of the troops, and now proposed to stay at the hotel. At the sight of this unpopular personage the behavior of the crowd grew threatening. A strong body of Federal troops was accordingly ordered up from the Customhouse, with instructions to disperse the crowd. In doing this several arrests were made. Among those taken into custody was Col. Daniel Edwards, owner of a large brass foundry, and a prominent citizen; and a young man named Outlaw. They were locked up in jail all night. The following morning they were arraigned before Butler. Edwards was accused of using the word "traitor," presumably with reference to the General; but when he explained that it was really directed towards Summers, he was suffered to depart. But young Outlaw was sent to Fort Jackson, under a sentence of hard labor. He was the first of a procession of citizens whom Butler was to send thither.

Mayor Monroe was summoned to the hotel on the afternoon of May 2, but was unable to obey the order immediately. A request to General Juge, to continue the work of preserving the peace with his Foreign Legion, elicited the curt reply, that the city was in General Butler's hands, and he might see to the maintenance of order himself. Butler promptly took this matter in hand. He appointed Capt. Jonas H. French to be provost marshal, and Major Joseph M. Bell to be provost judge. These officers at once waited upon Mayor Monroe and requested to have the keys of the prisons turned over to them. Their demeanor was courteous and considerate, as, indeed, was that of most of the officers of the Federal army at all times, with the exception of Butler and a class which had been commissioned from civil life. The regular army officers generally showed a desire to conciliate the people, and especially the officials of the city.

In the evening Monroe, accompanied by Pierre Soulé and the members of the City Council, repaired to the St. Charles, to confer with Butler as to his intentions with regard to the city. The General received them in full uniform, wearing his sword and pistols, and surrounded by members of his staff. He opened the proceedings with an address in which he characterized the people of New Orleans as "rebels." This word was not well received. Soulé, on behalf of the city officials, registered an eloquent protest against its use. A sharp controversy developed between him and Butler. At the end of the discussion, Butler produced copies of a proclamation which he had prepared, putting the city under martial law. The provisions of this document were stringent. All persons in arms against the United States, except the Foreign Legion, were to surrender forthwith; all flags except that of the United States, were to be removed; all arms must be given up, and all well-disposed persons must take the oath of allegiance to the United States. All persons in the Confederate service who surrendered were assured of good treatment, insofar as the exigencies of the public service permitted; and the people in general were urged to resume their usual vocations. All rights of property were declared inviolate, subject only to the laws of the United States. All shops and places of amusement were to continue open as usual, nor were services in the churches to be disturbed. But keepers of public houses and drinking-places could not do business without first reporting themselves to the provost-marshal and obtaining his license; and, moreover, they would be held responsible for any disorders p276that might occur on their premises. The killing of a United States soldier would be deemed murder. Disorders of the peace and crimes of an aggravated sort would be dealt with by the military authorities, but other offenses would be referred to the municipal authorities, if they cared to act; and civil cases between party and party would be handled in the courts.

The original draft of the proclamation contained a clause prohibiting the use of Confederate money, but Soulé pointed out that this was the only currency in circulation, and that the order would therefore be impossible of execution. Butler thereupon modified it, with the understanding that the arrangement stood merely "till further orders."

By this proclamation the municipal authority, insofar as concerned the police power, was suspended. The mayor was informed that the control of the police would be restored to him when peace and order were fully assured. Butler justified this measure by stating that he knew that a secret society, with headquarters within a few hundred feet of the St. Charles, existed with the purpose of assassinating Federal soldiers, and that it was incumbent upon him to take the most elaborate precautions to protect his men from this, or similar, organizations. Needless to say, Monroe knew of no such organization. In all probability it existed only in the heated imagination of the refugees, who, like Summers, had spread through the fleet fantastic stories of the perils of life in New Orleans. At the close of the interview, Soulé, consulted with reference to the awkward position in which the civil power found itself under the proclamation, advised the mayor and the councilmen to resign. Monroe decided not to do so, believing that by retaining his office he might be useful in mitigating the harshness of military rule. The members of the Council came to a like determination.

Butler established his headquarters at the Customhouse, but made his home at the St. Charles. Thither he brought his wife. Artillery posted in the streets protected all the entrances. Another hotel, the Evans House, on Poydras Street, was seized and converted into a hospital for the Federal sick. The landing of troops went on briskly in New Orleans and in Algiers, under the direction of Gen. G. F. Shepley, who was appointed commandant in the city. Detachments were quartered in the squares in various parts of the city. The principal roads leading into New Orleans were picketed as far out as the crossing of the Jackson & Great Northern Railroad. The city was remarkably quiet. "Most of the stores have been closed since last Friday," remarked the Delta, on May 1, "and remain closed with few exceptions. The principal hotels are closed. [. . .] The barrooms have all been closed since last Friday. For some days there was great difficulty in passing the miserable currency we are cursed with, but thanks to the judicious measures taken by the authorities, confidence in it has been partially restored. The markets are still very meagerly furnished. [. . .] The movements in financial circles during the past week have been of the most restricted character ever witnessed in the Crescent City. The banks kept their doors open for a few hours daily to pay checks and to renew obligations, but they peremptorily refused to receive deposits or transact any other kind of business."

As all the machinery of benevolence worked out during the previous year for the relief of distress in the city, was thrown out of gear by General Butler's assumption of control, it was necessary to take measures p277at once to relieve the wants of a part of the population, which, as we have seen, was dependent upon charity for subsistence. This matter was brought to Butler's attention by Mayor Monroe. The latter recommended that arrangements be made to admit food to the city from Mobile and from points along the Mississippi immediately above New Orleans. Accordingly, on May 3 and 4, orders were issued to permit one steamer to bring in flour from Mobile, two steamers to go to the mouth of Red River and return with the supplies of food collected there by the governmental agents representing the city authorities; and the Opelousas Railroad was opened, under military control, with a view especially to the importation of live stock. These measures were, however, inadequate. Butler claimed that advantage was taken of these concessions to communicate with the Confederate army, and to send it food, medicines, and information. On this ground he refused to renew or extend the safeguards under which the vessels were operated. However, on May 9, he directed that a large quantity of provisions, including a thousand barrels of meat and sugar, which he found in Lafayette Square, on arriving in the city, be distributed to the destitute. This material had been accumulated by the Confederate officials and was intended for the use of the Southern army. At the same time he took occasion to criticize the City Council for its failure to provide for the needs of the population. This body, however, stripped of authority and without resources of any description, was in no position to do more than it had done — ? to bring the existing necessity to the attention of the commanding general. Butler, moreover, in General Order No. 25, attacked the wealthier classes for having, as he said, plundered the poorer and deprived them of the food which they themselves were enjoying in the greatest plenty, and appealed to the "men of New Orleans" not any longer to "uphold these flagrant wrongs, and by inaction suffer" themselves to be made "the serfs of these loafers." The violence of his language astonished the city, and accomplished no good effect. It was, however, a foretaste of much that was to come.

Butler was greatly annoyed by the behavior of the women of New Orleans, who made a point of wearing Confederate colors on their hats and dresses, of playing or singing Southern songs when Federal troops were within hearing, and of manifesting their dislike by withdrawing from omnibus, street car, or church pew whenever Federal officers entered these places. Butler's official spokesman, Parton, says that they pretended nausea whenever Federal soldiers were near, ostentatiously drew aside their skirts when passing them, as though the slightest contact were contamination, and even took to the roadway in order to avoid too near approach to the unwelcome passer-by.2 This description is no doubt exaggerated, but even so, these actions did not call for very severe chastisement. On May 15, however, Butler issued the infamous Order No. 28: "As officers and soldiers of the United States have been subject to repeated insult from women calling themselves the ladies of New Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non-interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered that hereafter, when any female shall by mere gesture or movement insult, or show contempt for any officers or soldiers of the United States, she shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman about town plying her vocation." Butler's apologist claims p278that the immediate occasion of the publication of this order was the act of "a beast of a woman" who spat in the faces of two officers "who were walking peacefully along the street."3

The consequences of the sort were unexpected and various. President Davis outlawed Butler and put a price upon his head. In the British Parliament Lord Palmerston denounced it as "infamous." Secretary Seward felt called upon to apologize to the British chargé in Washington for a phraseology which could be mistaken or perverted." Unquestionably, it put the women of New Orleans completely at the mercy of the military. It made any common soldier the judge of any woman; on his complaint she was liable under the city ordinances to arrest, detention overnight in jail, and a fine of $5, to be inflicted the following day. Mayor Monroe felt it his duty to record a vigorous protest. He wrote at once to Butler. The order, he said, "is of a character so astonishing that I cannot, holding the office of chief magistrate of this city, chargeable with its peace and dignity, suffer it to be promulgated in our presence without protesting against the threat it contains, which has already aroused the passions of our people, and must exasperate them to a degree beyond control. [. . .] Your officers and soldiers are permitted by the terms of this order to place any construction they may please upon the conduct of our wives and daughters, and upon such construction, to offer them atrocious insults. The peace of the city and the safety of your officers and soldiers from harm or insult have, I affirm, and successfully secured to an extent enabling them to move through our streets almost unnoticed, according to the understanding and agreement entered into between yourself and the city authorities. I did not, however, anticipate a war upon women and children, who, so far as I am aware, have only manifested their displeasure at the occupation of the city by those whom they believe to be their enemies, and I will never undertake to be responsible for the peace of New Orleans while such an edict, which infuriates our citizens, remains in force. To give a license to the officers and soldiers of your command to commit outrages, such as are indicated in your order, upon defenseless women, is, in my judgment, a reproach to the civilization, not to say the Christianity, of the age, in whose name I make this protest."

Courtyard of the Spanish Calaboza,

in New Orleans, Showing the Stocks

Butler's only reply was to issue an order relieving "John T. Monroe, late mayor of New Orleans" from "all responsibility for the peace of the city," and committing him to Fort Jackson until further orders. This order was delivered by the provost-marshal, who took Monroe into custody. The prisoner, when arraigned before the General, remonstrated against the order of imprisonment. Butler replied that if Monroe could no longer control "the passions of the people of New Orleans," it was necessary to put someone in charge who could. Parton says that Butler explained the order with great care, and to Monroe's entire satisfaction, whereupon the latter wrote a note retracting his previous communication. "This communication," he wrote, "having been sent under a mistake of fact, and being improper in language, I desire to apologize for same and to withdraw it." Monroe was then relieved from arrest.

As soon as Monroe had an opportunity to reflect upon the situation, however, he seems to have felt that he had acted hastily in accepting Butler's interpretation of the order. He therefore that evening dispatched p279his secretary, Marion Baker, to the Customhouse with another note, expressing his desire to retract the endorsement which he had made on his previous letter, and requesting the return thereof. Butler replied that " no lady will take any notice of a strange gentleman, and a fortiori of a stranger, in such form as to attract attention. Common women do," repeated the essential part of his order. "I shall not, as I have not," he concluded, "abate a single word of that order; it was well considered. If obeyed, it will protect the true and modest woman from all possible insult. The others will take care of themselves."

Monroe's answer was to send Butler a copy of his first letter.

Again the mayor was put under arrest; further explanations at the Customhouse culminated in his release. The following day was Sunday, and the General's office was closed. Nevertheless, Mayor Monroe and a large number of his friends felt that it was necessary to have a clearer understanding of the situation, and presented themselves at the St. Charles. They were refused admission, but with the intimation that p280they could call the following morning, at headquarters. In the meantime Butler had unearthed what he regarded as a conspiracy involving Monroe. Several paroled Confederate soldiers had formed what they termed the "Monroe Guards," and were planning to make their escape from New Orleans, and rejoin the forces under Lovell. Alarmed at the possibility of a widespread agitation of the sort, Butler now resolved to suppress the city administration, and substitute for the civil authorities some of his own officers. Accordingly, when on Monday morning Monroe, accompanied by the chief of police, Kennedy, judge of one of the city courts, Secretary Baker, and several other prominent citizens, presented themselves at the Customhouse, he received them with charges of neglect of duty, insubordination, and obstruction. He said that the whole power and means of the city administration were being used to send provisions to Lovell's troops, to raise money for the support of Confederate agents in the city, and to place impediments in the way of the sanitation of the city. The alleged conspiracy for which six men had been examined, found guilty, and now lay under sentence of death, was significant from the fact that the organization bore the mayor's name. He then ordered that the mayor, the chief of police, Judge Kennedy, and Secretary Baker be immediately transported to Fort Jackson. Monroe was subsequently removed to Fort Pickens, where he remained till the end of the war. Baker's offense was that he has "assisted in the composition of the letter" of the mayor. The chief of police was condemned because, when asked if he sustained the mayor, he answered in the affirmative. Kennedy refused to answer a similar question, because, as he said, a simple affirmative or a simple negative would not cover the position which he took. The other persons in the party were dismissed without punishment.

The executive part of the city government thus being abolished, Gen. George F. Shepley was appointed acting mayor, and the functions of chief of police were taken over by Captain French, the provost marshal. Shepley was from Maine, and had figured there conspicuously as a member of the National democracy, the same party with which Butler was affiliated. He had been a warm personal friend of President Jefferson Davis, and when the latter was travelling through New England, some years before, had entertained him hospitably. Shepley and Butler were reported not to be on good terms. It was said that they had quarrelled on several occasions, chiefly as a result of jealousies dating back to the very inception of the expedition against New Orleans. Rumors were rife of a personal encounter between the two at Ship Island, in which Butler appears to have come off second best. Shepley's appointment first to be commandant in the city, and then to be acting mayor, was, rightly or wrongly, attributed to Butler's desire to conciliate a man of whom he stood in some fear. On the whole, his administration as mayor, which lasted only one month, was characterized by mildness and dignity. Occasional manifestations of a different spirit were considered by the people as intended for political effect.4

The character of the business transacted under Shepley's administration, and in general, under the other military appointees who followed him at intervals of a month or two during the remainder of the year 1862, may be gathered from a description written by the correspondent p281of the New York Times, who spent a day with the new mayor, and watched him at work. "The first thing brought to the general's notice by the attendant clerks was a petition from the sheriff of New Orleans for the relief of certain prisoners. A tall, shrewish woman now entered and asked for an order to make a tenant pay rent. Next came a woman, child in arms, detailing her sufferings, her husband having been impressed into the Confederate service. An old and very respectable gentleman desired a pass for the family of a mother, six children and four servants to Baton Rouge. A committee appeared desiring work on the streets for the poor men who had been in rebel service; petition instantly granted if the parties named would take the oath of allegiance. A gentleman appears who wishes to get an order to repair a building occupied by United States troops as a hospital; he was waved out with impatience. Merchants now crowd in with all kinds of questions regarding business matters. An officer of the navy obtrudes his gold-laced cuff and places a letter on the table from Commodore Porter; it is opened, read, and answer dictated in a moment. A man now presents himself who says his negro, who has been absent several days, said he was forcibly retained in the National lines; General Shepley rises from his seat, his eyes flash; he replies, mildly, but firmly that he don't [sic] believe the negro's story, and demands a responsible white man for a witness, the complainant leaving precipitately. Old gentleman in an undertone asks a favor; it is granted, and old gentleman goes off delighted. An old lady in black now comes in with a little negro girl, following in the rear, carrying her work-bag. Old lady seats herself on the lounge and the little negro girl crouches on the carpet at her feet. General Shepley gets up and speaks to the old lady; she says something, points at the contraband, gets some answer that is satisfactory — ? for exit old lady, little negro, and work-bag. A delegation of merchants now appears, who have some conversation about the currency. A city official makes a report about cleaning the streets. [. . .] A committee is now announced. It is headed by the president of the Union Association, and is composed of its prominent members. They present a petition to the General, requesting certain municipal reforms. [. . .] Five long hours the audiences continue, and only end to enable the General to resume new duties at his military headquarters at the Customhouse."5

The question of the currency to which the writer above quoted refers as the subject of conference between Shepley and the merchants of the city, was a serious one. About the middle of May the large amount of paper money in circulation was beginning to occasion embarrassment. The newspapers report plenty of food and other necessaries available, but only at very high prices. The people had been compelled to receive the paper, but tradesmen were now again beginning to refuse it. The Ccili therefore adopted resolutions requiring every person who had issued "shinplasters," notes, etc., to submit a sworn statement of such issues up to May 6; such persons to make with the city treasurer deposits of securities ample to offset those outstanding amounts; and also to surrender the plates from which all such "money" had been printed. The plates were thereupon publicly destroyed by the chairman of the Finance Committee. The names of all parties who complied with these regulations were printed in the newspapers, with a statement of the p282amount of "money" which each had issued, and of the deposit made with the city to cover it. The city attorney, under direction of the Council, took steps to prosecute those who thereafter issued notes or checks of any kind. Steps were also taken by the Council to authorize the city to issue city notes, signed by the treasurer and comptroller, to a total equal in amount and of denominations similar to those issued by individuals. With these the individual issues were to be gradually taken up.6 By October 28, 1862, $1,435,104 in such city notes had been issued; but the benefit to the business community seems not to have been very great from any of these measures. The effect of the Council's measures to guarantee the private issues was naturally reflected in a partial restoration of their value, but this advance did not last long. Butler on May 21 issued an order prohibiting the further circulation of Confederate notes. This order was intended to compel the banks to resume payment of their own bills in kind or in specie, or in United States notes. This order had been anticipated, but its immediate effect was merely to introduce a new element of confusion into a situation which was already sufficiently complex.

Shepley was, under the terms of the order appointing him, to hold office "until such time as the people should elect a loyal citizen of New Orleans to the mayoralty." The council had already anticipated the necessity of holding an election, in view of the fact that Mayor Monroe, at the moment of his deposition, had but a few weeks more of his regular term to serve. The first Monday in June was accordingly selected as the date for holding the election. Shepley's order had the effect of determining the qualifications of the candidate who would be permitted, if elected, to assume control of the city government. Moreover, he issued an order continuing in effect all of the city laws and ordinances which might not be found inconsistent with the laws of the United States and the orders of the commanding general.

On May 28th, however, all the machinery of the civil government, which had apparently been working smoothly and satisfactorily, was upset by an order signed by Shepley, but approved by Butler, removing the entire membership of the council from office. Part of the council had completed serving the term for which it had been elected; the remainder was ejected on the ground that the members had failed to take the prescribed oath of allegiance, and therefore could not, under Butler's proclamation, continue to hold office under the United States Government. Shepley's order contained the following provisions: "Believing that the inconvenience incident to a temporary suspension of legislative power will be slight as compared with the evils which have hitherto been consequent upon excessive and frequently corrupt legislation, these vacancies will not be filled till such a time as there will be a sufficient number of the citizens of New Orleans loyal to their country and their constitution to entitle them to the rights of self-government."

In place of the governmental machinery thus removed, two bureaux were instituted. One of these, the Bureau of Finance, consisted of three persons, one serving as chairman, who were named by the military authority. The duties assumed by this bureau were those which, under the charter of 1856 and the other laws of the city, had been performed by the various committees of the City Council on Finance, Police, Fire, p283Judiciary, Claims, Education and Health. The other was the Bureau of Street and Landings. It also consisted of three members, one of whom, named by the commandant, was to serve as chairman. Its functions included those of the Council Committees on Workhouse, Streets and Landings, Prisons, House of Refuge, etc. The chairmen, in addition to their duties as presiding officer, were empowered to appoint the necessary clerks, etc., to carry on the city business, but their compensation was to be determined by the members sitting together. The offices of these bureaus were opened in the City Hall. E. H. Durell was appointed chairman of the Bureau of Finance, and Julian Neville of the Bureau of Streets and Landings. This form of government remained in existence down to March, 1865. It was, in fact, a mere shadow of the military power, and during the early stages of its existence had no authority other than that possessed by the committees of the council which it displaced; that is, its functions were limited to the collection of data, the formulations of recommendations, and the execution of such of its plans as acquired legal force through the approbation of the military officials. This limited power gradually extended itself. In time the bureaux acquired by common consent practically all the functions of a normal city government, but to the very end these were always exercised with the understanding that all ordinances were subject without notice to cancellation or modification by the commanding general in charge of the city.

The remaining events of Butler's administration can here be given only in outline. Most important were in connection with offenses against the military law. No distinction was made in handling men and women arrested under charges of this sort. Women were taken into custody on charges of concealing arms, singing "rebel" songs, wearing the "rebel" colors, attending or aiding the "rebel" sick, corresponding with the enemy, sending comforts to Confederate soldiers, receiving and concealing property, such as blankets, clothing, etc., intended for their use; circulating the news of "rebel" victories; receiving letters from "rebels" in arms; abusing slaves; speaking disparagingly of the commanding general or other Federal officers, etc. All of these prisoners, gentle and simple, were handled in the same way. They were marched to the Custom House under military guard, exposed to the comment of the crowd. They were there interrogated, usually by the commanding general, and the matter summarily disposed of. A few of the most notorious of these cases may be instanced. Miss Rowena Florance was arrested on a charge of concealing arms; the arms were three swords of honor which had been placed in her care by General Twiggs when he left the city prior to the advent of the Federal army. Mrs. Cohen, taken into custody for wearing red and white ribbons — ? red and white were the colors of the Confederacy — ? was remanded to a woman's prison opened by Butler on Canal Street, under the command of Captain Stafford, where she saw no white person except her jailer. Mrs. Phillip Phillips, accused of having laughed while the funeral of a Federal officer was passing her residence, was sentenced to two years' detention at Ship Island. She was released after serving a part of her sentence, but not until the state of her health became alarming.

Many prominent men were arrested on equally flimsy pretexts. Dr. Warren Stone, a distinguished philanthropist and scientist, was sent to Fort St. Philip. President Mazureau of the Southern Rights Association was imprisoned on a charge that this organization — ? which included many p284of the most respected citizens of New Orleans, and which, moreover, passed out of existence when the Federal occupied the city — ? aimed to promote its objects by intimidation and assassination. Mazureau was judge of one of the most important courts in the city; his arrest threw into confusion the whole machinery of justice. Pierre Soulé scorned to ask the nature of the offense for which he was arrested. He was imprisoned at Fort Lafayette. Many arrests were made of persons who refused to take the oath of allegiance prescribed by Butler. Many who escaped imprisonment were heavily fined. Dr. W. N. Mercer, a distinguished physician and banker, was stripped of virtually the whole of a large fortune in this way.

These cases, where not handled by Butler in person, were turned over to a military commission of five Federal officers appointed "for the trial of all high crimes and misdemeanors which by the laws of any state in the Union, or by the laws of the United States, or the law martial, are punishable with death or imprisonment for a long term of years." It was complained at the time that the members of this court were militia officers unfamiliar with the laws, military or civil, which they undertook to execute. Encouragement was given to the negroes to inform against their masters. Negroes so informing were promised their freedom. Butler was soon able to boast that by this device he had a "spy in every household." Their testimony was accepted without question in the trial of all cases. In addition, a corps of spies and detectives was maintained. Repeated instances of domiciliary visits in search of arms, doors broken down, wardrobes rifled and peaceable citizens arrested on charges of interfering with the military in the discharge of their duty, are recorded in the newspapers of the day. Several tradesmen were punished for refusing to sell to Federal soldiers. Vendors of music were arrested for having in their possession works dedicated to Southern heroes, or supposed to be of a disloyal tendency. All stores where arms were offered for sale were seized. The houses of men absent in the Confederate service were confiscated and turned over to Federal officers for their use. Butler himself took possession of the splendid home of General Twiggs. Persons who had once been in the Confederate service, though long since discharged, and persons who had sold goods to the Confederate government were liable to arrest, and in some cases suffered confiscation of property as well as terms of imprisonment. Newspapers which offended in any way were suppressed for periods more or less long.

The most sensational episode of Butler's administration was the execution of Mumford for having torn down the Federal flag at the Mint on April 27th. He was hanged on June 7, 1862, from a scaffold erected in front of the building which had been the scene of his offense. Butler's justification of the deed was that Mumford was a gambler and undesirable citizen; that it was freely said in the city that the execution would be prevented by force, if necessary; that he himself was menaced with assassination if the sentence were carried out; that mercy in the premises would have been construed only as an element of weakness, and finally, that had Mumford not been put to death, the mob would have got the upper hand in the city, temporarily at least.7 As a matter of fact, he seems to have made up his mind to hang Mumford from the moment when he first heard of his act. His remark to Farragut on p285the "Hartford" seems conclusive on this point.8 The city could not believe that Butler could inflict so dire a penalty for an offense of apparently so little importance, especially in view of the fact that it had been committed in advance of the Federal occupation of the city. A large crowd assembled in front of the Mint on the day appointed for the execution, expecting that at the last moment a reprieve would be granted. A strong detachment of infantry, with fixed bayonets, formed in a hollow square around the scaffold. The prisoner, whose calm, undaunted demeanor extorted the admiration even of his enemies, arrived handcuffed in an ambulance. Mumford was a handsome man of about 42 years of age. On this occasion he wore a suit of white clothes. He ascended the scaffold with a firm, unfaltering step. There he engaged in conversation for a few moments with a clergyman who had been permitted to attend. Stafford, who held a commission as captain in a negro regiment, then read the sentence in a loud voice. Mumford made a brief address, acknowledging and justifying his offense. A deep groan ascended from the multitude as the drop fell. Stafford ordered the drums to beat. The crowd then dispersed in silence.

Butler's relations with the business men of New Orleans would supply material for a long and curious chapter. It will be remembered that the banks suspended specie payments some time before the Federals attacked the city and thereafter issued only Confederate notes. On May 27th Butler outlawed these notes. This action, though intended to hurt the banks, did not really accomplish this end, but recoiled upon the population in general. The banks had means to dispose of the notes without serious loss. They were permitted to send agents into the Confederacy under safeguards from Butler, sometimes to settle their balances with the banks there, and at other times to solicit the return of specie, etc.; in this way it was easily possible for them to dispose of their Confederate money. No such recourse, however, was open to the ordinary citizen, who was left with whatever sums he had been unable to exchange for articles of permanent value.

In May Butler called before him the presidents of all the New Orleans banks and accused them of having connived at the destruction of the 15,000 bales of cotton, burned just previous to the arrival of the Federal fleet. This cotton, he said, was a security of their creditors and should have been saved for their benefit. He also taxed them with having shipped their specie into the Confederacy. For these offenses he threatened them with death. The Citizens' Bank and the New Orleans banks had retained their specie; the former was in a position to recover it within twenty-four hours. The action of which Butler complained had been taken in September, 1861, under compulsion from the Confederate officers, who did not wish that the money should remain in New Orleans to fall into the enemy's hands. The banks therefore could only agree to send their agents into the Confederate lines and demand the return of the cash. They undertook to do this with the understanding that, if returned, the money should be placed in their vaults for the benefit of their creditors and stockholders. The Confederate authorities, however, would not consent to the proposed arrangement, except insofar as to promise that the money should be faithfully guarded and returned p286to the banks at the end of the war, or when they regained control of New Orleans. The Bank of America, however, actually recovered its specie by shipping it in barrels labeled "mess pork" from a point in Northern Louisiana, where it had been deposited.

Butler made several efforts to depreciate the notes of the banks which were not able to recover their specie. But in these he was not successful. Their currency continued to circulate on a par with that of the other banks.

Butler has been much criticized on account of the activities of his brother, A. J. Butler, who followed his distinguished relative to New Orleans. The latter, called Colonel, though he had no official connection with the army, is said to have made between one and two million dollars in less than seven months, apparently mainly in trafficking with the enemy. A series of confidential letters addressed to Secretary Chase by one of his agents in New Orleans gives details as to the manner in which these operations were carried on. Government vessels were used both on the Mississippi and on Lake Pontchartrain to deliver articles, especially salt, of which the Confederacy stood in great need, and for which large prices had been obtained. This money was then invested in cotton, which could be bought cheap in the Confederacy, but commanded large prices in New Orleans. It was believed in the army that several of the leading officers on duty in New Orleans were engaged in this business. How far Butler was involved is not exactly known, but it seems unlikely that these operations could be carried on without his knowledge and approval.9

Butler in later years took great credit for his work in New Orleans in cleaning up the streets and in feeding the poor. There seems to have been some foundation for the former boast.10 One of the reasons which were given for the suppression of the City Council was its failure to co-operate efficiently in Butler's attempt to cleanse the city. Early in June Butler appointed Colonel Thorp acting city supervisor and set 2,000 men to work, in gangs of twenty-five, all over the city. To pay these men and also to defray the expense of feeding the dependent poor, he levied two assessments upon the richer classes of the city, the first in August, the second in December. His victims were particularly the cotton factors who six months before the advent of the Federals had signed a circular letter addressed to the cotton planters of the state, advising them not to ship the staple into New Orleans. Butler tried to have these men issue another circular, urging upon the planters a precisely contrary course; but only one man would consent to sign it. The remainder were now assessed in varying sums. The other class which Butler taxed was the subscribers to the city bond issue of February, 1862. They were assessed 25 percent of the amount of that load which they had underwritten. From these two sources an amount in excess of $300,000 was collected. The assessments were promptly paid, as the alternative was arrest and imprisonment at hard labor. In December the assessment was repeated, so that these unfortunate individuals were required to pay, in all, 50 percent of their subscriptions. One man had to pay $100,000, another $75,000, and several from $20,000 to $25,000.'+BadF+'from $25,000 to $20,000'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,150)" onMouseOut="nd();"> p287This, in addition to the loss of the original investment, for the city was never in a position to take up its bonds.

Another assessment was levied upon those merchants who had profited by blockade-running previous to Butler's arrival. The opportune capture of the "Fox," on May 10, 1862, put in Butler's hand letters and business papers which enabled him to identify several of the firms engaged in this business. He compelled them to choose between imprisonment and the payment of such sums as in his judgment the profits from their business justified. The houses thus attacked employed attorneys; an effort was made to convince Butler that his action was extra-legal, the property involved having been placed outside of the jurisdiction of the United States, and the business of blockade running having a recognize status in international law; but without avail. Among the citizens who were compelled to contribute to Butler's war chest were P. H. Kennedy & Co., who paid over $7,000; Avendano Brothers, $25,000; Mr. Wogan, $19,000; Mr. Plaisan, $11,000, and a number of other smaller sums.

These operations ultimately brought Butler into collision with the foreign consuls. Soon after his arrival he learned that $800,000 had been deposited with the Dutch consul, Couturié, by the Citizens' Bank. The sum was in specie and intended to cover the interest on certain bonds of the State of Louisiana owned by Hope & Co., brokers, of Amsterdam. Butler refused to credit the statement of the bankers as to the destination of this money. He sent an officer and a file of soldiers to the consulate, where they seized and searched the person of the consul, took his keys from his pocket and removed the money from his vault to the Custom House. Couturié thereupon struck his consular ensign and forwarded a statement of the incident to his ambassador in Washington. Seward, of course, disavowed the act, and the money was ultimately restored.

Another somewhat similar seizure was contemplated in the French consulate, but the soldiers sent to effect it were greeted at the door by De Clouet, commander of the French frigate "Milan," then in port, who forbade them to enter. Butler was thus unable to put hands on the cash stored at the consulate, but required the consul to agree to retain the money on deposit until its ownership could be settled in Washington by conversations between the French minister and the American Department of State.

Still another case was an attempted seizure of sugar purchased by certain foreign residents of New Orleans on their own account in the regular course of trade previous to the capture of the city. Butler believed that the transaction was intended to furnish to the Confederate authorities in Europe money with which to buy arms, etc. The consuls made an energetic protest against the projected seizure. These cases were taken up, with many others, by Reverdy Johnson, a commissioner sent from Washington to New Orleans for the purpose, and were decided adversely to Butler.

The complaints which reached Washington regarding Butler's conduct in these instances, and especially with reference to Order No. 28, finally determined the administration to remove him from the command of the Department of the Gulf.11 Gen. N. P. Banks, who was selected p288as his successor, arrived in New Orleans on December 14, 1862. On December 15th Butler issued a farewell order to his troops, and on the 16th he formally surrendered the command to Banks. He did not depart at once, but lingered in the city till the 24th, and then sailed for New York. He left behind an address to the people of New Orleans, which was thoroughly in accord with his previous official utterances. In it he dwelt on the evils of slavery and its disastrous effects upon the slave-owning population of the South and reiterated a favorite theory that the war was "a war of the aristocrats against the middling man, — ? of the rich against the poor — ? a war of the landowner against the laborer." This was Butler's idea of adding insult to injury.12

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Chapter XVIII

It was part of President Lincoln's general policy to restore the civil government as soon as possible in Louisiana. A beginning was made early in the Butler regime, when elections were held for congressmen and B. F. Flanders and Michael Hahn were elected and took their seats in the House of Representatives. Union sentiment, which soon found expression in the guise of associations, was very weak and entirely dependent on the army. It came at first largely, though not exclusively, from the lower class of the white population. Two distinct and in some respects antagonistic parties speedily developed in its ranks. The first cherished the theory that the constitution of 1852 had been abrogated by the constitution of 1864 and that the latter instrument was illegal and without force. The State of Louisiana was, therefore, at this moment without a basic law. In order to proceed to the organization of a civil government and the election of officers thereunder the first necessary thing was to call a constitutional convention and create a new state constitution.

The other party held the view that the secession of Louisiana had merely suspended the constitution of 1852, which automatically came back into force when the Federal troops occupied New Orleans. There was consequently no need of a convention or of a new constitution; all that was requisite the reinstitute a civil government was permission from the military officials to proceed to an election of state officers.

The vital difference between the two factions, however, was the matter of slavery. The former, in advocating a constitutional convention, aimed to secure the abolition of slavery in the whole state, and looked to the proposed new constitution as the least embarrassing and most certain way of accomplishing their purpose. The idea was set forth by one of its leaders in the following words: "We cannot reorganize the civil government of our city and still less of our state and get rid of the fearful incubus of martial law now pressing down our energies by its arbitrary influence unless we believe, give utterance to and establish the fundamental principle of our national government: 'all men are created free and equal.' We know of no better way to effect this than by calling a convention as soon as possible, to declare the simple fact that Louisiana is now and will forever be a free state." These principles secured the name of Free State for the party.

The other, or Conservative, party, was headed by such men as Bradish Johnson, Thomas Cottman and E. E. Methiot, and was composed largely of planters. They professed to be as loyal to the Union as the Free State party, but did not wish to jeopardize slavery as an institution and believed that the constitution of 1852 should be revived with all of its slavery provisions. They contended that Lincoln's emancipation proclamation was merely a war measure, and that inasmuch as within the Federal lines slavery, as such, had not been abolished, there was ground to expect that it would be restored at the close of hostilities. If not so reinstated, they thought that loyal citizens would be compensated for their slaves through due process of law.

p290 Both parties tried to carry out their plans simultaneously, and both failed. The Conservative party was not large, received no encouragement from President Lincoln and was officially opposed by General Shepley, who, having been in June, 1862 relieved as acting mayor of New Orleans, was now military governor of the state. The Free State party plan was approved by President Lincoln, but failed to achieve the results which he hoped from it. In May, 1863, a committee representing this party was formed under the presidency of Thomas J. Durant and proceeded to publish elaborate rules for the registration of voters as a preliminary to the election of delegates to the constitutional convention which it was proposed to hold. It was expected that matters would be in readiness for an election on January 25, 1864. The convention would meet later and in a more or less future time elections for state officers might be expected to take place.

President Lincoln was not satisfied with the prospect of so considerable a delay and directed General Banks to take steps to hasten the installation of the civil government. The latter therefore issued a proclamation on January 11, 1864, in which he directed that elections for state officials be held on the 22nd of the following month. He took occasion incidentally to settle two vexed questions, first, by ordering that a convention be held to revise the state constitution and that delegates thereto elected on the first Monday in April, 1864; and, secondly, by putting in force in the interim the constitution of 1852, except "so much of said constitution" as concerned slavery, "which, as being inconsistent with the present condition of public affairs and plainly inapplicable to any class of persons now existing" within the limits of the state, "must be suspended."1 The Free State party promptly protested at these adverse decisions, but they determined to take part in the election, in view of the great influence which the new governor might be expected to exert over the constitutional convention when it should meet.

The campaign which followed was made interesting mainly by the contentions which developed between various factions in the Free State party. The party convention split on purely personal grounds. Two candidates for governor were nominated. Hahn was the candidate of those who found themselves in accord with Banks' announced policies. Those who did not agree with Banks favored B. F. Flanders, whom they proceeded to nominate. The Conservatives named J. Q. A. Fellows on a platform supporting "the constitution and the Union with the preservation of the rights of all inviolate." General Banks, in an order issued on February 13th, stated: "Every free white male twenty-one years of age who has been a resident of the state twelve months, and six months in the parish in which he offers to vote, who is a citizen of the United States, and who shall have taken the oath prescribed by the President in his proclamation of the 8th December, 1863, shall have the right to vote." The election took place on February 22nd and resulted in the election of Hahn. Only a relatively small part of the state figured in the election. The population of the state was approximately 700,000, of which total over 575,000 still remained outside of the Federal lines. In New Orleans the vote for governor was: Hahn, 3,625; Flanders, 1,007; Fellows, 1,139.

The state officials were inducted into office on April 3, 1864. The new government was only nominally a civil one. In reality it depended p291absolutely upon the military power and its officials held their posts subject to the will of the commanding general.2

The election of delegates to the constitutional convention took place on March 28th. It was influenced by local and personal issues rather than by the greater issues which clamored for settlement. In fact, the abolition of slavery was a foregone conclusion, except insofar as the matter of compensation for "loyal owners" was concerned. The convention met in New Orleans on April 6th in a "Liberty Hall" specially fitted up in the City Hall for its use at an expense of $10,000. E. H. Durell was elected president. One hundred and fifty delegates representing forty-eight parishes would have constituted a convention; as a matter of fact, only ninety-eight delegates representing nineteen parishes took part. The convention was in session seventy-eight days, adjourning on July 25th. The session was more picturesque than orderly. A free bar was maintained at an outlay of $120 per day, which the members patronized extensively. At a time when the taxpayers were supposed to be "groaning under the burden of taxation" — ? to quote one of the eloquent speakers who addressed the convention — ? $1,000 was distributed among the chaplains who officiated at various times before the convention, $4,304.25 was spent for carriage hire, $8,111 for stationery and $150 for a pen case to be presented to General Banks. The constitution as finally adopted was a short document, different in comparatively few respects from the state constitution of 1852. Slavery in name and in fact was abolished throughout the state. It was made the duty of the State Legislature to create a free school system for blacks as well as whites. The franchise was given to white males twenty-one years and over. But the State Legislature was empowered to extend the suffrage whenever it deemed advisable to "such other persons as by military service, taxation to support the government or intellectual fitness" might seem to deserve it. This last provision was intended to open the way to extend the franchise to the negroes.

The influence of New Orleans in the convention was paramount. Some of the ablest and most respected men of the city were members, and in a body largely composed of men now for the first time called to public life, it was natural that these older, more experienced individuals should exercise a predominant influence. New Orleans was made the capital of the state, and in apportioning the membership of the State Legislature, care was taken to base representation, not upon the total population, as hitherto, but upon the number of voters. This insured to the city a controlling influence in south affairs. Those who had taken part in the secession movement were not entirely disenfranchised; they might come into the fold whenever they were prepared to take the oath of allegiance to the government of the United States.3

Before adjourning the convention adopted a resolution which was destined to have the most serious and sinister consequences for the state and for the City of New Orleans. This resolution stipulated that "when this convention adjourns it shall be at the call of the President, whose duty it shall be to reconvoke the convention for any cause, or in p292case the constitution should not be ratified, for the purpose of taking such measures as may be necessary for the formation of a civil government for the State of Louisiana." But if, on the other hand, the constitution was really ratified by the people, then the Legislature might, at its option, reconvoke the convention "for the purpose of making amendments or additions to the constitution that may, in the opinion of the Legislature, require a reassembling of the convention."4 This resolution was not passed without opposition. One member at least, Judge Abell, was clear-sighted enough to foresee the dangers which its adoption implied. He argued that the convention had accomplished its mission and should adjourn sine die. If the constitution failed of ratification, then the convention could no longer claim to represent the people of the state, and should properly give place to a new body, more in accord with their ideas. He was, however, voted down almost unanimously,

The constitution was adopted at an election held September 5th. In New Orleans the vote for it was 4,664 and against it 789. At the same time a State Legislature was chosen, and five members of Congress were elected. Theoretically a civil government had now been established. Only about one-quarter of Louisiana was actually under control of this government. However, the Civil war was rapidly drawing to an end. Early in 1865 the collapse of the Confederacy brought the remainder of the state under the jurisdiction of the reorganized state government. The effect upon the city was more immediate, as leading within the next few months to the appointment to the mayoralty of a man whose credentials emanated, not from the military authority, but from the new civil government of the state.

Steps had already been taken to reconstitute one important part of the city government. Early in the Butler regime a kind of judiciary had been established. It will be recalled that when the Federal troops occupied New Orleans the existing judicial system was swept away and matters which, under ordinary circumstances would have been the basis of litigation, were dealt with directly by the commanding general. A little later these questions were handed over to officers, and in some instances civilians specially designated to inquire into each individual case, and the decisions reached by these persons were enforced by the military authority. This justice, however, though better than none, was arbitrary and uncertain; there was need for something in the nature of courts properly so styled; a want which was met by detailing certain officers to have cognizance of certain subjects, and to handle all matters connected therewith. Of this character was the Provost Court created in June, 1862. Though intended originally to have jurisdiction only in matters relative to the army, its power was gradually extended to cover causes in no way connected with the officers and men of the army of occupation. Before the end of the summer this court had acquired jurisdiction in all criminal matters throughout the city.

In August, General Shepley, on taking charge of the governorship of the state, took up the problem of the judiciary. He soon found that it would be necessary to create what were, in effect, new courts. They bore the names of earlier institutions, but as they derived their authority, not from the civil arm, but from the military, they rested upon a foundation p293totally different from that of the court of pre-war time. Among these the first to be called into existence was the Second District Court of the Parish of New Orleans, of which John S. Whittaker was appointed judge. The Sixth District Court was also reconstituted, with Rufus K. Howell as judge. Howell, who was a consistent Unionist, had filled this post before the war under a commission from the State of Louisiana, and had kept his seat on the bench under the Confederacy. It was now held that his commission was still valid. The Fourth District Court was also established within a few weeks of the occupation of the city, and Judge Heinstand was put in charge of it. These courts all entered upon the exercise of their functions about November 1, 1862. Their business was limited to civil suits; criminal cases continued to be handled by Judge Bell in the Provost Court.

In December President Lincoln created a Provisional Court for Louisiana, with powers which were probably more extensive than ever before enjoyed by a court appointed by a civil power. It had the right "to try and determine all causes, civil and criminal, including causes in law, equity, revenue and admiralty." Moreover, as all the laws hitherto existing in Louisiana had been swept away by the process of the war, the court was left, to a very large extent, to fix the code by which its procedure should be regulated. Charles A. Peabody was appointed judge of this remarkable tribunal. With the other officials of the court he arrived in New Orleans on December 15th. In April, 1863, the necessity of a court of appeal was recognized by the separation of such functions from the Provisional Court, and the formation of a Supreme Court, with Judge Peabody as chief justice. Two associate justices were appointed to work with him. Seven months later the First District Court of the Parish of Orleans, with general criminal jurisdiction, was opened, and two recorders' courts were organized. These courts relieved the Provost Court of all of its business save such as fell strictly within its province as a military tribunal. Finally, towards the close of the year, the Second District Court was instituted as a court of probate. All of these courts, with the exception of the Provisional Court, as creations of the military power, had no written constitutions or orders defining their powers, other than that of the commanding general designating certain persons to be judges therein. The Provisional Court, however, possessed a written constitution in the form of the order signed by President Lincoln.5

Gen. Godfrey Weitzel

The municipal government was carried on by officers of the army detailed as acting mayors under orders from the commanding general. It must be said that the men chosen for the post were, at first, those whom previous training or experience seemed to qualify for the place. Shepley, for example, the first incumbent, had been a practicing attorney at Portland, Maine, and had served a term as attorney general of his state. During the war he became colonel of the Twelfth Maine Volunteers and commanded one of the first brigades that entered New Orleans with Butler. After retiring from the mayoralty he served as acting governor of the state, until Governor Hahn's inauguration, when he returned to his regiment. Subsequently he was appointed military governor of Richmond, Va. Shepley was succeeded as acting mayor of New Orleans by Lieutenant Godfrey Weitzel, a graduate of the United p294States Military Academy,a who accompanied Butler as chief of engineers. He remained at the head of the municipality a little more than a month and was then relieved to take command of the Federal troops operating in Lafourche, with the rank of brigadier-general. Capt. J. H. French, Butler's provost marshal, who followed Weitzel as acting mayor, served an equally short space of time. H. C. Deming, colonel of the Twelfth Connecticut Volunteer Infantry, served as mayor from September to November, 1862. Deming was also a lawyer. He was a graduate of Yale University, had been mayor of Hartford and served several terms in the Massachusetts Legislature. He subsequently resigned from the army, returned to Connecticut, was elected to Congress and spent a large part of his time in literary and journalistic employments. Deming is remembered in New Orleans in connection with Butler's notorious "woman order." He was walking with Farragut in full uniform through the streets of the city, when some unknown person, presumably a woman, emptied a can of dirty water over the two officers. It was this offense which, among others, led Butler to issue that order. It is not necessary to dwell upon the administrations of these various officers. Their functions were purely clerical and advisory. Their terms were too brief to permit of the development of any definite policy for the same reason they were able to undertake no works of permanent improvement.

Capt. J. F. Miller was appointed acting mayor in November, 1862, and served as such until July, 1864. His successor was Capt. Stephen Hoyt, an officer of volunteers, whose home was in the western part of the United States. He returned thither at the end of his term. Hoyt did not understand or like New Orleans. He seems to have identified himself completely with the movement for the equalization of the white and colored races. One of his most important public acts was to assist p295at the great negro mass meeting held in Congo Square on May 11, 1864, in honor of the adoption by the constitutional convention of the article abolishing slavery. Under Hoyt the city finances were reduced to the lowest possible ebb. Public buildings fell into disrepair. Widespread and alarming pauperism developed among the people. There was no trade of any importance. The mayor's prominence in the negro movement gave rise to an impression among the laboring classes that they were "to be relieved of all their burdens and that indolence and sloth would be maintained at the public cost." Hoyt, himself, in relinquishing the mayoralty, said that there had not been a time during his entire administration when he would not have gladly retired, so impossible had he found the task of controlling the incompetence and dishonesty which existed in the city government.6

Governor Hahn resigned in March, 1865, and was succeeded by the lieutenant governor, J. Madison Wells. Wells took an interest in the city and seems to have been sincerely anxious to see the municipal government improved. Accordingly, shortly after his inauguration he called on Dr. Hu. Kennedy and asked him to accept the mayoralty. Kennedy, according to the Picayune, had been "long and deeply identified with the city, and had always sustained a high character for moral firmness, courage and energy."7 He had formerly been editor of the True Delta, a newspaper which, before the war, had enjoyed a large circulation and considerable influence in the city. He and Wells were strangers at the time of the latter's visit. The situation in the city was perplexing and alarming, and there was need of a resolute and capable man at the head of the municipality. Kennedy expressed his willingness to accept the appointment, and the matter was then taken up by Wells with the military authority. General Hurlburt, who was at this time in command of the city, declared that he "had but one object in view, to bring order out of chaos, by restoring the finances to a more creditable condition, to reform politics, retrenchment and the removal of incompetent servants." He assured Kennedy that if respectable citizens could not be found to the according to charge of the local government, the national authorities would be compelled to do so.

Wells at first contemplated calling a committee of prominent men together to endorse Kennedy's candidacy, but subsequently abandoned this plan. On March 21st Kennedy was appointed mayor of the city. The order making the appointment was issued by Wells, but was approved by Hurlburt. It was nevertheless hailed as a long step towards the restoration of self-government in New Orleans. The fact that the new mayor held his place by virtue of the action of the civil arm, as distinguished from the military, was, as one of the local papers said, "a bloodless revolution."8

Kennedy seems to have taken seriously Hurlburt's assurance regarding the need for reform and set himself at once to check the wasteful administration which made of the city government at that time a scandal and a nuisance. His first act was to reduce the salary attaching to his own office. Hoyt had drawn $5,000, with allowances for "carriage hire" and "secret police," which brought his stipend up to $9,820 per annum. p296These extra appropriations were shorn from the mayor's account. On entering the mayor's office, Kennedy found it filled with useless employees. Some of them were dismissed, with a resulting economy of $2,160 per annum. Others had their salaries reduced. The mayor's secretary, for instance, was drawing $4,800 per annum, of which $1,800 was paid him for acting as secretary of the School Board, and $600 as secretary of the Police Board. The former met but once a month; the latter had never held a meeting. These additional fees were accordingly suppressed. Kennedy contemplated further reductions in the mayor's office; all that were needed efficiently to carry on the clerical work of the department were the secretary and two clerks. Had he been permitted to carry out his plans, the savings to the city from his reforms would have aggregated $4,000 per annum here alone.9

But it soon became apparent that the proper administration of the city could not be secured with the existing organization of the two Bureaus of Finance and Streets and Landings. Kennedy did not hesitate to undertake to reform them also. At that time the Bureau of Finance was composed of Messrs. Abbatt and Estlin. They were removed, and Messrs. Burke and Davis were put in their places. Glendy Burke, who was a distinguished merchant and philanthropist, was on March 28th designated to be chairman of this important department of the city government, with the understanding that he should take up his duties on May 1st. The three members of the Bureau of Streets and Landings were Dewees, Campbell and Ross. The two latter were dismissed from office. In their place was put Dr. E. Ames, who had been a member of the bureau in Butler's time and had resigned from it after serving with credit. Subsequently he had figured as vice president of the state executive committee of the Conservative party.

The next step was to reduce the salaries of the register of voters and the coroner. The former was drawing $6,000; he was reduced to $3,000. The coroner's salary was $9,000; it was cut to $6,000, which figure was also to include the charges and costs connected with his office. Kennedy found in the office of the city assessor twelve clerks, one of whom frankly confessed never having made an assessment or performed any other official act than to sign the payroll once a month. This hard-working official was receiving $2,100 per annum. He and five others were discharged. Kennedy was only restrained from making still further reductions in this department by the fear that the too drastic curtailment of the clerical force at this time might cause confusion in the city business, but he announced his intention of still further revising the list of employees here within a short time.

A reformation of the police department followed. Mayor Kennedy reduced the number of policemen from 450 to 400, apparently without affecting their efficiency, if an increase in the number of arrests is any criterion. Several officers were stripped of their commissions. Kennedy did not believe that they could properly attend to their duties and at the same time serve as members of the State Legislature, which was the situation when he became mayor. Three lieutenants were removed summarily, one because he was under indictment for robbery. In selecting the successors of these officers, Kennedy was careful to fortify himself with the approval of the commanding general, or that of leading citizens p297of the city. One of his new appointees, John Burke, who was later on promoted to the headship of the department, had previously served as captain of the city police force of the provost marshal general. A man named Kavanagh was named chief of police. Kavanagh was recommended by Governor Wells, but does not seem to have been a very fortunate choice. Kennedy claimed that his retrenchments in the police department alone amounted to $40,000 per annum.

There was, naturally, much complaint from the dismissed officials. One of the deposed assessors, Dr. Ready, carried his grievance to General Hurlburt. To him, as to the other critics, the general at first paid no heed; but as it began to be said that Kennedy was displacing Union men and putting in their places persons unfriendly to the United States, Hurlburt became alarmed, lost faith in the good intentions of the mayor and finally on May 5th issued an order removing him from office. There does not seem to have been any ground for any of these allegations. As a matter of fact, Kennedy seems to have been scrupulously careful to appoint to office only men whose loyalty to the national government could not be questioned. Burke and Davis, who had been put on the Bureau of Finance, had never had any connection with the Confederacy and had taken the oath of allegiance under Butler. On the other hand, Abbatt and Estlin, whom Kennedy cashiered, were former Confederate officers. The former had served as a member of a Confederate militia organization, while Estlin had been an aide to General Lovell and was on duty in New Orleans on the day when the Federal fleet arrived before the city. Campbell and Ross, dropped from the Bureau of Streets and Landings, were known to be Confederate sympathizers. Hurlburt, however, was not interested in the facts of the case; it was necessary for him to keep his official skirts clear, and the easiest way was to dispense with Kennedy and put at the head of the municipality some one regarding whom there could be no possibility of suspicion.

Col. S. M. Quincey was chosen to succeed Kennedy as mayor. He was colonel of the Seventy-third United States Colored Infantry and had previously served as president of the Board of Examiners for applicants for commissions in the colored regiments which Butler undertook to recruit for service in the United States army. His antecedents, therefore, did not recommend him to that element in the population which the commanding general regarded as untrustworthy. In the few short weeks over which his administration lasted Quincey showed himself the pliant tool of those who were working to perpetuate the conditions in the city which made its government a by-word throughout the nation. He promptly restored to office the street commissioner, Purcell, whom Kennedy had removed. Abbatt was restored to the chairmanship of the Bureau of Finance. Stoddart Howell was appointed comptroller of the city. Fortunately his efforts to revive the old regime were interrupted by the arrival of General Canby, appointed to the command of the Department of the Gulf. Canby reached the city on June 3rd, and among his first acts was to order Quincey to suspend his activities. On June 9th Quincey was retired and Kennedy restored to the mayoralty. Canby explained his action on the ground that Wells, as civil governor, had appointed Kennedy and that the military had no authority to cancel an appointment of that nature; the removal of Kennedy was, therefore, illegal, and he was entitled to resume his office. The satisfaction which this course occasioned in the city was due as much to p298gratification over the recognition of the civil power as pleasure at the prospect of a continuation of the economical administration which Kennedy had inaugurated. "The hypocrites and demagogues who have lately been attempting to procure for themselves and their pensioned supporters the drippings of the treasury, in order to keep alive their spoil-born and nurtured parties and factions," said the Picayune in an editorial congratulating the city upon the restoration of the mayor, "may now rest assured that venality will no longer be permitted to take the place of true loyalty and patriotism."10

Mayor Kennedy was absent in Washington, D. C., when the order was issued replacing him at the head of the administration. Glendy Burke, who was likewise reinstated as chairman of the Bureau of Finance, took charge as acting mayor. He immediately removed Kavanagh as chief of police and reinstated a number of police officials whom Quincey had removed. Lieutenant John Burke was designated as acting chief of the department. He was ordered to clear his office of the parasitic lawyers, bond hawkers and hangers-on who notoriously had infested it under his predecessor. A commission was also appointed to investigate the traffic in "immunities" which had grown up between the police and the gamblers and blacklegs who flourished in numbers in the city. This commission eventually made a report which led to some reform. In the latter part of August the mayor collected a large number of affidavits of persons who had been blackmailed by the police. A favorite practice was to release persons arrested on minor charges in consideration of the payment of a fee for doing so. As a result of these exposures there were extensive changes in the force, but on the whole the morale of the police continued low.

The remaining events of Kennedy's administration may be briefly indicated.

The mayor favored the construction of new street railroads, and steps were taken to sell the franchises for the construction of such on Levee Street, up to Toledano, and on Rampart Street, from Canal to Eighth Street. Steps were also taken to lease the city wharves. It was ascertained that to repair the wharves would require at least $250,000. The city was without funds to undertake so extensive a work. It was therefore deemed wiser to leave them to private parties, who not only obliged themselves to fit the wharves for the use of the river steamers, but undertook to pay the city $50,000 per annum during the period of ten years over which the contract ran. This transaction was regarded as very advantageous for the city. Another important step was the establishment of a school board of twenty-four members. This was done under an ordinance passed August 26, 1865. The sum of $250,000 was appropriated for the support of the schools. In establishing the system of public education which this board was expected to bring into existence, the council required that the "teachers should be by preference graduates of our public schools."

Mayor Kennedy likewise interested himself in having the New Orleans & Opelousas and the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern railroads turned back by the military authorities to their stockholders. These roads had been seized by Butler in 1862 and operated every since under military control. Prior to this seizure they had been profitable p299businesses, the Jackson road having paid as high as $5,000,000 per annum. Under military management these earnings had disappeared, and the properties were heavily in debt. The city had an interest in both corporations. It owned one-half of the capital stock of the Opelousas road, and somewhat more than that in the Jackson road. It was therefore to the advantage of the municipality to see that the properties were released from its present control. Kennedy dispatched a commissioner to Washington to confer with President Johnson. Thomas Cottman, who was entrusted with the negotiations, was entirely successful as far as Johnson was concerned. The President not only approved, but took occasion to say some very warmly sympathetic words with regard to the situation in Louisiana. He made but one condition relative to the roads — ? that the ante-bellum boards of directors should not be entrusted with the management, but should be replaced by new boards, composed of men of standing who were known to be well affected towards the government of the United States.

Kennedy thereupon proceeded to appoint new boards. The old officials of the Opelousas Railroad loyally accepted the situation, but certain parties in New Orleans, and certain others in Mississippi, combined to obtain control of the Jackson road, and it was not till after a long and costly struggle, extending over more than a year, that the city was finally able to have recognized its right to vote in the elections. In that year, however, an election was called at which the city used its obvious right to dictate the composition of the board of directors. Nor were the railroads surrendered by the military officials without a struggle. They required the new board of the Opelousas road to agree to release them from all financial responsibility for any act committed during the time during which the property had been in their hands. In the case of the Jackson road, the litigation between the city and the parties who laid claim to it made such conditions unnecessary at the moment. This road had for some time been operated only for a few miles out of the city. By the middle of the summer of 1865, however, its service was extended to Summit, Miss., and a few months later trains were run regularly to Jackson, Miss., where connections were made for the north and east. The benefit to the city of this revival of rail traffic with those rich and populous centers is obvious.

The time now seemed at hand when an election for city officials might be safely held. Four years had elapsed since the people of New Orleans had had an opportunity to express at the polls their will with regard to their governors. Butler's order establishing the bureau system had been intended as a mere temporary expedient, not to outlast the state of war. The local newspapers in November reminded everybody that the city charter was still in existence. Butler had recognized it. He had not abrogated this fundamental law, but merely changed the character of the administration. In the military order creating the existing system the bureaux had been expressly directed to conform their acts to that charter. Hence, all that was necessary was permission from the military authorities to proceed to an election. That this permission was now about to be given seemed clear when in February, 1866, General Canby issued instructions to the city bureaux not to alienate the city p300property beyond a time when the municipal government could be reconstructed.

The Legislature which met in New Orleans in November, 1865, failed to take any action with regard to an election in the city; but that which assembled in January, 1866, took up this important matter almost immediately. The project, however, became involved in the general question of state politics, and particularly with a growing opposition to Governor Wells. A bill was passed directing that an election should be held in New Orleans for the full list of officials authorized by the city charter, but fixing March 12th as the date therefor; which was somewhat earlier than the day provided for in that instrument. On February 9th Governor Wells vetoed this bill, on the ground that the necessity for anticipating the time for the election was not apparent. He also favored postponing the election until he could be invested with power to see the laws on the subject were faithfully executed. To this end he recommended that the city charter be amended and the registry of voters and the election laws in general in the Parish of Orleans be revised. The bill was, however, passed over the veto. In the preamble to this act occurred the following language: "The present incumbents hold commissions of a temporary nature, granted only for the purposes of the time being, [. . .] it is eminently proper that the municipal government of said city should be again committed to the people, under and in accordance with the charter of said city." The city charter, however, was amended in the direction desired by the governor. The qualifications for voting were made contingent upon the production of the amnesty oaths required in the Presidential proclamations either of December 8, 1863, or of May 29, 1865. It was understood that all those who were excluded for any reason from the benefit of the amnesty oaths would not be permitted to vote unless specially pardoned by the President.

Under these circumstances, Wells consented to issue his proclamation fixing March 12th as the day for the election in New Orleans for mayor, comptroller, street commissioner, recorder, nine aldermen and fifteen assistant aldermen.

The campaign was interesting especially because it witnessed the appearance of the National Democratic and of the Democratic Conservative parties. They were organized in the autumn of the previous year. The former was a reincarnation of the Conservative party, and, like it, held as a cardinal principle the validity of the state constitution of 1852 and consequently the illegality of the constitution of 1864. The latter was also opposed to the existing constitution, but favored calling a convention with a view to making a new constitution. There were also in the city three other parties, one of which, the Radical Republicans, advocated a new constitution also, but one which would extend the suffrage to the negroes. The National Conservative Union party recognized the constitution of 1864 as valid, and was therefore opposed to calling another constitutional convention, but it was opposed to the extension of the franchise to the colored population. This latter party supported Wells for re-election. Finally, there was the Democratic party, which was led by ex-Governor R. C. Wickliffe and was affiliated with the national p301party of that name. It held, among other essential doctrines, that "this is a government of white people, made by and to be perpetuated for the exclusive benefit of the white race; [. . .] that people of African descent cannot be considered as citizens of the United States, and that there can, in no event, nor under any circumstances, be any equality between the white and other races." It also held that the constitution of 1864, although "the creation of fraud, violence and corruption," was the de facto law of the state. The party recognized it as "the existing government," but recommended "the calling of a convention of the people of the state at the earliest practicable period, for the purpose of adopting a constitution expressing the will of the entire people of the state." There was thus no essential difference between the National Conservative Union party and the Democrats, and it was not surprising, therefore, that they had the same candidate for governor.

In the city campaign these different political groups rallied around one or the other of two tickets. The National Union convention, which met on March 7 at the Lyceum Hall, named James H. Moore for mayor, Stoddart Howell for comptroller and W. H. Bell for street commissioner. Mr. Monroe, after having been released from confinement in Fort Pickens, had returned to the state and resumed business in New Orleans. Both tickets were nominated by the old system of party caucus and district elections. It was complained that peaceful citizens and tax-payers were thus given little opportunity to influence the result. In addition to these two tickets, there were several independent candidates for mayor, among them W. L. Robinson, an auctioneer and sugar broker who for many years had been in business in New Orleans; George Purves, an architect and builder, and Cuthbert Slocumb. These men were nominated by little groups of citizens, and none of them figured seriously in the election. Robinson, who ran without party, platform or formal nomination of any sort, published a card after the result of the election became known, in which he indignantly complained that 5,000 persons had pledged themselves to support him and that only thirty-three had kept their word.

The election "was quietly conducted, there being no disturbance to speak of in any portion of the city."11 The National Union candidates for recorder in both the third and fourth districts were elected. This party was also successful in electing two aldermen and four assistant aldermen in the second and third districts. But with these exceptions the entire Democratic ticket was elected. Monroe received 3,469 votes; Moore, 3,158; Purves, 3, and Robinson, 33. The Picayune congratulated the newly elected officials in a jubilant editorial on March 14. "Mayor Monroe," it said, "had the reputation of an honest man, and the council is composed of respectable and honest citizens." It went on to urge that in taking up his labors at the City Hall, Mayor Monroe give special attention to the police and particularly enforce the laws prohibiting policemen from interfering with the conduct of elections.

Measures were immediately taken by the unsuccessful party to contest the election. They alleged that a portion of the vote cast was illegal. This contention was raised especially on behalf of the recorder who had failed of election. "It was asserted that the voters were not residents p302of the state for twelve months next preceding the election; that the new registry law was made because the former voters were not, on their return from the war, citizens of the United States; and that no one who is not a citizen of the United States can either vote or hold office. On the contrary, it was asserted that this point was not at all considered in the gubernatorial and state elections held a few months previous; that three-fourths of the 28,000 who voted in the election had been in the state only a few months preceding the election; and that should all these votes be declared illegal and their amount be subtracted from the sum total of the returns, a miserable minority would remain to manage the affairs, control the interests and manipulate the public funds of Louisiana."12 These contestants were unsuccessful.

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Chapter XIX

Although confident that he had been legally elected to the post of mayor of New Orleans, Monroe deemed it wise, in the existing circumstances, to obtain from Washington, if possible, assurances that he would be suffered to take his seat without opposition from the United States authorities in the city. He therefore wired to President Johnson, on March 16, a statement of the facts connected with the recent election. On the following day he received an answer in which the President quoted a telegram previously sent to the retiring mayor, Doctor Kennedy. This telegram said that no instructions would be given with regard to the surrender of the mayoralty; that Washington was in possession of no information which indicated that the election had not been regular, or that the individual who had been elected, might not qualify. "In the absence of such information, the presumption is, that the election has been according to law, and that the person elected can take the oath of allegiance and loyalty, if required."1

It would seem that this authorization would suffice to guarantee to Monroe undisturbed occupation of the position, but on the 18th it was intimated to him that the local military commandant, General Canby, did not propose to be governed by the presidential interpretation of the facts. Accordingly, when, on the 19th, Monroe and the other newly-elected city officials, presented themselves at the City Hall, to take possession of the administration, it was with some idea of what impended. Mayor Kennedy was not on hand, but they were received by the mayor's secretary, Mr. Bonnibel, and by the chief of police, Mr. Burke. Monroe brought with him a certificate of election issued by the Secretary of State of Louisiana, and the oath of office properly filled out and certified to. After exhibiting these credentials, he swore in the other members of the administration, and directed the aldermen to proceed immediately to organization. The aldermen withdrew to the council room. They were eight in number. Col. J. O. Nixon was promptly elected president, George Clark, president pro tem., and Alexander Walker, secretary. Committees were appointed, and then the council adjourned.

The reason for this prompt organization of the municipal legislative chamber became apparent when, an hour or two later, J. Ad Rozier, accompanied by General Canby's judge-advocate-general, appeared at the hall. They first inquired for Kennedy, but finding that he was absent, delivered their message to Monroe, whom they found at the mayor's desk. They presented a letter from Canby, enclosing an extract from Special Order No. 62, stating that, as both Monroe and Nixon came within the classes of exception mentioned in the presidential proclamation of amnesty, and neither had received a special pardon, they were "suspended from the exercise of any of the functions" of the offices to which they had been elected, "until their cases can be investigated and the pleasure of the President be made known." Canby charged that Mayor Monroe "had uttered rebellious language after the city had been p304captured by the Federal troops, and that he had refused to take the oath of allegiance." A further order was presented by which Rozier was appointed acting mayor, to serve "until the municipal government of the city is organized, as provided for in the 15th section of the city charter, in the case of the sickness or temporary absence of the mayor." This section of the charter required the boards of aldermen and assistant aldermen, acting jointly, to elect viva voce a person qualified to serve as mayor, to fill the office until a successor should be duly elected by the people. No attempt was made to interfere with the remainder of the city government. Rozier was under instruction to supervise its organization, and it was understood that as soon as this had been effected, he would hand over the reins to Alderman Clark, who, by virtue of his position as President pro tem. of the council, was entitled to succeed. This course was actually followed by Rozier, and on March 20 Clark was installed as acting mayor.

While public opinion in New Orleans cannot be said to have endorsed Canby's course, there does not seem to have been any disposition to censure him for what he did. The difficulties of his position were generally recognized. The effect of his interference with the administration, however, was unfortunate. It suspended all city business at a time when it was very desirable that no suspension should occur. The city was overrun with undesirable characters, and the delay in the appointment of a chief of police made it difficult for the city government to deal with them. The citizens were driven to take measures for their own protection. On April 28th Acting Mayor Clark instructed the police not to arrest respectable persons who might be found to be carrying concealed weapons. It was recognized that only by having arms could the people secure themselves from molestation at the hands of the reckless element which was taking advantage of the interregnum to make the thoroughfares generally unsafe. Clark later explained that he had issued this order because he distrusted the incapable and inactive police. It was, however, a situation which occasioned several awkward problems for Mayor Monroe to solve when he returned to power.

On May 15 Monroe was able to address to the Assistant Board of Aldermen a letter in which he announced that the President of the United States had revoked the military order suspending him from office. He actually took his seat on May 11. He was destined to continue in office somewhat less than a year. In this time he had opportunity to initiate little legislation of any importance. In June, 1866, the city effected a large sale of real estate. Fourteen squares of ground on the levee between St. Joseph Street and St. Louis Street, were sold for $610,000. In the month of July, the first street cars were put into operation on the St. Charles and Carondelet Street Railway, and a few weeks later the Tchoupitoulas line was also opened to traffic. The state of the city finances was deplorable. The bonded debt amounted to $9,797,000. The assessment was put at $126,574,765, on which a tax of 1.50 percent was levied. Much property had been confiscated during the Federal occupation; the city alimony had been imperfectly collected; and consequently, in order to provide for the immediate needs of the municipality, it was necessary to continue the issue of paper money in various denominations. Including the interest on the bonded debt, the expenditures of the city for the year 1866 were $4,301,060.2

p305 Mayor Monroe gave special attention to the question of policing the city. He was strongly in favor of uniforming the force. But whatever measure of reform he hoped to institute was negatived by the opposition of the police board. One of the first acts of the mayor, on resuming office, was to appoint a chief of police. T. E. Adams was selected for this difficult post. He set to work energetically, and apparently with some degree of success. But the police board was determined to get rid of him. As the streets of the city were not safe, the authorities winked at the practice of carrying arms, which persisted among the citizens, even after the emergency referred to in Clark's order on the subject had, at least partially, passed. Right-thinking persons approved of the course of the administration in the premises. But the board accused the chief of exceeding his authority by permitting the custom, and suspended him. A violent controversy followed between the board, the mayor and Adams, which was reproduced among various factions in the community. Although the mayor was finally successful in having his appointee reinstated, the incident did not help to make the police a more efficient instrument for the preservation of public order, at a moment when an event was approaching which would have tested the quality of the best-disciplined and most competent force.

It will be remembered that the Constitutional Convention of 1864, upon adjourning, left in the hands of its president, Judge Durell, power to reconvoke it whenever and for whatever cause he might deem necessary. Moreover, it passed a resolution investing its president with the right "to call upon the proper officers of the State to cause elections to be held to fill the vacancies that may exist in the convention, in the parishes where the same may be practicable." Ostensibly these extraordinary resolutions were passed in order to keep open the way to perfect a basic law for the reorganization of the civil government, in case the constitution formulated by the convention were rejected by the people. Towards the end of the spring of 1866, the radicals in Louisiana, encouraged by the attitude of the National Congress on the question of negro suffrage, determined to take advantage of these two provisions, to make an attempt to seize the State Government. They did not disguise their intention to remodel the State Constitution to suit their own purposes. Their program was at first received with derision, but as their entire seriousness became more and more clear, ridicule gave way to anger and apprehension. The popular excitement was increased by rumors that Governor Wells was championing the movement. Wells' reason for supporting the radical side has always been much of a mystery. As a matter of fact, the democratic leaders made overtures to him, and had all but gained his support, when they injudiciously suggested that this could be made financially to his advantage; and Wells, highly indignant at what he considered a reflection upon his personal probity and an attempt at bribery, cast in his lot with the opposition. The negotiations were conducted through William A. Freret, son of a former mayor of New Orleans; but the offer of the money was made through other parties. Freret, who was an old friend of the family, approached the governor as an agent of Wells' brother. Years before, the brothers had quarrelled over a business matter, and had ceased to have any intercourse with one another. Now a conciliatory message looking to a political understanding which would put the governor on the same side as his brother, in opposition to the radical element, was well received. But when Freret saw p306Wells the next time, he was amazed to hear that the governor had changed his mind. Then the story of the attempted bribe was repeated to him, and Freret felt constrained to abandon all further attempts to bring about an agreement.3

The radical plot rapidly unfolded itself. First, an attempt was made to induce Judge Durell to exercise the authority committed to him by the Convention of 1864. He declined to issue a call for the reassembly of that body. Then, on July 26, in New Orleans, 29 members of the convention elected Judge R. K. Howell, of the State Supreme Court, chairman pro tem., with a view to have him take the action that Judge Durell declined to take. Howell issued a proclamation on July 8, fixing July 30 as the date for the meeting, and Mechanics' Institute, in New Orleans, then used as the State House, as the place. Judge Edmond Abell, of the Criminal Court, himself a member of the convention, deemed it his duty to lay the matter before the Grand Jury. "Any attempt to alter the constitution in defiance of its provisions, by any body of men, unauthorized by the provisions of the constitution, or emanating directly from the people through the ballot-box, is illegal," he said, "and punishable by law." He was promptly arrested by the United States commissioner, Shannon, and held to bail on charges of sedition and treason.4

Howell then called on the governor to hold the elections described in the resolutions of the Convention of 1864 to fill vacancies in its membership, and on July 27 Wells issued a proclamation accordingly.

These proceedings were clearly illegal. In the first place, Howell could show no proper mandate. He had resigned from the Convention of 1864 before its adjournment, and could not be considered a member at this time in a sense which would entitle him to election as one of its officers. It was inconceivable that a small minority of the convention could under any circumstance choose those officers. Moreover, the convention ceased to exist when it completed its work on the constitution and adjourned; or if not then, certainly its life terminated when that the constitution had been accepted by the people. The attempt to prolong its existence by providing that it might be reconvened by its presiding officer, was a usurpation of power; but that usurped prerogative was expressly committed to one person, and that one person had refused to exercise it. Finally the contingency contemplated by the convention as justifying its re-assembly had not arisen. The constitution had not been rejected. "Then, and then only," ran the resolution, might the president of the convention call it to meet again. By its own terms the authority delegated to Durell had expired. Wells, therefore, in obeying Howell's request, was transgressing the law. It is probable that the radicals could not count upon the support of 500 white persons in the whole State. The act which they were meditating was a flagrant, overt breach of the law. In the jurisprudence of most countries it would be designated as treason, punished with death. Under the law of Louisiana, however, they risked nothing more serious than indictment and imprisonment for assisting at an unlawful assembly. As a matter of fact, about the middle of the following August, they were indicted by a Grand Jury on that charge, but they were never brought to trial.5

p307

The Mechanics' Institute

In the meantime the radicals were doing everything in their power to stir up the negro population of New Orleans against the whites. Many of them were working to strengthen their hold upon this element, hoping through it, to insure their own control of the State Government which was to be formed. Not all of them had this sinister purpose. A few were, unquestionably, sincere in their misguided enthusiasm for the emancipation of what they regarded as an oppressed and downtrodden race. But the net result of the agitation was to create a situation in which an explosion was bound to occur with the most terrible results. Early in July a negro attacked two white women in Lafayette Square, in broad daylight, drove off the elder with curses, and seizing the younger by the hand, started to drag her away, declaring that she must become his wife; that whites and negroes were now equal, and that he had money enough to afford the luxury of marriage with a white woman. Screams brought assistance; the brute was arrested, taken to jail, and held in $1,000 bail for trial on a charge of attempted rape. Similar scenes were reported from time to time. It became impossible for even the most respected citizens to pass through certain parts of the city without being hooted at, cursed, and denounced in the most offensive terms as " rebels."6 Finally, a great meeting of negroes held in front of the Mechanics' Institute, on the night of July 27, was addressed by fiery orators, white and black, forecasting to the excited audience the golden age which was about to dawn through the medium of the p308approaching meeting of the convention, and of the new constitution to be made for the State. Hawkins, Henderson, Hahn, and Dostie were the principal speakers. The latter was especially violent in his denunciation of the whites who had fought against the Union. He declared that, unless the rights of "his colored brothers" were conceded, the streets of New Orleans "would run with rebel blood." He urged his dusky hearers to be present on Monday, the meeting-day of the convention, "in their might," and resist with arms any attempt to interfere with that body.7 It can easily be imagined with what demonstrations of approval these inflammatory words were received. Trouble might have followed, but fortunately a large detail of police was on hand, which was successful in maintaining peace.

After the meeting a procession of negroes was formed with torches and flags, which moved through the principal streets. Arriving at the City Hall, further harangues were made by Dostie and another speaker, whose name was not learned. Many of the negroes carried loaded canes and bludgeons. Dostie advised them to kill any white man who might molest them. While the procession was passing through Canal Street, several negroes entered Lopez's confectionery shop, and attacked and slightly wounded two young white men employed there; but this was the only incident of the kind connected with the parade. Later that night, however, a serious affray occurred at the Poydras market between the police and some negroes, in which one policeman and two negroes were shot.

On the night of the 27th, also, in the hall in the Mechanics' Institute which was being prepared for the use of the convention on the 30th, a meeting of the more intelligent section of the radical party in New Orleans took place. Ex-Governor Hahn presided. Speeches were made by Hahn, Field, Waples, and other prominent members of the party. The resolutions which were adopted recited that the seventy-five thousand colored citizens of Louisiana qualified to vote but disenfranchised on account of color, might justly claim from the State the right to participate in the government; that they approved of the proposed reassembling of the Constitutional Convention; and that thanks were due to Congress for the firm stand taken by it in the matter of reconstruction, and for the "encouragement given to the friends of the National Government in the recently rebel states, to remodel their fundamental laws in accordance with the principles enumerated in the Declaration of Independence;" gratitude was likewise expressed to the military authorities "for the security afforded by their protection and for the additional guaranty of impartial justice contained in their recent orders; a guaranty unfortunately made necessary until the full reestablishment of the civil law, by the malice of our defeated and disappointed fellow-citizens." Finally, it was resolved that "until the doctrine of the political equality of all citizens, irrespective of color, is recognized in this State by the establishment therein of universal suffrage, there will and can be no permanent peace."

The municipal authorities watched these developments with growing uneasiness. They were, however, reluctant to take any action unless with the full assurance that it had the approval of the military in New Orleans. To that end negotiations were begun on July 25th with General p309Baird, who was temporarily in command, in the absence of General Sheridan in Texas on duty. The conversations were protracted through three long, anxious days. Mayor Monroe's first idea was to call on the police to disperse the convention as an unlawful assembly. Baird replied that "the convention, meeting peaceably, could not be interfered with by the officers of the law." Monroe then proposed to have the members indicted by the criminal Grand Jury, and furnish the sheriff with warrants to make the arrest. Baird replied that, in this event, he would be obliged to release the prisoners and might possibly arrest the sheriff. The mayor then abandoned all idea of preventing the meeting. It was agreed, however, that, in case warrants did issue, the sheriff would not serve them, but would bring them direct to military headquarters, where Baird would endorse on them his objections, and the whole matter would be referred to Washington, for the President's decision. In order to ascertain what form this decision would probably take, a telegram was addressed to President Johnson by the lieutenant-governor and the attorney-general of the State; and on July 28 Johnson replied that the military would "be expected to sustain, and not obstruct or interfere with the proceedings of the courts."8 Monroe had another interview with Baird on the 28th inst. He pointed out that Baird had virtually assumed the protection of the convention, and with it, had incurred the responsibility for whatever breach of the peace might result from its convocation; for which reason he was bound to use his troops to prevent trouble. Baird accepted this view of the case, and promised to see that soldiers were on hand for the purpose.

It is sometimes charged that Monroe attempted to "break up" the convention, and that the terrible scenes which were now about to occur, resulted from his action. The facts all point the other way. He accepted Baird's promise as final. We have his own testimony under oath before the Grand Jury which subsequently investigated the riot, and that of Chief of Police Adams, both to the effect that there was no intention to interfere with the meeting of the convention, and that only the ordinary police detail was on duty in the vicinity of the Institute on the day of the disturbance. At the time the riot began "there was but one policeman present, and he a supernumerary, with only a badge on. All other officers were still at the station."9 That there was trouble at all was probably due to the fact that, relying on Baird's promise, the task of preserving the peace was left to the soldiers; who did not arrive till 2.40 P.M., when the disturbance was all over. Baird subsequently explained the delay by saying that he understood the convention was to meet at 6:00 P.M., when as a matter of fact it assembled at noon, and he had made his arrangements accordingly. If this was true, all that can be said is that he was probably the only person in the city who was ignorant on this point.10

Sunday passed without incident. But on Monday, the day of the meeting of the convention, the city was in a state of great uneasiness. The stores on Canal Street remained closed. The mayor issued a proclamation urging all good citizens "to refrain from gathering in or p310around the place of meeting of said extinct convention." In spite of the mayor's request, the streets in the center of the city were early filled with idlers, white and black. The former congregated mainly in Canal Street; the latter assembled in and around the Institute. The convention met at noon, with Howell in the chair, but found that there was no quorum present, and took a recess till 1:30 P.M., while the sergeant-at-arms and his assistants went in search of the missing members. About 1 o'clock a procession of negroes headed by a brass band advanced through Burgundy Street on its way to the Institute. As it wheeled into Canal Street a disturbance broke out. It appears that a small white boy kicked one of the passing negroes. A general mêlée followed, in which a white man, named Kelly Walton, who was standing quietly on the sidewalk, was struck by a negro with a stick. The assailant was thereupon put under arrest by Aid to the Chief of Police Crevon, and a citizen named Fellows; not, however, until a pistol had been fired by a white man, which frightened the negroes, and caused them to fall back and allow the prisoner to be removed. The procession then went on its way to the Institute. It was received with frantic cheers, and the band marched playing into the convention hall, what a few members still lingered.

Chief of Police Adams, informed of the disturbance on Canal Street, dispatched thither a detachment of police under Lieutenant Ramel, and sent orders to the outlying stations to hurry re-enforcements to the scene. It is difficult to state what followed in an exact chronological order. As near as can be inferred from the testimony of eye-witnesses, a throng of curious whites collected at the corner of Dryades and Canal streets, watching the negroes grouped in front of the Institute. Suddenly a shot was fired, probably by a negro. The police immediately attempted to arrest the offender, and it is said, succeeded. But while so engaged, other shots were fired a block away, at the corner of Common and Dryades streets, where some white persons had also congregated. The negroes became panic-stricken; some fled (as well as they could) through the grounds of the adjacent residences; but the majority sought refuge in the entrance of the Institute and opened a frantic, indiscriminate fusilade upon the mob and the police. Chief Adams, arriving at this juncture, was made the target of a special volley of revolver shots from the windows of the building. Ramel, who now hurried up at the head of his patrolmen, returned the fire. A number of citizens joined the police and prepared with them to rush the building. A white flag was suddenly displayed from an upper window. Under the impression that this was a token of surrender, the police attempted to enter, but encountered a hot resistance, and a struggle ensued, in which several were killed on both sides. The fighting spread around both sides of the Institute, where negroes were discovered trying to escape by dropping from the windows into the alleys. Several fell victims to the shots and stones showered upon them by the mob. Others managed to make their way out at the rear of the building, and fled unnoticed to places of safety.

The firing gradually ceased, but the police were reluctant to enter the building, fearing a repetition of the previous act of treachery. They at first were satisfied to arrest individuals who how straggled forth. Once under arrest, these persons were started for the police station; but although the police did their full duty in trying to protect them from the crowd, some terrible scenes ensued, as the infuriated populace set p311upon the blacks and shot or clubbed them mercilessly. These outrages, however, were finally suppressed. Ultimately, the building was searched, and its last occupants were arrested. Among them was Dostie, who had been mortally wounded.

The killed and wounded in this affair have been variously enumerated. Mayor Monroe reported to President Johnson that 42 policemen and several citizens had been either killed or wounded. An officer of the United States army, who investigated the matter immediately after the riot, reported 38 persons killed and 146 wounded on both sides. Ficklen, in his "History of Reconstruction in Louisiana," says that on the side of the democrats only one man was killed, and ten policemen were slightly wounded.11 One member of the convention, Henderson, was killed. Thirty-four negroes were known to have been killed, and two white persons who were in the Institute with them also fell victims to the marksmanship of the attacking party. At the very beginning of the disturbance, Mayor Monroe hastened to Baird's office, and warned him of the seriousness of the situation. He said that the general would be responsible for any loss of life that might occur. Baird seems somewhat tardily to have risen to the occasion. He urged Monroe to take all possible steps to check the trouble, while he himself sent messages to Jackson Barracks, below the city, urging the prompt dispatch of the troops who should have been in the city many hours before. He went still farther. On his own authority he declared martial law, appointed Gen. A. V. Kautz to the command of the city, and displaced the civil authorities. At sunset the trouble was over; the delayed Federal troops were on the scene; artillery was posted in Dryades Street, and sentries stationed at all approaches. Monroe, on his side, issued a proclamation calling on all citizens who were willing to be sworn in as special policemen. But there was no need for them. Except for a few isolated collisions between police and negroes on the two following days, the outbreak was over. These additional affrays did not involve more than one or two persons at a time. On August 2nd, for example, a street car was fired into by negroes near the Marine Hospital, and one passenger was killed. In the other cases no fatalities occurred.

On July 31st Baird appointed a commission composed of Generals Mower, Quincey, Gregg and Baldey, to investigate the facts connected with the disturbance. This commission reported that the cause of the riot was a violent feeling of hostility towards the so-called Convention of 1864. It also declared that there was "a preconceived plan" to attack the convention, if any plausible pretext could be found therefor. For this conclusion the commission could have no satisfactory reasons. There does not appear to be any contemporary evidence which substantiates this view. Finally, it was held that only the declaration of martial law had prevented the continuance of attacks on the negroes all through the night of the 30th — ? which was another statement which it would be hard to justify. General Sheridan, who returned to the city, on August 1, also made an investigation and embodied the results in a series of telegrams to General Grant. He characterized the promoters of the convention as "political agitators and revolutionary men," and said that "the action of the convention was liable to produce breaches of the public peace." He had himself determined to arrest the leaders if the proceedings p312of the convention "were calculated to disturb the tranquility of the department." He charged the mayor with having "suppressed the convention by the use of the police force," in a manner so brutal "as to compel me to say that it was murder." Later on, repeating these charges, he added: "It was an absolute massacre by the police. [. . .] A murder which the mayor and the chief of police perpetrated without the shadow of a necessity." Sheridan denounced Mayor Monroe in bitter terms again and again. "I recommend the removing of this bad man," he wrote on August 2nd, and on August 6th he said: "The immediate cause of this terrible affair was the assembling of the convention. The remote cause was the bitter and antagonistic feeling that has been growing in this community since the advent of the present mayor, who, in the organization of his police force selected many desperate men, and some of them known murderers. People of clear view were overawed by want of confidence in the mayor and fear of the thugs, many of whom he had selected for his police force. I have been frequently spoken to by prominent citizens on this subject, and have heard them express fear and want of confidence in Mayor Monroe."

Mayor Monroe remained at the City Hall, and continued to perform his official duties side by side with General Kautz and the military officials. He refused to submit his acts to their supervision, declining to recognize their right to require this of him. Kautz offered no opposition. On his return to the city, Sheridan approved of the appointment of Kautz as military governor. "It gives confidence, and enables the military to know what is occurring in the city," he wrote to Grant; Kautz did not "interfere in civil matters." The state of martial law was declared at an end on August 2nd, but Kautz was not withdrawn till some days later. There were other consequences of this affair; various documents explaining the occurrence were drawn up by the State officials, by Mayor Monroe, by the radicals; and finally, in December, a committee was sent by the United States Congress to make an investigation of the whole matter, and to determine what legislative action might be necessary in view of the condition of affairs in Louisiana. But these events belong rather to the history of the State than to that of the City of New Orleans, and they need not be given in detail here. It is only necessary to remark that the Congressional Committee formulated a majority report putting all the blame for the riot on the "rebels," and upon President Johnson's encouragement of them. A minority report, however, set forth the facts, and showed that the real cause of the regrettable incident was "the incendiary speeches, revolutionary acts and threatened violence of the conventionists."12 It was becoming clear that only force could compel the Southern States, and particularly Louisiana, to endorse the idea for unqualified suffrage for the black population. Congress was prepared to use force for that purpose. A Reconstruction Bill was accordingly passed over the President's veto, early in 1867. Under this drastic and really unconstitutional act, Louisiana was grouped with Texas in what was known as the Fifth Military District, over which an officer of the Federal army was to be placed, with authority to govern his district much as he willed, save for some reservations as to the infliction of cruel or unusual punishments and the penalty of death. This was a state of martial law. Congress reserved to itself the right to determine p313when any State should be in a condition to justify any relaxation of the severe regime. The effect in Louisiana was to debar practically the whole white population from citizenship, put it under the domination of the negroes, to deprive it of such ordinary rights as representation by a Grand Jury, and trial by jury in the regular civil courts.13 This bill was supplemented in March, 1867, by another act which directed the commanders of the military districts to register as voters all males twenty-one years of age and over, without regard to race, color, or previous condition of servitude, provided that they had been residents of the State for one year, and excluding all who could not take oath that they had not been disenfranchised for participation in the "rebellion."

Certain municipal officers were due to be elected in the city of New Orleans in March, 1867. The question rose as to how the qualifications of the voters for participation in this election should be determined. It was not clear that the provisions of the Reconstruction Act relative to the qualification of electors generally in the State, should be considered operative in municipalities. The matter was complicated by the fact that no officer had yet been designated to take command of the newly-constituted Fifth Military District. Sheridan was unwilling to take any action in the premises. The State Legislature took up the question, but failed to agree upon a satisfactory arrangement. At this juncture Governor Wells issued a proclamation in which he declared the Reconstruction Act in full force and effect, and applicable in all elections held in the State, whether municipal or otherwise. In the face of this proclamation preparations began in New Orleans to hold the election on the basis of the suffrage qualifications of the (anterior) laws. It was obvious that trouble would result. To prevent the repetition of the riot of the previous year, Sheridan, at the suggestion of several prominent men, determined to assume as much authority as might be requisite in the premises, and a special order, dated March 9, 1866, was issued forbidding the election. The legislature, in order to prevent any interruption which might arise as a result of vacancies among the city officials, passed an act on March 15th enabling them to retain their positions until their successors might be elected.

On March 19th Sheridan was assigned to the command of the new Fifth Military District. In his first order he announced that the existing State and municipal governments throughout the entire territory under his jurisdiction were merely provisional, and subject to abolishment, modification, control, and supercession, as he might see fit. There would be, however, "no general removals from office," unless the incumbents failed to carry out the provisions of the law with all diligence. It was clear that with the authority in his hands, and entertaining with regard to Mayor Monroe the opinion which he had expressed only a few months before in his correspondence with General Grant, the head of the municipal government of the City of New Orleans could not anticipate a long tenure of office under the new arrangement. In fact, a week later, Sheridan summarily removed him from office. The order deposing Mayor Monroe also removed from office the attorney general of the State, Herron, and the judge of the First District Court of New Orleans, Abell. To the mayoralty, Edward Heath was appointed; to the attorney-generalship, B. L. Lynch; and to the judgeship, W. W. Howe.

p314 At the time Sheridan disdained to furnish any explanation of his action in sweeping out of office the distinguished and able men whom he thus displaced. But subsequently, replying to a demand of General Grant for an explanation, he said: "Mayor Monroe controlled the element engaged in the riot [of the previous year], and when backed by the attorney-general, who could not prosecute the guilty, and the judge, who advised the Grand Jury to find the innocent guilty and let the murderers go free, felt secure in engaging his police force in the riot and massacre. With the three men exercising a large influence on the worst elements in the city, giving to these elements immunity for riot and bloodshed, the general-in-chief will see how insecure I felt in letting them occupy their present positions in the troubles which might occur in registration and voting in reorganization."14

Judge Abell protested against his removal, but the mayor felt that it was useless and unnecessary to take any such step. One of the local newspapers interviewed the retiring mayor on the last day he was present in the City Hall, and reported him as cheerful and composed.15 This was the fifth time he had been superseded — ? first verbally, by Butler, who subsequently asked him to retain the office until a substitute could be found; then removed and sent to Fort Pickens; three years later, having been elected to the office, deposed by General Baird, after serving a few hours; and for the fourth time, when replaced by General Kautz, in connection with the riot of 1866. The present removal, however, was final.

After leaving the City Hall, Mayor Monroe did not long continue to reside in New Orleans. His health had suffered as a result of his imprisonment at Fort Pickens. Although relatively still a young man, he looked old. He soon removed to Savannah, Ga., where he made his home till his death, in February, 1871. He was a man of very exceptional character. He had a strong, practical mind; his integrity was unquestionable, and his dauntless courage was well known. He had remarkable knowledge of human nature. It was said of him that few were ever able to impose upon him. He discharged his official duties with a conscientiousness which made him invulnerable to criticism or popular clamor. He held high office in the Masonic fraternity, and was laid to rest with all the ceremonies of the order (usual in such cases). Some years after his death his remains were brought to New Orleans and laid in a tomb in Metairie Ridge Cemetery, beside the body of his favorite son, whose death, while the father was detained a prisoner in Fort Pickens, was one of the most pathetic episodes in his much-troubled life. While the son lay on his deathbed, Butler sent word that if the prisoner would take the oath of allegiance, he would be allowed to return to New Orleans and see his dying child. Monroe rejected the offer promptly and firmly. Father and son never met in life again.16

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Chapter XX

Edward Heath, who, without any special ceremony, took possession of the mayoralty on March 27, 1867, was, in the cautious phrase of one of the local newspapers, "somewhat known as a merchant."1 "Heath means well," observed the Picayune, a few months later, attempting to sum up the work of the administration to that date.2 As a matter of fact Heath's abilities were wholly inadequate to deal with the complicated situation confronting him. From the first he relied upon the support of the commanding general. He had hardly taken his seat when he became involved in a furious controversy with the City Council over the question of the city finances. Heath found, or thought he found, that the comptroller and the city treasurer had issued about $1,250,000 of city money without due warrant for doing so. The honesty of these officials does not seem to have been called in question. They claimed that under the existing city ordinances they had authority to issue city money as needed for the payment of city accounts. The trouble seems to have been that there was no proper system of bookkeeping; the treasurer and the comptroller each paid out city currency, and there was no check on the activities of either; hence, there was always more or less difficulty in determining the precise amount of such obligations outstanding. Heath asked the council to order an investigation. This the council refused to do. The matter was then referred to the city attorney, who declined to sue out an injunction to stop the issue of city money. The controversy was carried on in very acrimonious terms, the mayor and the council exchanging mutual accusations of fraud. Nothing was accomplished, however, except to demonstrate that the two branches of the administration, the executive and the legislative, could not work in harmony. Thus the way was paved for the radical reconstruction of the latter department effected a few weeks later.

Heath, who identified himself with the extreme wing of the radical party, undertook to force the admission of negro children into the white schools of the city. This was a favorite scheme of the extremists among the advisors of General Sheridan and, later, among those of his successor, General Mower. It caused intense excitement in the city. The issue rose in the latter part of July, when the City Council passed an ordinance appropriating a large sum for the establishment of separate schools for colored children. This, it was said, complied with the requirements of the State Constitution relative to the education of negroes. Heath, however, was not satisfied and vetoed the bill. The appropriation was then voted over the mayor's veto. Heath promptly reported the matter to Sheridan, with the suggestion that the council be removed; and on August 1 Sheridan issued an order "readjusting" that body, by removing twenty-two members of the Boards of Aldermen and Assistant Aldermen, and appointing a like number of persons to succeed them. The action was not unexpected. Ever since the removal of Mayor Monroe, p316it had been felt in the city that the military authorities would not rest content to allow the remainder of the administration to continue in power. At the moment of purging the council, Sheridan gave, as a reason for his action, "the disordered condition to which they have reduced the city credit, and the efforts which they made, and are making, to impede the lawful execution of the law of Congress dated March 2nd, and the acts supplementary thereto." But as one of the city journals indignantly remarked, on the following morning, in commenting upon the order, this explanation "will not bear examination. [. . .] If disorders in our currency are the ground, it is difficult to understand why the mayor, whose agency, at least, is as direct in our present troubles as that of the boards, is not included in the punishment." Moreover, went on the exasperated writer, the "manner and degree" in which "these gentlemen" had impeded "the lawful execution of the military bill" was a matter which remained "unexpounded in the bosom of the commander-in-chief."3

A few white men were included in the list of the new councilmen, but the majority of the appointees were negroes. This was the first time that members of that race had ever sat in either branch of the local legislature. The Picayune referred to them as "blacks, and others so tinged with white blood that they might be pronounced to be for that reason inferior to their colleges of the pure blood;" from which we may infer that some of the new members were mulattos. "None of the lately enfranchised" figured, however. Sheridan apparently made his choice from among that class of free men of color which had been a distinct element in the population even before the Civil war. The consequences of the introduction of negroes into the city government were on the whole not less disastrous than a similar experiment had proven in the legislature of the State. The city debt, which in 1867 amounted, in round numbers, to $9,900,000, was increased the following year to $10,000,000, and, in 1869, to $15,250,000.

The new council elected John Gauche, a respected white citizen, president and made F. W. Perkins, chairman of the finance committee. In order to lend color to the allegations in Sheridan's order, that an interest in the city finances had dictated the recent "adjustment," Joseph Hernandez was now removed from the office of city treasurer, and Stoddart Howell appointed in his place. At the same time the council proceeded to legislate on the subject. On August 8th an ordinance was passed legalizing all previous issues of city money, and putting them on an equal footing. An official promise was also made that no further issues of city money should be made, and that in the next budget something would be done to relieve the circulation. These actions seem not to have had much effect in restoring public confidence. In order to demonstrate the good faith of the administration, Mayor Heath caused large amounts of the currency, as it was paid into the city offices, to be burned at the city gasworks. At one time these singular cremations took place weekly.

In April, 1868, the Picayune, referring to these measures, remarked that in spite of the fact that hundreds of thousands of dollars of paper money had been destroyed, the amount outstanding had actually decreased only $67,958. In other words, the city's financial officers, p317having no other means to meet the city's debts, had continued, as hitherto, to pay bills in city money when presented; and thus what was burned at the gas-works was almost exactly balanced by what was issued day by day at the city hall. Finally, the legislature passed an act compelling the city officials to destroy the plates from which the city money was printed, and to cease issuing it altogether. The plates, some sixteen in all, were defaced with a chisel by an agent of the New York firm which executed the notes. Mayor Heath and several other city officials were present at the ceremony, which took place at the company's New Orleans office, No. 36, Natchez Alley, on April 16, 1868. There appears to have been a large reserve of city money on hand, however; for, although no more was printed, we hear that the City Council, ten days later, ordered the payment of the city rolls for the month in that currency, as usual.

The state of the city finances could hardly have been worse. In April, 1868, the city was without funds to pay its current expenses.4 Heath took the ground that the situation justified the collection of all past due taxes; this meant particularly the taxes of 1861-1865. It was estimated that these taxes amounted to $4,000,000. No doubt that sum, if collected and honestly applied to meet the city's obligations, would have helped greatly to extricate the municipality from its financial difficulties; but although the city obtained judgments in 3,000 suits instituted against delinquent tax-payers, the only effect was to have them tender payment in the city's own depreciated notes. Thus the difficulty was, if anything, merely intensified. The only other alternative was to sell some of the city's property; and accordingly, in April, 1868, the markets were leased out to Patrick Irwin and his associates for a period of ten years, at an annual rental. The same course was proposed with regard to the wharves. The assessment of 1868 was $130,873,446, which, at the rate of 1.50 percent authorized by law, ought to have produced a revenue ample to meet all expenses of the city; but such was the incompetence of the administration, and the venality which existed in practically every branch, that not only was the alimony insufficient, but the city was steadily getting deeper and deeper into debt.

Before the end of August, 1867, the "readjustment" of the city government was completed by the removal of the city attorney, the assistant city attorney, the street commissioner, and the assistant comptroller, for reasons "similar to those given in the order readjusting the Common Council of the City of New Orleans." On August 8, the chief of police was removed at the request of Mayor Heath. Heath undertook to make extensive changes in the personnel of the force. In May, 1867, Sheridan had taken occasion to promulgate an order requiring that one-half of the men on the rolls should be ex-Union soldiers. This was done, avowedly, because Mayor Monroe had established a rule requiring all persons applying for appointment to the force to have resided in the city for five years. This regulation was probably made with a view to keep off the force men antagonistic to the old population of the city, but it was naturally resented by the new-comers, who besieged the commanding general with demands to be allowed at least a share of the municipal offices. In yielding to their demands, Sheridan let it be known that he wished to see included among the new police a proportion of negroes; p318and Heath loyally strove to carry out his superior's wishes. The police chief failed to co-operate with equal zeal, and thereupon the mayor had the general determined to depose him, and substitute an officer more in accord with their policies; which was done. In effecting these removals of city officers no opportunity was given to the dismissed to justify themselves. Notice of removal was usually served by the hand of a member of the commanding-general's staff, who in most instances appeared accompanied by the new incumbent. Sheridan was not content to interfere with the administrative and legislative departments of the local government; he took under his control the judiciary also. Orders were issued from time to time suspending judgments handed down in the courts, and finally all process in ordinary private and civil suits were made contingent upon the permission of the military officials, or suppressed altogether.5

Sheridan was, at the same time, completing the registration of voters required under the Registration Acts. The importance of this work is only partly suggested by this phrase. Inasmuch as jurymen could be drawn only'+BadF+'could be drawn except'+CloseF+';

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I\'ve simplified the awkward construction.',WIDTH,170)" onMouseOut="nd();"> from among persons whose names figured upon the list of qualified voters, it will be seen that the matter of representation there was one of life and death to the old population of the city. Before addressing himself to the work, Sheridan wrote to Grant, in April, 1867, asking for definite instructions regarding the persons who, under the law, were to be excluded from the electorate. Grant was unable to furnish precise instructions, as the matter was then in the hands of the attorney general of the United States, and he did not feel at liberty to proceed until that official had rendered his opinion; but he did notify Sheridan to proceed as well as he could under his own interpretation of the law. This interpretation was, as might have been expected, harsh and narrow.6 The work of registration was done in a way to include practically the whole adult male negro population, without exception, and to exclude a large part of the whites. By the end of July, when the lists were closed, 14,845 whites and 14,805 negroes had been registered — ? and this, in a city where the white population normally outnumbered the black five to one. The disqualifications to which the whites were subject involved many what had never had any connection with the Confederacy, or with the Civil war; and many others who had been restored to all the rights of citizenship by Congressional and residential amnesties. Appeals were vain. Petitions addressed to the commanding general by persons feeling themselves unjustly debarred from registration, were "respectfully referred to Lieutenant for examination and decision;" but the examinations were never made, the decisions never rendered.7

President Johnson did not regard with approval these and other acts of Sheridan, and on August 17, an order was issued relieving him of the command of the Fifth Military District, and transferring him to the Department of the Missouri. General Thomas, who was then at the head of the Department of the Cumberland, was first offered the vacant post, but declined it on the ground of feeble health. Gen. W. S. Hancock was then ordered from the Department of the Missouri to New Orleans. General Grant, as commander of the army, opposed the President's p319action. He said that Sheridan had shown himself an efficient and loyal officer, and his removal would be misinterpreted in the South. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that Hancock's administration was brief and not very energetically supported by his chief. As it required some time to make the journey from Missouri to New Orleans, Brigadier-General Griffin was ordered from Galveston to New Orleans as the ad-interim commander, but fell ill and died of yellow fever before he could leave his post. The command in New Orleans therefore temporarily fell to Maj.-Gen. Joseph A. Mower, commander of a negro regiment, who had been brevetted for high military qualities. Mower, although a good soldier, was unfitted for his new post. He was absolutely under the control of the most violent element among the radicals. Orders were issued by him which not even the dictatorial Sheridan had ventured to sign. All of the city officials remaining over from Monroe's time were discharged from office by one comprehensive decision; and similarly drastic action was meditated with regard to the State administration. Governor Flanders, whom Sheridan had placed at the head of the State administration, registered an energetic protest against these acts. Mower's reply was, that "reconstruction" could not proceed with the old office-holders in power. Among the city officers expelled by him none was the object of more sympathy than the clerk of the probate court, O'Rourke, a one-armed Confederate veteran, who had been elected to that post by the people. It was not merely his personality and his affliction which interested the city in his case, but the fact that in his custody reposed wills, inventories, family records and other legal papers of transcendent importance, which it was now proposed to entrust to an irresponsible appointee of the military power. Fortunately, Governor Flanders carried the whole matter to the President, not merely in the case of O'Rourke, but of all officials, state and city, involved in Mower's orders; and they were promptly cancelled. Aside from considerations of expedience, there was great reason to question the legality of Mower's actions, inasmuch as Hancock was already under appointment as head of the Military District, and actually on his way down the river to take up his duties in New Orleans. Under those circumstances, Mower did not actually possess the rights which, on the advice of his reckless and greedy entourage, he arrogated to himself.8

Hancock reached the city on November 29, 1867. He was received with manifestations of regard. His first official act was to issue General Order No. 40, in which he outlined a policy of reconciliation strikingly at variance with that pursued by his predecessor. He said he desired to maintain peace and order, and as a means to this end, regarded "the maintenance of the civil authorities in the faithful execution of the laws as the most efficient under the circumstances." The right of trial by jury, the writ of habeas corpus, liberty of the press, must be referred to the proper civil authorities, and to them the proper support was promised in seeing that their decisions were carried out. On the other hand, armed insurrection or forcible resistance to the laws would be promptly punished.9

p320 To this program Hancock adhered as consistently as the local political situation permitted. One of his first acts was to rescind Sheridan's order, that none but registered voters could serve on juries. Some of Mower's most objectionable measures were likewise recalled. Mower himself was sent to join his regiment in the camp in Greenville, near Carrollton. In State politics Hancock pursued a conciliatory course. When Flanders, irritated at the general's refusal to remove certain officials whose dismissal he demanded, resigned the governorship, Hancock selected for that office Judge Joshua Baker, of Attakapas, who, although an opponent of secession, was a democrat. This appointment was naturally well received. Hancock's own attractive personality and simple, unostentatious manners helped him also to popularity in New Orleans. He went freely about the city, usually attended only by a single friend; was present in civilian dress at the Opera; and professed to be greatly honored when tendered a pew at the St. Louis Cathedral.

With regard to the city government, his course was also calculated to give satisfaction to the old population. He found the City Council still involved in fierce debates over the educational question. The "readjusted" council had not been able to get along peacefully in itself. There seemed no possibility of agreement over the matter of the mixed schools. Committees representing both sides called upon General Hancock and explained their views. He heard them patiently, and then suggested that a per capita appropriation be made for the education of each race separately. To this the answer was, that a certain class among the colored citizens was violently opposed to separate schools, and insisted that the white schools be thrown open for the accommodation of their children. Hancock thought this demand unreasonable. He pointed out that the essential object was, not to force the colored people upon the whites, but to provide for them a sound education. To this end all partisan feeling should be subordinated. The Council did not see its way clear to adopt the general's suggestions regarding appropriations. The easiest way out of an awkward situation was to drop the whole matter. This was accordingly done. So far as the city government was concerned, it was heard of no more. But the matter was subsequently brought up in the State Legislature, and, as we shall see, also made the basis of some interesting litigation in the courts.

Hancock's policy, so much at variance with his predecessors', naturally gave offense to those who had supported Sheridan and Mower, and profited thereby. A stream of complaint was poured into Washington. Circumstances arose which seemed to substantiate the allegation that he was lukewarm in his support of the Congressional program of reconstruction. Several of his more important orders were rescinded on purely ex-parte testimony. The case of Street Commissioner Baker was especially irritating. As a rule Hancock refused to take any action on political or party lines against the city officials appointed by his predecessors. He insisted that, if such men were objectionable, the proper way to obtain their removal was on appeal to the courts. But in the case of Baker he was obliged to adopt a different course. Baker was appointed street commissioner in June, 1867, in succession to Belanger, removed. The post was an important one. Baker was, on the whole, an incompetent official. His political enemies greatly desired to have him dismissed. They submitted to Hancock a long list of charges. Finding that the city p321charter contained ample provisions for the removal of delinquent officials, the general referred the case to Mayor Heath, with the recommendation that the City Council prefer articles of impeachment and proceed duly to trial. The Council complied, but in the process of organizing itself into a court of impeachment, became involved in such bitter disputes, grew so disorderly, and generally comported itself with so little appreciation of the ordinary etiquette of judicial procedure, that Hancock felt obliged to take the matter into his own hands. An examination of the charges convinced him that Baker was unfit to hold the post to which he had been appointed. An order was thereupon issued removing the undesirable official, and appointing to the vacancy, G. D. Field, a man whose unwavering devotion to the Union cause was well-known. This nomination was hailed with approval throughout the city.10

But, unfortunately, Baker happened to be treasurer of the State Central Committee of the republican party in Louisiana. He hurried to Washington, and in that capacity was welcomed by General Grant. At this moment a movement was under way in Congress against Hancock and, incidentally, against President Johnson. He had recommended that Congress take some appropriate action to recognize his distinguished services. That, Congress was in no humor to do. Garfield, then a member of the House, even brought a bill to limit the number of major-generals in the army, with a view to reduce Hancock in rank and thus render him ineligible to hold the command of the Fifth Military District. Under the circumstances, Baker's story excited sympathy among all of Johnson's enemies, and there was little trouble in procuring an order reinstating him as street commissioner.

Hancock's feelings were naturally hurt by this failure to sustain his action. "I hope to be relieved here soon," he wrote about this time to a friend. "The President is no longer able to protect me. So I may expect one humiliation after another, until I am forced to resign. I am prepared for any event. Nothing can prevent me from doing what I consider to be my duty." The circumstances which precipitated the crisis, however, were due, singularly enough, not to any innovation of his own, but to an attempt to support a policy laid down by General Sheridan. It seems that, nearly a year before, Sheridan had notified the City Council that it must not fill certain public positions; that an attempt on its part to elect its own candidates would be construed to be an infraction of the Reconstruction Acts, and be punished by the removal of the offending members. In December, 1867, the State Supreme Court pronounced ineligible to office Arthur Gastinel, recorder of the Second District. A day or two later the Council proceeded to elect a new recorder. Hancock, as soon as he was aware of this act of contumacy, removed the nine members who had voted for Gastinel's successor. Seven of these were negroes, two were whites. In their places he appointed white citizens of high standing in the community. Among them were J. N. Lee, an ex-judge of the Supreme Court; J. H. Oglesby, president of one of the largest and most prominent banks in the city; P. H. Morgan, afterwards United States minister to Mexico; Robert Watson, the largest coal-merchant in the city; Guy Duplantier, a distinguished lawyer, and p322J. S. Whitaker, formerly on the United States District bench.11 These men were all loyal supporters of the National Government, most of them had previously filled positions of trust and honor, and all had shown exceptional administrative talent. No one, apparently, could object to them. Yet, when a statement of the facts was laid before Grant, he at once directed Hancock to suspend his order of removal, and report the case more fully. "I do not know what fuller report can be furnished," wrote Hancock, in reply, "for all the papers explaining my action have been sent you. To suspend my order would be to destroy my usefulness here — ? and, in such want of a sense of what I consider due to me and my position in the matter, would necessitate a respectful request to be relieved of my present command."12 Nevertheless, a few days later, Grant issued peremptory instructions to the department commander to reinstate the deposed members of the council. Thereupon Hancock asked to be relieved, and Grant lost no time in complying with the request.

In the meantime the Constitutional Convention to which delegates had been chosen under the auspices of Sheridan and Mower, had been in session in New Orleans. On the whole, this convention averaged in intellect and character higher than its immediate predecessors.13 That, however, is not saying much. It included a large number of colored members. The white members were largely recruited from the class of impecunious adventurers who flocked into Louisiana under the radical regime. Most of them had no income save what they could extract from the State treasury. Soon after the convention met, in November, 1867, it was discovered that the State treasury was empty. It seemed quite probable that not even the per diem to which the members were entitled by law could be collected. In this dilemma they seized upon the suggestion that the convention invest itself with the functions of the State Legislature. It was argued that, having the power to create a Legislature, it could legally exercise all the prerogatives of that body. Hancock perceived the dangers implicit in this assumption. He took steps to prevent the abuses which he foresaw. The convention passed an ordinance levying general taxes and providing a mode of assessment, as a means of replenishing the exhausted State treasury. The general notified that body that it was exceeding its privilege. Under the terms of the Reconstruction Acts, its powers as to taxation were limited to the imposition of a tax to pay its own expenses, but it was not clothed with general legislative functions, and must abstain from using them. Even the tax which it was entitled to impose, must be collected in conformity with the existing legal methods, and only for the one authorized purpose. This was a wise and conservative interpretation of the law, and arrested an attempt to usurp power which, otherwise, would have led to extensive spoliation of the State.

On March 9, 1868, the convention, having completed its work, adjourned. The constitution which it had compiled was a brief document, only a little longer than that of 1864. But it went further than that instrument towards establishing the equality of the white and black races. The suffrage provisions were intended to exclude from the franchise the largest possible number of whites. Those who had held for one p323year or more office under the Confederate government; those who had registered as enemies of the United States; those who had served as leaders of guerilla bands during the recent war; those who had sustained the Confederate doctrines by word of mouth, or published writings, or what-not; and those who had signed the ordinance of secession — ? these were declared ineligible to vote until they had taken an oath that they now "held the Confederate cause to have been morally as well as politically wrong, and regretted having in any way helped to sustain it." Moreover, all public conveyances, places of amusements, hotels and, generally, whatsoever other establishments required a license to carry on business, were required to extend to black patrons the same treatment that they offered whites. Two other important provisions which looked also to the equalization of the whites and their ebon-hued ex-chattels, provided, first, that all citizens of the United States who had resided one year in Louisiana were to be regarded as citizens of the state; and, second, that in apportioning representation in the State Legislature, the total population, not the total number of voters, should be taken as a basis. Another article required that "all children between the ages of six and twenty-one shall be admitted to the public schools or other institutions of learning sustained or established by the state, in common, without distinction of race, color, or previous condition." Separate schools, as such, were forbidden. Finally, a section was inserted in the constitution authorizing the convention to reassemble, in the event its constitution did not receive the ratification of the people, upon call signed by a majority of its members.14

The convention provided that the constitution which it had framed should be submitted to the people at an election to be held on April 16th and 17th. At the same time an ordinance was passed relative to the municipal elections in New Orleans. Unfortunately, this was so loosely drawn that doubt arose as to its intent. The mayor questioned the legality of the law, on the ground that the new constitution made no provisions for officials of the city, hence he did not see how an election could be ordered. The question was taken up with Gen. R. C. Buchanan, who had succeeded Hancock in command of the Fifth Military District. He referred it back to the city authorities, who, in turn, referred it to Judges Whittaker and Buchanan; and these learned gentlemen rendered opinions directly contradicting one another. They differed as to how far the convention had authority to order municipal elections to be held in New Orleans. The Picayune, in an editorial discussing the matter, took the very sensible view that the whole matter was one of force; if the commanding general's will was that an election should be held, then, under the existing circumstances, the election would be legal.15 On this assumption preparations for the election were pushed forward, although it was generally understood that Mayor Heath would challenge the result.

The campaign opened on March 27th, when the Democratic State Central Committee published a list of nominees which it had prepared for both the state and city offices. Thomas Murray was named for mayor, p324Julian Neville for recorder of the First District, and other well-known names on the ticket were Gerard Stith, Jules Magioni and Edgar Montegut. In an address to the voters which was issued at the same time the president of the committee, T. L. Macon, stressed the importance of the fight against the constitution, and urged, in view of the necessity of controlling at least one branch of the State Legislature in the event that the constitution were ratified, that the conservative strength be directed mainly to that end.

This ticket was not well received. Objection was made to the manner in which it was named. It was pointed out that the voters should have an opportunity to express their wishes in the matter. Accordingly, on April 1st the committee withdrew its slate and asked the wards throughout the city to send delegates to a meeting on April 2nd, at which a new ticket would be made up. When the convention met it was decided not to go into the state fight, except insofar as the members of the Legislature were concerned, but to put up a full ticket for the municipal offices. This action left in the field two candidates for governor, both of whom represented the Republican party — ? Warmoth, who was supported by the extreme, or Radical wing, and Taliaferro, who represented the moderate section of the party. The Picayune, which was the leading Democratic paper in New Orleans, promptly threw its influence to Taliaferro, on the ground that he was "an old citizen, who had embraced the Union cause when secession was rampant in our state, stood his ground throughout the war and never took a dollar which did not belong to him."16

The new ticket framed by the convention was headed by John R. Conway — ? "that modest gentleman," as one of the local newspapers called him in an eulogistic editorial.17 Other names on the ticket were Joseph Murphy, for street commissioner; J. O. Landry, for comptroller; W. H. Manning, A. Gastinel L. A. Letten and Henry Jackson, for recorders; T. H. Shields, T. R. Brady, Thomas Mackey, Norman Whitney, V. Prados, N. A. Llambias, F. L. Losburg, J. A. O'Brien and Peter Kaiser, for aldermen, and Alfred Kearney, J. C. Rose, J. A. Aitkens, W. W. Walter, Sam Moore, John McCaffery, Hugh Montgomery, H. F. Sturcken, Ed Lehman, T. F. Fisher, M. Lawrence, George Pandelly, Robert Wynne, Gerald Farrell and John Brown, for assistant aldermen. There was much apprehension regarding the possibility of the nomination of independent tickets, which would divide the conservative strength and thus make certain a Republican victory. The Republicans nominated a ticket headed by Seth W. Lewis, but he was comparatively an unknown person, and there was little fear that he would win, provided that the Democracy preserved its strength intact. In fact, only two days before the election a so-called Workingmen's ticket, headed by George Fosdick and composed of names selected principally from the two other municipal tickets, was actually presented to the public. It was, however, "got up with suddenness and secrecy on the eve of the election," and "not backed by any organization," and was a mere "electioneering trick."18 It does not seem to have had any effect upon the election.

p325 The public mind was in a highly excitable state. General Buchanan deemed it wise to issue an order pointing out that the "right to vote peaceably is an inheritance belonging to the people, and not to be interfered with," and "all men entitled to vote must be allowed to exercise this privilege and will be protected in so doing." The Democratic party refrained from having any parades or outdoor demonstrations "calculated to cause breaches of the peace." The Radicals, however, for a week preceding the election "traversed the streets nightly with their half-crazed black servitors, going [. . .] where they have neither occupation nor adherents, that they may deafen the ears of our people with their impudent cries."19 The same newspaper which thus picturesquely describes the behavior of those whom it was opposing, adds that the negroes were generally sent out to parade the streets alone, while the whites collected in Lafayette Square, under police protection, and kept out of possible danger. However, collisions were avoided, though there were several instances of violence committed upon white people by negroes.

The election took place on April 17th and 18th. The colored voters turned out in large numbers. At most of the polls dividing lines were established, whites on one side, negroes on the other, each voting alternately. Warmoth early complained that white Democrats were interfering with the colored voters, but the police reported that they were unable to find any justification for his statement. On the second day negroes were brought into the city from the country districts and were furnished fraudulent registration papers by one of the justices of the peace. Hundreds of such were voted in each ward. In some cases this "colonized vote," as it was termed, was moved from precinct to precinct, voting in each. Several of the negroes, when challenged at the polls, frankly admitted never having resided in New Orleans. Finally, a number of Democratic election commissioners were arrested and put in jail on complaint from Republican watchers that they had violated the United States laws relative to Congressional elections. As soon as Buchanan heard of this, he ordered the commissioners set at liberty and took steps to prevent any further arrests. The measure of corruption which prevailed may be estimated from the fact that, when the vote cast for candidates for clerk of the Seventh District Court came to be counted, it was discovered that each of the Radical candidates had received more votes than the entire number polled. The ballot box was found so made that, even after it had been officially sealed, it might be pried open from the bottom and additional ballots stuffed into it. In spite of all this, the Democratic candidates for city offices were, generally, elected. Conway received 13,895 votes, as against Lewis' 13,244. To the Council the Democrats elected eleven aldermen, as against four Republicans. On the other hand, the new state constitution was ratified and Warmoth was elected governor.

The obvious unfairness of the election caused General Buchanan to appoint a board of army officers to canvass the results. The delay which necessarily ensued caused the date of the inauguration of the new mayor to be put off till June 10. The new constitution provided that the administration should take its seat on the second Monday following the promulgation of the returns. It was contended with some show of plausibility p326that, considering that the actual incumbents were merely military appointees, they could be removed at any time by the arm to which they owed their commission. Buchanan, however, preferred to conform to the law. The returns were published on June 2nd, and on June 3rd an order was issued permitting Conway to take possession of the city government one week later. At noon on June 10th, therefore, the new mayor, accompanied by his secretary, John W. Overall,20 presented himself at City Hall. Heath declined to surrender the office, asserting that he knew of no law which authorized the election, and did not recognize Buchanan's right to issue the order now exhibited to him by Conway. There was nothing to do but refer the matter to the local commander. Buchanan, on being advised of Heath's contumacy, sent an orderly to the hall with a note requesting him to call at military headquarters. Heath replied that he was occupied with official business, could not come immediately, but would as soon as he could find the leisure. In this response he was following the advice of the attorneys, who were guiding his course.

Somewhat later in the afternoon Captain DeRussey of Buchanan's staff was seen approaching the hall, in company with Conway and Overall. A large crowd had assembled around the building, attracted by rumors of the mayor's stand, and by the possibility that trouble might ensue. In order to avoid this concourse, DeRussey and his companions made their way to the side entrance of the building, and by that route approached the mayor's office. A dramatic scene followed. Approaching Mayor Heath, DeRussey presented an order signed by the commanding general directing him to induct into office the newly elected mayor and other city officials. Heath made a carefully formulated reply, to the effect that he had been appointed by military authority, but the appointment had subsequently been confirmed by an Act of Congress, and he therefore did not admit the right of Buchanan to interfere in the matter.

DeRussey then drew the mayor apart, explained in a low tone that he must execute his orders, and suggested that Heath consent quietly to leave the hall in his custody. Heath refused to go voluntarily. DeRussey responded that he was empowered to use force to remove him if necessary.

"You may take any course you like," replied the mayor, aggressively.

"I must arrest you, sir," said DeRussey, laying a hand upon Heath's shoulder.

The young officer immediately went in search of the police. Conway and Overall remained standing in the crowd which thronged the mayor's rooms. Heath obstinately seated himself at his desk, supported by a group of his partisans. Soon DeRussey returned accompanied by Smith Izard, aide to the chief of police, and half a dozen policemen. A formal demand was then made on Heath for the keys of the hall, and when he insisted upon having a written order for them, DeRussey promptly executed one. The police then escorted Heath to the great front door of the building and saw him safely down the broad granite steps. The waiting crowd burst into the shrill, exultant rebel yell. At the same moment Conway seated himself at the vacant mayoral desk.21

p327 Even then Heath was not convinced that power had been taken from his hands. For several days he continued to claim to be the lawful mayor of the city. He sued out a writ of quo warranto before Judge Duplantier of the Sixth District Court, which was made returnable on June 15th. Subsequently, the proceedings were by consent removed to the Supreme Court, but before the matter came to trial Buchanan, by authority of General Grant, informed the court that "the result of such a writ, if favorable to the relator, would practically amount to nothing; for, as he was a military appointee and not a candidate, he had no ground upon which to base his claim." The case was, therefore, discontinued.22

Lewis, the defeated Republican candidate, also protested Conway's assumption of authority. His action was based upon the allegation that he, not Conway, had been duly elected mayor of New Orleans. Conway was not eligible, Lewis asserted, because he had once taken an oath of allegiance to the Confederate government, and therefore could not truthfully take the oath required of the candidates in the recent election, but that they had "never yielded voluntary support to any pretended government" in the South. In the Radical press there was much angry talk of a prosecution for perjury, but the matter went no further; and after Buchanan's intervention in the quo warranto proceedings above described Conway was left untroubled in possession of the mayoralty.

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

p328 Chapter XXI

Conway and Flanders

Mayor John R. Conway

John R. Conway, thirtieth mayor of New Orleans, was a native of Virginia. He was descended from a family which had emigrated from Wales to America in the time of third George. He was born in Alexandria, Va., August 25, 1825. He settled in New Orleans in 1843, and down to 1862 was employed in a position of great trust and responsibility in one of the largest cotton and commission houses in the city. In the general suspension of business which followed the occupation of New Orleans by the Federal forces, under Butler, he was thrown out of employment. In 1865, however, he re-entered business as a wholesale grocer and commission merchant. He seems to have been successful as such down to the time when he became mayor. This honor came to him as an award for long and faithful party service. He had always been interested in politics and regarded an active participation therein as a patriotic duty. When the Orleans Parish Democratic Committee was reorganized, after the Civil war, he was made its first chairman. As such, in co-operation with the Democratic State Central Committee, he had been active in preparing the way for the return of the city government to the people. He was a man of small stature and lacked the vigor, both physical and mental, to deal energetically and resolutely with the difficult problems that demanded his attention as mayor.

Conway's administration is memorable principally because during it the period of military control over the municipal government came to an end. Although troops continued to be stationed near the city, and although the commanding general was, from time to time, compelled to intervene in local affairs, still, on the whole, from now on the civil power was permitted to function unhampered by interference from that source. This result was due to the Act of Congress readmitting Louisiana to the Union. The law became effective on June 25, 1868. Under orders from General Grant, Buchanan now removed from office Governor Baker and Lieutenant Governor Voorhies and put in their places H. C. Warmoth and O. J. Dunn, who had been elected to these respective offices at the recent election. This action was taken to forestall any dispute which might have arisen upon the convening of the Legislature a day or two later as to who was entitled to those offices. The Legislature met in New Orleans on June 27th, and immediately proceeded to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment to the National Constitution, as required in the act of reconstruction. This, however, was not done without a preliminary scene of disorder which, at one moment, threatened to precipitate another riot like that of 1866. The new lieutenant governor, Dunn, who was a negro, backed by the other negro members, made an effort to unseat some of the Democratic minority by requiring them to take the oath of 1862 that they had never borne arms against the United States, aided its enemies or supported the Confederacy. This oath they proposed to compel them to subscribe in addition to the oath to be taken by members of the Legislature as laid down in the new state constitution. Dunn explained this action by saying that the state was still under military law p329and members ought for that reason to take the test oath. On the other hand, General Grant, who had been consulted by telegraph on the subject prior to the convocation of the assembly, had expressly stated that the test oath should not be insisted upon. Buchanan communicated Grant's dispatch to Dunn and furnished him an order formally supporting it. To neither did the sable lieutenant governor pay any attention.

On July 1st a large crowd of white people gathered around the Mechanics' Institute, where the Legislature was sitting, to insist upon the seating of the Democratic members. The whole city police force and a regiment of troops were on duty to prevent trouble. The situation was threatening. Fortunately, the committee to which the matter had been referred reported that, while the officers of the Legislature ought to be sustained, still, in deference to General Grant's wishes, it was advisable not to insist upon the test oath. This report was adopted, the Democratic members took their seats and the mob quietly dispersed.1

Warmoth was inaugurated governor on July 13th and immediately apprised General Buchanan officially of the ratification by the Legislature of the Fourteenth Amendment. That officer immediately issued an order declaring that military law no longer ran in the state. "The provisions of the Reconstruction Acts of Congress cease to operate in Louisiana from this date," ran this document; "military authority will no longer be exercised under the Reconstruction Acts in said state, and all officers commanding posts or detachments are forbidden to interfere in civil affairs, unless upon a proper application by the civil authorities to preserve the peace, or under instructions duly received from the commanding p330general of the district. Military law no longer exists, the civil law is supreme."2

The establishment of the civil authority was a blow to that element in the population which had profited by military protection to exploit the resources of the city. The Radicals were, however, entrenched in the state government, and it was to the state government, accordingly, that they turned for help in preserving their hold upon the municipality. For some years hereafter the city government was constantly to be made the subject of legislation by the state authorities, with the result that all public enterprise was impeded and the city finances reduced to the lowest possible ebb. Warmoth tried to exploit the disorders in various parts of the state to induce the Federal Government to place troops at his disposition ostensibly to keep the peace. In New Orleans the exciting presidential campaign of that year brought out a considerable number of negro voters who supported the Democratic candidates. One of them, Willis Rollins, made violent speeches against the Radicals. There was a small riot in Canal Street, when some 300 black and white Republicans assaulted Rollins, beat him and might have killed him save for the interposition of some watchful Democrats. Another outbreak took place on September 22d, in front of Dumonteil's confectionery. There were apprehensions that a Republican torchlight procession scheduled for the night of September 12th would precipitate further trouble. General Buchanan refused to seriously take the prediction of danger and his calm good judgment was vindicated, for the event passed off without disorder. Moreover, the action of the Democratic State Central Committee, which issued a circular calling upon the members of the party to avoid all participation in any demonstration against the Radicals, helped to reassure the government and to prevent the success of the plan to exploit the army for the benefit of the local Republican politicians.

A scheme was ultimately worked out, however, which, in effect, created a small army entirely at the disposal of the governor, available by him anywhere throughout the state, but supported exclusively by the City of New Orleans. This was the Metropolitan Police Force. Before its adjournment on October 20th the Legislature passed a bill authorizing the governor to appoint a board of five police commissioners for New Orleans, Jefferson City and the Parish of St. Bernard, with full powers to reorganize the police force in New Orleans. This Board of Commissioners might, whenever it deemed necessary, require aid from citizens and the militia, and appoint special patrolmen at its option. For its support it was empowered to apportion an assessment upon the various municipal governments within its jurisdiction. Warmoth appointed two white men and three negroes to this board. In one year it cost the city $809,932.51. Its headquarters were first established in a building on the corner of Delord and Carondelet streets, but later were removed to Davidson Court, an edifice erected on the site of the large stables which previously had stood in the rear of the City Hall. In the latter part of October a riot in St. Bernard Parish — ? in what was virtually a suburb of New Orleans, though without the municipal boundaries — ? led to the appointment of Gen. J. B. Steedman as chief of police, pro tem, in command of the Metropolitan force.

p331 The effect of the act creating the Metropolitan Police Board was to take out of the hands of the mayor of New Orleans the most important part of his authority. On October 28th the Council met and unanimously passed resolutions asking the mayor "in view of the illegality of the metropolitan police bill and the utter incapacity of the police under it to maintain order," to proceed to organize another force "in conformity to the laws existing prior to the passage of the bill." This the mayor did. He directed Thomas E. Adams, who was chief of police under the old law, to resume his duties. Steedman, however, sued out a writ of injunction in the Fifth District Court to prohibit the mayor from commissioning anyone as a policeman. This writ was subsequently made perpetual, and General Rousseau, who had just been put in command of the troops in New Orleans, agreed to support the force under Steedman.3

New Orleans was next stripped of control over its school system. This was now subordinate to that of the state, by means of an Education Act, passed by the Legislature of 1869. Under this law the state was divided into six districts, of which New Orleans was one. In each district a superintendent with very large powers was named by the governor upon the nomination of the state superintendent of education. In New Orleans there was also to be a Board of Education appointed by the State Board of Education. Any attempt to deprive this body of control over any public school was punishable by fine and imprisonment. The intent of the law was expressly declared to be "to repeal all laws or parts of laws granting the control of public education in the City of New Orleans to the municipal authorities" and "to connect the system of public schools in the City of New Orleans with the state system of education." Moreover, any officer or teacher of any public school who should "refuse to receive into any school any child between the ages of six and twenty-one years of age, who shall be lawfully entitled to admission into the same; and shall comply with such rules and regulations as may be presented by the Board of School Directors and the State Board of Education, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor," and subject to heavy fines and imprisonment.

The effect of this tyrannical law was, of course, to throw the appointment of all school teachers in the city into the hands of the Radical administration and to reopen the whole question of mixed schools. It was understood that this bill was the work of the fanatical Rev. T. W. Conway, who was at this time state superintendent of education and whose heart was set on introducing negro children into the white schools. The attempt to enforce this bill in New Orleans led to a prolonged controversy between the old board and that which aimed to displace it. Incidentally, the state funds for the payment of the teachers were tied up by injunctions, and the teaching corps went without pay until reduced to great need, when a court order instituting a receivership permitted the utilization of these funds for the relief of the deserving class which had earned them. Not till the following year did the city recover control of its school system.

In December a successful effort was made to wrest the control of the City Council from the hands of the Democracy. Warmoth took advantage of an act passed by the Legislature of 1868 which empowered p332the governor to fill offices as they fell vacant through death, resignation or any other cause before the incumbent had served out his full term. This right Warmoth extended to include all offices howsoever vacated. After experimenting with the appointment of the municipal official of Jefferson City, he applied his theory to New Orleans. Part of the City Council elected in 1868 were chosen for what was termed the "short term" and was now due to retire. An election was accordingly held on May 19, 1869 for their successors. The governor declined to recognize the members elected on this occasion and appointed a number of new councilmen. On the other hand, the old members denied that they could be required to give up their posts until the next regular city election. A three-sided legal fight ensued. Judge Collens granted an injunction seating the newly elected members; Judge Leaumont enjoined them from taking their seats, and authorized the governor's appointees to take their places; and Judge Cooley handed down a decision against the latter and favorable to the old members of the Council.

Remarkable scenes followed. On December 22nd the chief of police, acting as constable for Judge Sadlier's court, armed with a warrant sued out for J. A. Walsh, one of the governor's appointees, intruded into the council room at the City Hall and tried to arrest the members whose seats were contested by Walsh and the other Warmoth appointees. Only the prompt action of the presiding officer in adjourning the meeting prevented him from carrying out his purpose. Only a week later the sheriff presented himself before the Council while in session with an injunction from Judge Leaumont ordering him to remove from the Board the following members: Rose, Reid, Walters, Pasley, Atkins, Lagan, Davis, Montgomery, Stringer, Fisher, Barnes, Morphy and Breen; and from the Board of Aldermen the following: Kaiser, Markey, McCaffrey, Boguille, Harrison and Wiltz. In their places he was commanded to place W. R. Fish, J. A. Walsh, W. H. Pemberton, J. P. Sullivan, Eugene Staes, E. Reggio and W. H. Bell, assistant aldermen, and Charles Potthoff, J. R. Clay, L. Pessou and Jacob Hassinger aldermen. Mr. Barnes, who was presiding in the lower board room, denied the legality of the order, but the sheriff refused to allow him to discuss the matter, and compelled him to retire under protest.4 In the upper board, where Mr. Wiltz presided, a prompt adjournment prevented the sheriff from officially removing the extruded members, but he nevertheless installed Potthoff and Hassinger. On the following day the new members met the few members whom the governor had not dismissed and proceeded to organize. A few days later Potthoff was elected president of the upper board and Fish of the lower board. There was much talk of opposition, legal and otherwise; excited crowd swarmed in the City Hall corridors while these untoward acts were in progress; but the attorneys whom the expelled councilmen consulted advised submission to the governor's will and Warmoth in the end was completely victorious.5

Thus in possession of the police and school systems and with virtual control over the legislative machinery of the city, there remained one more step to take in order to perfect the Radical domination in New Orleans. That was to subvert the city charter. The "Republican" in an p333editorial on January 5, 1869, urged what it termed "the remodeling of the city government," and said that the members of the State Legislature "in this cannot run counter to the wishes of any class except, of course, the city officers, for it is universally admitted that a more imbecile and corrupt administration than that which now governs New Orleans never cursed any community." The governor took up the subject in his message to the Legislature, which met a few days later in New Orleans. "The charter of this corporation," he said, "should be revised. The government is cumbersome, expensive and irresponsible. Evils have grown up in it of a most dangerous character, which should be eradicated by law. It has issued a currency without authority of law, and has forced it upon the people in such amounts as to break down its value and destroy it as a circulating medium. It has failed to pay the interest upon its obligations and is at double, if not triple, the necessary expense owing to its inability to meet the current obligations. The charter should contain definite powers, less offices and attach more responsibility to the officers."6 Other argument in favor of the proposed change was based upon the allegation that the existing law was obsolete; that it had come down from the slavery epoch, and that under it the city councils had been able to evade complying with the acts of the State Legislature relative to the Metropolitan Police Force. "Not a dollar has yet been drawn from the treasury to defray the expenses of the police force. Policemen are compelled to work for no pay and live the best way they may."7 On the other hand, the citizens of the city seem to have felt that any change would be for the better and tried only to see that in drafting the new charter some provisions were incorporated in it which would tend to reduce the almost unbearable burden of taxation under which they were groaning.

Early in January, therefore, a citizens' or Property Holders' Association sprang into existence, which prepared a draft of a charter. It was proposed to abolish the councilmanic system and substitute a government composed of a mayor and six administrators. An act of this tenor was introduced into the Legislature at the beginning of the session by Mr. Bacon. At the same time a joint committee of the Legislature was appointed to prepare a bill also. Mr. Ray, a country member, introduced in committee a series of amendments which had the effect of rendering the projected charter exceedingly objectionable to New Orleans. He proposed to empower the governor to appoint the first set of officials, the mayor and three of the administrators to serve till May, 1872. He also proposed to reduce the bonds of the various administrators from $100,000, as originally recommended, to $25,000, a sum which was "far too low."8 The debate over the charter dragged through the whole of the session, and the day of adjournment still found the members unable to come to any agreement. The matter was ultimately left over to the session of 1870.

When the Legislature convened early in 1870 the matter of the new charter was promptly taken up. The bill was passed and received the governor's signature on March 16. It was, substantially, the Property p334Holders' Association bill, incorporating most of the Ray amendments. The government was declared invested in a mayor and seven administrators, to be known, respectively, as the Administrators of Finance, Commerce, Improvement, Police, Assessments, Public Accounts and Public Building and Waterworks.9 The Administrator of Police was made ex-officio a member of the Metropolitan Police Board. To these officers were committed administrative and executive functions.

The administrators, like the mayor, were to be elected by the city at large, but it was the mayor's duty to assign each administrator to his department after election. In other words, the administrators were not elected to head any particular department. The first mayor and the first administrators were to be named by the governor of the state. These appointees would hold office till the first Monday in November, 1870, or until their successors were appointed. On that day an election for a new group of officials should be held, in which all voters qualified under the state and national laws might participate.

The mayor and the administrators were required to have been residents of the city but for one year. They were required to take the oath set forth in section 100 of the state constitution, that they would not attempt to deprive any person of his political or civil rights on account of "race, color or previous condition," and would support the constitution of state and nation. All but the mayor were required to furnish a bond. The mayor was to perform the usual duties connected with that office. He and the seven administrators, acting together, were to constitute the City Council. The mayor's functions in the Council were merely to preside; he had no vote, except in case of a tie. His term was fixed at two years, and his salary was to be $7,500 per annum. The seven departments were quite independent of the mayor and of one another. Each commissioner was required to submit a monthly report to the mayor, but that seems to be all the supervision he was expected to exert. The Department of Finance was entrusted with general control of all matters relative to the city finances, the handling of city moneys, and the collection of taxes. The Department of Commerce was to look after the markets, railroads and canals, regulate the weights and measures and manage the fire department. The Department of Assessments had to do with preparing the assessment rolls for purposes of taxation, the licensing of the professions, trades and other gainful occupations on which the city was, under a recent act of the Legislature, permitted to impose a license; and generally to assume the functions hitherto performed by the Board of Assessors. The Department of Police was, as its name indicates, to administer the police, see to the protection of property, the enforcement of the city ordinances and the management of the House of Refuge and the arrangements for lighting the city. It was stipulated, however, that this department should possess no functions in conflict with those of the Metropolitan Police Board. Its powers were thus very limited. The Department of Public Accounts handled all claims and demands against the city, and kept records of the appropriations p335made by the council. It was also charged with preparing a semi-annual statement of claims and amounts against the city, and an estimate of the amounts necessary to meet the city's expenses during the ensuing six months. These reports seem to have been in the nature of a budget of expenditures. Under the Department of Public Buildings and Waterworks was placed the management of the city waterworks, the school buildings, the city hospitals and the asylums. For their labors each administrator was entitled to receive a salary of $6,000 per annum.

The Council, composed, as has been said, of the mayor and the seven administrators sitting together, was authorized to organize the various departments, appoint the clerical force and indicate its compensation, make laws for the preservation of the peace, deal with such public improvements as connected with the wharves, the city lighting, etc. It had also large rights relative to the expropriation of such private property as might be necessary for public improvements, the regulation and repair of the sewers and drains, paving and the opening of new streets, the regulation of the port charges and the imposition of taxes. Taxes might be laid once annually, in December, and might not exceed $1.75 per $100 of assessed value on all property, provided the amount realized sufficed to pay the interests on the consolidated debt and the railroad bonds issued by the city. Taxable property, besides including the objects usually so reckoned, included bonds, mortgages, notes and income derived from salaries, wages, commissions, fees and stock held in certain kinds of corporations. Incomes under $1,000 per annum, however, were exempted from taxation, as also were household articles up to a value of $100, and the city bond issues.

Some of the powers ascribed to the council were curious, as, for instance, the right to determine what animals might rove at large in the city; the manner of storing explosives within the corporate limits; the right to determine the dimensions of carts used to carry firewood, and to locate the places where firewood might be stored; the regulation of the height of fences, and the duty of imposing fines upon persons who maliciously broke off doorknobs, bells, gate handles or removed or destroyed other fixtures of houses. It was made the duty of the city to keep the streets in repair, but with regard to sidewalks, that was a duty to which the owners of the abutting property were expected to perform.

The council was to meet weekly in public session. Four members would constitute a quorum. No ordinance making an appropriation of any sum in excess of $500 might be passed except by a majority vote of the council. All ordinances must lie over at least one meeting. The council was to elect its secretary, whose salary was fixed at $3,000; a city attorney "learned in the law," at a salary to be fixed by the council; a city surveyor, with a salary of $5,000, and six recorders, one for each district in the city, to serve for two years and to perform the same duties as the similar officials under the old charter, at a salary of $2,500 each. Various subordinate officials and alternates were also provided for. The right of the mayor or any administrator to retain his office might be at any time tested by quo warranto proceedings instituted by any citizen.

A very important feature of the new charter was, that it extended the boundaries of the city to include the suburb of Jefferson City, which till this time had enjoyed a separate municipal organization of its own. Consequently, the charter provided that the council, as soon as it had organized, should ascertain the debt of Jefferson City and pass ordinances p336to provide for the payment of interest thereon. There were other important provisions regarding the city finances. Several sections were dedicated to regulations for the refunding of the bonds issued under the act approved February 27, 1869, intended to "enable New Orleans to fund its floating debt and liquidate its indebtedness." The unissued bonds of this series were to be destroyed, and those which had been issued were to be taken up by the city's fiscal agent, which would supply in exchange a new series of securities to bear interest at seven percent per annum. These new securities the city was authorized to issue to the amount of $3,000,000. They were payable in twenty-five years from the date of issue. The council was required to make appropriations annually to pay the interest upon these new bonds, and also upon the consolidated bonds, with which the new legislation made no attempt to deal. Finally, there were a series of prohibitions designed to check the extravagances of the administration, as, for instance, a section requiring the city to have available in its treasury sufficient funds to meet any bonds, warrants, certificates, etc., which it might thereafter issue; making illegal any bond issued in contravention of this section; and forbidding the council to incur a debt in excess of $100,000 until such time as the city debt should be reduced to a total of $7,000,000 or less, unless at the moment of making such appropriations steps were taken to provide for the payment of the principal and interest within a period of ten years.

Anticipating the enactment of the new city charter with provisions authorizing the governor to appoint the first board of city officials under it, a committee of citizens was formed in March, 1869, with the idea of recommending to Warmoth candidates who would be satisfactory to the population of the city. This committee consisted of fifty prominent citizens. It called itself the Electoral Jury. At its head was the distinguished Dr. W. N. Mercer. Among the members were T. L. Clarke, George Jonas, Alfred Mouton, G. W. West, J. Lavillebeuvre, Carl Kohn, C. E. Slayback, F. Wing, Marshall J. Smith, Joseph Santini, Charles Cavaroc, James Jackson, S. H. Kennedy, Dr. H. B. Moss and Cuthbert H. Slocumb. The latter was credited with initiating the movement. It issued an address to the public, in which the condition of the city was described in the following melancholy phrases: "Through gross mismanagement and incapacity and utter disregard of the interest and welfare of our people on the part of those entrusted with the administration of the affairs of our city, it is now in the most deplorable and disgraceful condition. Streets and wharves are shamefully neglected, the treasury is empty, its just debts unpaid and swelling from month to month; her credit, once so deservedly high, has sunk to the lowest ebb. At the present rate of taxation an honest and faithful collection and disbursement of her revenues would enable her to meet her current expenses as well as the interest on her outstanding bonds, and pay for all necessary improvements, and leave a large surplus to be applied towards the liquidation of her indebtedness."10 On March 23rd this jury called on Governor Warmoth and presented a list of candidates, four for each office, and suggested that the mayor and administrators be chosen from among the number.

Three days later the governor announced his appointments. J. H. Oglesby, president of the Louisiana National Bank, was named for p337mayor. The governor's selections for administrators were: J. S. Walton, Alfred Shaw, S. C. Emley, Bernard Soulie, L. T. Delassize, E. W. Pierce and J. R. West. Only four of these were taken from the list presented by the Electoral Jury. These were Walton, Emley, Delassize and Soulie. On the other hand, Oglesby was himself a member of the Electoral Jury. Soulie and Delassize were negroes, the former a wealthy real estate owner and the latter had formerly been state auditor and was at the present time recorder of mortgages in New Orleans. After considering the matter four days, Oglesby determined to refuse the appointment, as he found his time too fully occupied with personal affairs to permit him to give any attention to public matters. Soulie followed his example. Delassize, who, it was understood, was to be made Administrator of Assessments, was likewise on the point of declining when he was offered a better position among the administrators and consented to accept. The post vacated to him was tendered to another colored man, named McCarty, who accepted.

In place of Oglesby the governor's choice fell upon B. F. Flanders, who, in 1867, under Sheridan, had been for six months governor of the state. After leaving the gubernatorial chair he had resided for some time in Brooklyn. His status as a Republican could not be questioned.11

Altogether, the new appointments were probably as good as could be expected under the circumstances. Walton had already some experience in municipal employ. He had been in the city treasurer's office. In 1867 he had served as Assistant United States Treasurer and was now president of the Louisiana Savings Institution. Shaw was another old citizen. He had held the appointment of recorder of mortgages under an appointment from Butler; had been clerk of the United States District Court under Judge Durell, and was a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1864. Emley had come to New Orleans in 1864 and was in the mercantile business. Pierce was a Magazine Street flour merchant and had been appointed a member of the State Board of Education, "which position he had virtually resigned," according to an ambiguous paragraph in one of the local newspapers.12

West had served with the rank of general in the Union army in Texas; he had been chief deputy United States marshal under Herron, and at the present time was serving as auditor of customs.

The new officials were ready to take their seats on April 4th. All of the retiring officials, "except Conway, were ready to yield their offices. Conway, with a desperation which only the fear of losing an office can lead, determined to cling to the mayoralty while there was a shadow to grasp at, and nervously flitted from one room to another" of the City Hall.13 Flanders, accompanied by the newly appointed administrators, arrived at the hall in the forenoon. Conway expressed surprise at seeing Flanders, whom, he said, had no right to attempt to act as mayor until the second Monday following the date of his appointment. Such was, at least, the interpretation which the retiring mayor placed upon the language of the new charter. He would therefore recognize him on April 11th. For similar reasons he refused to recognize Delassize and McCarty, claiming that the period which should elapse between their p338nomination and their induction into office had not yet expired. These arguments the Picayune on the following morning pronounced "mere quibbles." Flanders merely answered that he had come to the hall and proposed to stay. He thereafter ignored Conway, who made several futile attempts to interfere with the subsequent installation of the new government. Flanders called together the new administrators and proceeded to organize them as the City Council. He announced the appointment of John Tobin as mayor's secretary, and directed the various administrators to repair to their different departments, which they did, and there they were courteously received and duly installed.

Mayor Benjamin Franklin Flanders

Benjamin F. Flanders was an old resident of New Orleans. Although a native of New Hampshire, he had settled in the city as early as 1843. Here he had studied for the bar. He seems not to have practiced his profession, however, but turned his attention first to teaching and then to journalism and to politics. He was for many years employed in the city public schools. Before the Civil war he had attained the rank of principal of one of the public schools. He was offered the school superintendency of the Third Municipality, but declined this honorable and laborious position. His journalistic activities led him into the editorship of a local newspaper, the Tropic, which he was largely instrumental in establishing and of which he became part owner. In 1849 he was elected alderman in the council of the Third Municipality and was re-elected in 1852. In the latter year, also, he was appointed secretary and treasurer of the Opelousas & Great Western Railroad. In 1862 his political ideas recommended him to the Federals. When the city was occupied Butler made him city treasurer. A few months later, when elected to Congress, he resigned this position in order to go to Washington. In the following year Secretary Chase tendered him an appointment as supervising agent of the United States Treasury in Louisiana, which p339he accepted. He resigned this post in 1866 to become president of the First National Bank of New Orleans.14 Flanders was well spoken of, even in newspapers normally opposed to all things radical; and it must be said that he was by training in a position to give the city an efficient and business-like administration. As a matter of fact, the situation was beyond his control; and the period of eighteen months over which his two administrations extend was one of riotous extravagance and general incompetence in practically every branch of the city government. Radical control of the city was now complete; those who had engineered it naturally hastened to reap the benefit of their skill and industry.

Flanders' first act, however, met with general approval. This was to order an investigation of the sale of the stock of the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern Railroad, owned by the city, to a syndicate of Northern capitalists headed by Henry McComb. The city, it will be recalled, issued a large block of bonds in 1852 for the benefit of this road. In return for this pecuniary assistance it had received 80,000 shares of the capital stock, valued at $25 per share. This stock had been hypothecated to protect the bonds, and these bonds were due in 1874 and 1875. It was claimed by some persons that under these circumstances the stock was valueless. Others, and among them W. Henderson, who had served for five or six years as a member of the board of directors of the road, claimed, with just as much apparent justification, that, on the contrary, the stock was immensely valuable. Henderson asserted that it was worth $3,000,000 and within a short time would pay an annual interest on that valuation. A bill was introduced in the Legislature early in the year to authorize the sale of the stock. Little was known of the proposed deal until within a day or two of the final passage of the law. It was fiercely denounced by some of the local newspapers.15 On March 30th the City Council adopted an ordinance directing the city treasurer to proceed to the sale of the stock at a price of not less than $150,000. There was some irregularity in the manner in which this ordinance was passed. It was signed, not by Mayor Conway, nor by the president pro tempore of the council, Charles Potthoff, but by one of the members, who claimed the right to do so because he had been called temporarily to preside during the time when the measure had been in debate.

The litigation over the sale of this stock and over the slaughter house monopoly constituted the principal incidents of Flanders' first term as mayor. With regard to the Jackson road suit, its history may be briefly recapitulated here. On April 1st a citizen named Hoyle brought suit in a local court to enjoin the city from selling the stock, but this suit was withdrawn a day or two later. McComb, claiming to have bought the stock from the city for $300,000, then enjoined the city from disposing of it to any other person. The new city administration on April 6th refused to receive from the retiring city treasurer, Mount, McComb's check for $300,000, and the money was thereupon deposited in a bank to wait the result of the litigation. The city now intervened in the injunction suit and obtained an order restraining McComb from selling such certificates as might have been delivered to him. The next step was a suit brought by private citizens to throw the road into bankruptcy. p340On May 27th the situation was further complicated by the newly elected city attorney, George S. Lacey, to whom the matter was referred for an opinion. He held that there was no legal reason why the city should not proceed to consummate the sale of the stock in question. In June McComb and his associates received a verdict in several of the suits the effect of which was to put them in possession of the property. The city then took possession of the deposit of $300,000. Later on, the original bonds fell due and were paid by the city.16

The slaughter house case, which resulted favorably to the city after prolonged litigation, arose from an act passed by the Legislature of 1869, giving to a group of business men a monopoly of the cattle business in New Orleans. Under this law no one might import into the city cattle for slaughter except this company, or persons whom it authorized and who paid it a fee. Judge Bradley, in the United States Circuit Court, in granting a perpetual injunction against the company, held that the proposed monopoly was an infraction of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, inasmuch as it abridged the immunities of citizens of the United States. "It is one of the privileges of every American citizen," the court held, "to adopt and follow such lawful industrial pursuit — ? not injurious to the community — ? as he may see fit without unreasonable regulation or molestation and without being restricted by any of those unjust, oppressive and odious privileges which have been condemned by all free governments."

During Flanders' first term wood as a paving material was tried on some of the city streets and pronounced a failure. The name of St. Charles Street was changed to St. Charles Avenue from Tivoli (Lee) Circle uptown. The census of 1870 gave the city a population of 191,418. In 1869 the assessment of the city was $139,848,204, on which a tax was levied of 2.375 percent . This included the assessment of .75 percent ordered by the Metropolitan Police Board.17

Flanders served till November 7, 1870, when, in accordance with the new charter, an election took place for mayor and for administrators of assessments, commerce and police. Flanders was nominated for mayor by the Republicans, and L. A. Wiltz, who had formerly been president of the Board of Aldermen and had been expelled by Warmoth in the previous December, was named by the Democrats, principally as a protest against that action. Flanders' success was a foregone conclusion. The election hardly attracted the attention of the contemporary newspapers. Squads of the Metropolitan Police guarded the polls' charges that the voters were intimidated were freely made, and the ballots were counted by the returning board which the State Legislature had created for the purpose. Flanders was declared to have received 18,216 votes as against 11,826 for Wiltz.

The second term of Flanders presented no change as compared with the first one. The extravagant management of city affairs went on unchecked. In 1872 the expenses of the city amounted to $6,961,381 and the bonded debt climbed to the colossal figure of $21,000,000. The assessment of the city was $131,426,211, and the tax rate nominally 2.75; but it has been conservatively computed that on a just valuation of property p341in New Orleans, the tax rate would have been nearer 5 percent than the figure given. The city engineer, W. H. Bell, in 1871 presented to the council a complete drainage system, with protection levees above and below the city, and revetted levees along the lake shore. The water within these limits was to be carried by wide and deep canals to Lake Pontchartrain and there pumped into the lake. The cost of the system was estimated at millions of dollars. To meet the expense it was proposed to issue gold bonds bearing 7 percent interest per annum. This, and the purchase of the upper City Park in 1871, were the two important events of Flanders' second term. The purchase of the park was effected under an act of the Legislature of 1871. The price was $800,000. The property comprised 373 "arpents," or about 280 acres. It is known today as Audubon Park and is one of the most beautiful pleasure places in the city.

The Author’s Notes

1 Ficklen, "History of Reconstruction in Louisiana," 203, 204; Appleton's Annual Encyclopaedia, 1868, p434; New Orleans Times, July 2, 1868.

2 Special Orders No. 154. The Picayune for July 14 prints the order in full, without comment.

3 Fortier, "A History of Louisiana," IV, 110 pp.

4 Bee, December 25, 26, 29, 1869.

5 Picayune, December 29, 1869; January 7, 1870.

6 Republican, January 4, 1869.

7 Republican, January 24, 1869.

8 Picayune, February 12, 1869.

9 On January 16, 1869, by Ordinance No. 1232, N. S., the city purchased the waterworks from the Commercial Bank for $2,000,000, payable $1,393,400 in 5 percent bonds, the remainder being represented by the amount due for her half-million dollars worth of stock and accrued interest thereon. Seven commissioners named by the city then took charge of the waterworks. These were under the new charter made subordinate to the Administrator of Public Buildings and Waterworks.

10 Picayune, March 24, 1870.

11 Republican, April 3, 1870.

12 Republican, March 27, 1870.

13 Picayune, April 5, 1870.

14 "A Louisianaise," "Bibliographical Sketches of Louisiana's Governors," pp44-45.

15 By the Picayune, for instance. See its editorial for March 22, 1870.

16 Picayune, April-June, 1870, passim.

17 Campbell, "Manual of the City of New Orleans," p28.

Chapter XXII

The period of Flanders' administration witnessed a series of thrilling occurrences in New Orleans. Properly speaking, these events belong to the history of the State; but they must be described here, not only because they took place in the city, and kept it in a constant state of excitement and disorder, but because they deeply influenced the history of the municipality. In 1871 the republican national organization began to show signs of division along factional lines. This tendency resulted, in Louisiana, in the formation of several bitterly antagonistic groups. The most enlightened element in the party was included in the so-called "liberal" republican faction, of which Warmoth made himself leader. Its interests naturally coincided with those of the down-trodden democrats, and the logic of events ultimately made a combination of these two parties advisable.1 The extreme, or radical wing of the republican party — ? the "Custom House" party — ? got its name from the fact that it was led by the United States marshal, Packard, who had his office in that building. With Packard was aligned the speaker of the lower house of the State Legislature, G. W. Carter.

A furious contest arose between these two factions over the control of the party machinery. The struggle at first centered upon the State Central Committee, and then upon the House of Representatives. The former phase culminated in August, 1871, when the Carterites secured control of the committee, assembled it in the Custom House under the protection of Federal soldiery, and refused admission to all delegates who could not exhibit a special ticket issued by Packard. By this device Warmoth, and the lieutenant governor, Pinchback, and their adherents were excluded from the meeting. They indignantly withdrew to Turners' Hall, and there effected an organization of their own, at which a series of resolutions was adopted bitterly denunciatory of the Custom House meeting.

The legislature met in regular session on January 1, 1872. Warmoth determined to drive Carter from the speakership of the House, if possible; Carter, on his side, was resolved upon the political destruction of a man whom he described as "the greatest practical liar."2 At first, the Carterites seemed to have everything their own way. A vote of confidence in Carter was passed in the House in the midst of the wildest excitement. Moreover, he was authorized to call in the Metropolitan Police, and to appoint sergeants-at-arms in any number, and whenever in his judgment necessary, to protect the assembly from Warmoth and his adherents. Four of the Warmoth delegates were unseated, on the ground that they did not reside in the parishes which they claimed to represent, and Carterites contestants were admitted in their places. Finally, Warmoth himself and several of his lieutenants were arrested, haled before Marshal Packard, and put under $500 appearance bonds, on charges of interfering with the organization and conduct of the State Legislature.

p343 But Warmoth was not beaten by any means. He declared these proceedings a conspiracy to overthrow the government, and called a special meeting of the legislature to deal with the situation. Naturally, the members who responded were his own adherents. They lost no time in unseating Carter, and electing as his successor a "reliable" person, named Brewster. They also authorized Warmoth to place soldiers around the Mechanics' Institute, and thus prevent Carter and his supporters from getting access to that building, then used as the State Capitol. Carter withdrew to a room above the "Gem" saloon, on Royal Street, near Canal, and proceeded to organize what he termed "the legal House of Representatives." He did not muster a quorum, and sergeants-at-arms were sent to gather in a sufficient number of members to constitute it. They seem to have arrested absentee legislators wherever they encountered such, without reference to their affiliations with the warring factions. Under these circumstances, it was obvious that a clash could not long be averted. In fact, on January 7, rioting took place in Royal Street, and a member of the Warmoth Legislature, Wheyland, was killed. An effort was made to fasten the crime upon Carter and certain of his associates, but Wheyland was really killed by the police, and the judge before whom the accused was arraigned promptly discharged them. After that, peace was only maintained by General Emory and the soldiers of the United States army.3 Emory was instrumental, two weeks later, in preventing bloodshed, when Carter, at the head of several thousand persons, mainly negroes, marched on the Mechanics' Institute, with the avowed intention of seizing the building by force. The General had instructions from Washington to prevent a conflict between armed men in New Orleans, and his announced intention to obey them to the letter, caused the movement to collapse suddenly.

After that, desertions from the Carter camp, which had begun early p344in the month, proceeded at an accelerated rate, until Warmoth was in absolute control again. Brewster's election was confirmed, as well as all the other actions of the Warmoth faction during the interim; and the legislature remained in session, without further molestation, till February 29. But the scandal of the Warmoth-Carter affair ran through the entire nation. Congress was compelled to act. It sent a committee to New Orleans to investigate. This committee submitted two reports, which agreed in representing the disorders in Louisiana as due to factional quarrels among the republicans. The minority report characterized both factions equally as composed of "adventurers [. . .] from all sections, destitute alike of either political or personal integrity, and [. . .] fattening upon the plunder wrung from the property and toil of the people." As for the legislature, "the world has rarely known a [. . .] body so rank with ignorance and corruption."4 Strong language, this, but amply justified by the facts.

In these dissentions in the dominant party, the conservative population of New Orleans saw an opportunity to regain control of the government. A movement which began in New Orleans, at a mass meeting held in December, 1871, and which at first contemplated nothing more than reform in the municipal organization, rapidly spread and assumed a more ambitious aspect. At that meeting a committee of 51 prominent citizens, with Isaac N. Marks as chairman, was appointed to investigate ways and means of bettering the city government. Its report, made in the following February, declared that "the troubles in the municipal government are in a large measure due to state interference, and the manipulation of city affairs by State authorities." Reform in the city, therefore, could be obtained only when it had been first brought about in the State. The report continued: "Disheartened by the unblushing deceit of the executive and legislative branches of your State Government, and convinced that no relief is possible while that government as now constituted remains in existence," the committee "determined [. . .] to recommend the rapid organization of the people of the city and all over the State, not into secret, oath-bound associations, but into one grand party of reform." The organization which resulted called itself the reform party. It appointed a provisional State executive committee, and on March 12 issued an address calling upon all friends of good government, white and colored, to join the movement. This condition of affairs in the State, ran this document, was "due to the frightful spoliation and robbery of which she was the victim, to a lack of sympathy and co-operation between the two great races inhabiting our territory." The committee believed that in Louisiana the two political parties were divided upon "issues of prejudice and feeling" rather than of "abstract reason." "The consequence is that the contests between these parties in reference to our local concerns, have more of bitterness than is ordinarily the case."5

The same feeling that a crisis had arrived animated the addresses issued by the Democratic State Central Committee in April and in June. They called on the people to "put the brand of infamy upon the brows of those who have dishonored and plundered Louisiana, to expel them p345from their high places, and make them Giovanni way to honest and capable men." Both the democratic and the reform conventions met in June in New Orleans. Neither could ignore the necessity of fusion. Conference committees were named on both sides. These reported a compromise ticket headed by George Williams, of Caddo Parish. The reform convention accepted this ticket practically without a dissenting voice, but it was rejected by the democrats. Not only did the latter disapprove the conference report, but they nominated an opposition ticket of their own, with John McEnery's name at the head. Fortunately there were on both tickets many identical names. The way was thus open to further negotiations. Finally, the reformers were induced to withdraw their nominees and support the McEnery ticket.

On the other hand, each of the republican factions held conventions and nominated State tickets. These factions were now three in number, the lieutenant-governor, Pinchback, having quarreled with Warmoth, ostensibly because the latter proposed to co-operate with the democrats with a view to procure the election in Louisiana of the Greeley-Brown presidential electors. The Custom House faction put out a State ticket headed by William Pitt Kellogg. The Pinchback faction nominated its leader for governor. Pinchback apparently never had any serious intention of contesting the governorship; his plan was to unite on favorable terms with the Packard faction. It proved difficult, however, to smooth away all the differences between the two groups. This was not effected till late in the summer. Then the State officers were apportioned among the two parties, Kellogg retaining the nomination for governor, and Pinchback taking that for state auditor.

In the meantime Warmoth's "Liberals" had also held a convention in New Orleans. They met on August 5 and remained in session six days. On the first day a committee was named to confer with the democratic and reform parties, with a view to unite upon a fusion ticket. Combination was ultimately effected by the acceptance by the liberals of a ticket with John McEnery as nominee for the governorship, D. B. Penn for the lieutenant-governorship, H. N. Ogden for state auditor, and other equally well-known citizens as candidates for the remaining offices. Thus, as election day approached, there were in the field two state tickets — ? the democratic, supported by the reform party and by Warmoth's faction of the republicans; and the republican, endorsed by the Packard-Pinchback organization.

The fusion movement in state politics was paralleled by a similar movement in the City of New Orleans. W. R. Fish, president of the "Republican" Publishing Company, was nominated by the radical republicans. The liberals withheld their support, prepared to throw it to the democratic nominee, if a satisfactory understanding could be effected. But democracy was divided. There were the regular democratic organization, and, in addition, the citizens' party and the parish fusionists. These elements were all favorable to the candidacy of L. A. Wiltz for mayor, but otherwise their tickets presented wide divergences. The principal obstacle to fusion was the administratorship of improvements. The liberals contended that in any allocation of offices, this post ought to go to them. The democrats were not ready to concede this point. The parish fusionists supported N. E. Bailey for the post. The citizens' party named Maj. E. A. Burke. Burke finally received the endorsement of the liberals. But Burke's candidacy gave widespread dissatisfaction. p346The Picayune proposed that the compromise be effected, all candidates to retire in favor of Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard.6 This suggestion was received with considerable favor. On October 25 the democratic clubs met in convention, and appointed a committee of seven to discuss the basis of fusion with all factions opposed to the radical republicans. It was frankly stated that, while the adoption of the regular democratic ticket would be the most acceptable arrangement, this was not vital, and reasonable concessions would be made. The committee's work resulted in the formulation of a new ticket, announced on October 29. The letter publishing the names of the fusion nominees was signed by Archie Mitchell, on behalf of the Democratic Parish Committee, and by B. R. Forman and D. Warren Brickell, on behalf of the executive committee of the reform party. This ticket was headed by Wiltz, and Beauregard was put on it for the post of administrator of improvements. The other administrators were John Calhoun, Louis Schneider, Robert Brewster, H. F. Sturcken, and B. M. Turnbull. Candidates were also named for the subordinate offices, but among them there were subsequently many changes, to fit the ideas of various other groups of voters, as they were successively induced to endorse the ticket.

The election took place on November 4, the day before the presidential elections were held in the other states of the Union. On the whole "unusually good order prevailed."7 This was true, in spite of the fact that fraud was attempted at many places in the city. Any number of fictitious tickets bearing the names "Fusion," "Independent," etc., were circulated at the polls, each carrying the name of some radical candidate. "In this way almost all of the fusion candidates were, by some combination or other," unfavorably affected.8 Interest, however, was concentrated on the state ticket. McEnery undoubtedly received a majority of the votes cast in state and city, but a way was open by which the popular will could nevertheless be nullified. Under the law, the returns should be canvassed by a Returning Board, composed of the governor, the lieutenant-governor, the secretary of state, and two others to be chosen by these three. At this moment the board was composed of Warmoth, Pinchback, Herron, John Lynch, and T. C. Anderson. Pinchback, as president of the State Senate, was ex-officio lieutenant-governor. Herron was acting secretary of state, vice George Bovee, removed by Warmoth a short time before. It was the duty of this board to complete the tabulation of the returns and announce the result within 10 days. Warmoth proceeded high-handedly to make sure that the board would decide in favor of McEnery. By excluding Pinchback and Anderson on the ground that, being themselves candidates in the election, they were ineligible to sit, and by summarily removing Herron, he got rid of all objectionable persons. Their places were supplied by the appointment of Jack Wharton, F. W. Hatch and Durant Da Ponte. Lynch refused to act with the board as thus constituted. He and Herron now proceeded to organize another board by adding to themselves Gen. James Longstreet and Jacob Hawkins. Thus there were two bodies, each with a semblance of authority claiming the right to decide which candidate had received in the election a majority of the suffrages.

p347 The election was fought out in the United States courts in a series of injunctions, too numerous to be described here in detail. Finally, Kellogg was successful in obtaining from Judge Durell an ex parte order restraining Warmoth's appointees from serving, authorizing the Lynch board to canvass the ballots, and prohibiting McEnery from taking office on the basis of any statement of election from the Wharton-Hatch-Da Ponte board. Warmoth thereupon resurrected a bill passed at the previous session of the legislature, vesting the senate with authority to name the members of the returning board. The governor had not signed it at that time because then it would have curtailed his power, but now it suited his purpose exactly, and he signed and promulgated it, and called a meeting of the senate for the following December, to take action thereunder. In the meantime, declaring that this law operated to abolish all Returning Boards, he availed himself of another law authorizing him as governor to fill vacancies while the State Legislature was not sitting, and appointed a temporary board, which is known in history by the name of one of its members, De Feriet. The De Feriet board promptly did what it was appointed to do — ? it declared the Greeley-Brown presidential electors successful by nearly 6,000 majority, and the McEnery ticket elected in its entirety, by a slightly larger majority.9

Warmoth's proceedings gave offense to Judge Durell, who held that they constituted a "violation" of the restraining order which he had recently issued. He therefore issued an order which a committee of the United States Congress subsequently denounced as "without a parallel in judicial proceedings." This order was addressed to the United States marshal, and directed him to seize the Mechanics' Institute, and keep possession of it until further instructions, on the ground that this was necessary to protect the peace and prevent unlawful assemblages. Its object was to exclude McEnery and his associates from the State Capitol, and throw the control of the State Government into Kellogg's hands. The order was issued at night, out of court, in the absence of the clerk or other attesting officer, and did not bear the official seal. Legally, it was without value. Nevertheless, Packard, accompanied by a detachment of Federal troops, put it into execution at 2:00 A.M., December 6. These proceedings were endorsed by the attorney general of the United States, in a telegram addressed to Packard. Durell issued another order to the Lynch Returning Board which, in effect, legalized the claims of the Kellogg faction, and set up a State Legislature in opposition to that supported by Warmoth.10 The McEnery party, though excluded from power, kept its organization together, and during the two next troubled years continually asserted its rights, as the de jure government of Louisiana.

The counting of the vote for the municipal officers in New Orleans was complicated by the situation in the State. The ballot boxes were removed to the Mechanics' Institute as soon as the polls closed, with the announced object of counting the vote at once. The count, however, was delayed by an order from General Longstreet, directing that no action be taken that night, ostensibly because the tellers were not provided with proper stationery on which to enter the record. It was surmised, however, that Longstreet was really apprehensive of the effect p348that the news of a conservative triumph in New Orleans might produce in other states in the presidential elections of the following day.11 The newspapers complained that when the count actually began discrimination was shown as to the persons permitted to be present at the ceremony, in spite of the fact that the law allowed any person who so desired to witness it. Some of the candidates were admitted, others were excluded. Two lines of Metropolitan police were stationed in front of the room where the count was in progress. Persons who wished to pass were required to exhibit their citizenship and other papers, and even then were in many cases arbitrarily refused.12 In the end the result was announced — ? Wiltz and his entire ticket, 23,896 votes, as against Fish and the Republican ticket, 12,984.13 Wiltz immediately took the oath of office before a notary public and armed himself with a certificate of election from the registrar of voters, Blanchard.14

Flanders did not surrender the mayoralty without a struggle. When on November 26th Wiltz and four of the newly elected administrators presented themselves at the City Hall, he demanded that they exhibit commissions signed by the governor before he yielded. Such commissions they did not have. Flanders declined to recognize Blanchard's certificate. He insisted that he could not vacate the office until assured that he delivered it into proper hands. Otherwise, he said, he would incur liabilities of a very serious character. This was absurd, as Wiltz pointed out, since Flanders had never given any bond, and therefore could not profitably be sued, no matter what event transpired. It was, however, agreed that he should have until November 29th, at 11 A.M., to consult his attorneys and arrive at a decision.

Flanders professed the most correct sentiments. "For my part," he wrote in a message to the City Council, rehearsing the incidents just related, "I am willing to part with our troubles and responsibilities. It is not to be supposed under a government of law that any resort will be had to violence and illegal interference. We should cheerfully give way at once if legal advice should concur that we should, and as cheerfully submit to the counsel, if otherwise; and we cannot suppose that any disposition exists on the other hand, except to accomplish lawful results by lawful and peaceful means."15 The council thereupon empowered him to employ legal advisors, and Christian Roselius, one of the most distinguished members of the local bar, was called in. But by November 29 Roselius seems still to have had the matter under consideration.

Mayor L. A. Wiltz

Early on that day large crowds assembled around the City Hall. At noon a detachment of ten policemen, under a sergeant, arrived at the building and took positions outside of the door of the mayor's office. Gen. A. S. Badger, then chief of police, arrived soon after and "pointedly" instructed the men that they were to take no part in the pending controversy and limit themselves to preserving order; their duty was to prevent the crowd from rushing into the mayor's office. The demeanor of the throng without does not seem to have warranted these apprehensions. According to the newspapers, it behaved "with less p349excitement than was to have been expected." Wiltz and his associates, apprehending that they would be opposed if they again attempted to take possession of the offices to which they had been elected, applied to the District Court for an injunction restraining Flanders and the other members of the retiring administration from interfering. Judge Elmore granted a rule nisi returnable December 6th. Anticipating the service of this rule, Wiltz and his friends did not present themselves at the hall till 2 P.M. They then arrived accompanied by several attorneys and eight or ten unofficial escorts. They went at once to the mayor's parlor, where Flanders met them with a request for further delay, alleging that he had not yet heard from his counsel. While he and Wiltz were discussing this matter, the sheriff arrived to serve the rule. Flanders was indignant. Considerable excitement followed. Flanders insisted that he could do nothing whatever until Roselius had had an opportunity to pass upon this new development of the case. Wiltz felt obliged to concede a short delay.

Roselius' reply was sent in by a messenger within half an hour, and was to the effect that the injunction merely prohibited the mayor and his administrators from interference, but did not enjoin any act upon them. Flanders therefore announced that he could make no opposition if Wiltz seized the government, but would continue to regard himself as rightful mayor of the city. Wiltz thereupon took the official seat at the mayor's desk and installed the new administrators. After further conversation, which the newspapers assure us was "quite friendly," Flanders and his fellow officials withdrew.16

The new mayor was a native of New Orleans and was in his twenty-ninth year. Among his ancestors were some of the first German settlers in Louisiana. His mother was a daughter of a Spanish soldier p350who came to the colony with O'Reilly. Wiltz attended the public schools in his native city till about fifteen years of age, and then obtained employment in a mercantile establishment. At the beginning of the Civil war he enlisted in the New Orleans Artillery. He was speedily elected captain of Company E, Chalmette Regiment, and with this command was stationed at Fort Jackson, where he and his men were captured by the Federals in 1862. Subsequently exchanged, he returned to the Confederate army, and was on active duty till the close of hostilities. He then returned to New Orleans and began a successful mercantile career. He entered politics as a member of the Orleans Democratic Parish Committee and was later elected a member of the State Central Committee. In 1868 he was elected to the State Legislature. In that body, notorious for its corruption and intrigue, he maintained an untarnished reputation and earned the unswerving confidence of his constituents. His service on the Board of Aldermen in New Orleans and his removal therefrom by governor Warmoth have already been mentioned. Wiltz was a man of energy, ability and dauntless courage.17

In undertaking the duties of chief magistrate of New Orleans, Wiltz found himself confronted by conditions more embarrassing than any of his predecessors had ever faced. He himself appreciated the impossibility of the situation. In his inaugural message he said: "It is plain that the great majority anticipate from our hands far more than can be accomplished by any means."18 The financial condition of the municipality could hardly have been worse. Wiltz himself has left us a graphic picture of its perplexities. "Capital has fled from" the city, "and the process of withdrawal has not ceased. Building has almost ceased, while thousands of overtaxed houses are left without tenants. [. . .] Extravagant port charges have driven off ships and damaged our commerce. Northern and foreign capitalists, looking with keen-eyed scrutiny into the management of our public affairs, have recorded their verdict against the public abuses in Louisiana, and that verdict can be read in every stock list where the bonds of New Orleans and of the State are quoted, showing that our credit has been damaged to a ruinous extent. We cannot borrow more money from those who think that we already owe more than we can pay promptly or with certainty. [. . .] Where the public debt is more than one-quarter of all the available property and many times more than all of the available property owned by the corporation, strangers must draw and inference disparaging to the sagacity of our citizens and of our rulers and legislators."19 As a matter of fact, since 1867 the value of real estate had depreciated twenty percent ; business was burdened with a double schedule of State and city licenses on trades, professions and occupations, which produced annually about $500,000; and the city was liable for two debts, city and State, the former estimated at $42,000,000, the latter at $21,000,000.20 The city tax rate, nominally low, was actually exorbitant, due to the fictitious valuation put on taxable property. It actually stood in the neighborhood of five percent ; in addition to which there was a state tax of two p351percent .21 In return for these exactions the city received virtually nothing.

Bird's-Eye View of New Orleans in 1873

These deplorable results Wiltz attributed to the practice of making appropriations and issuing certificates therefor before money had been received to make payment. These certificates had become a kind of city script, bearing no interest, payable at no certain date and having no fixed value. Divided into small sums and issued for services or material to persons who were unable to wait till the city might be in a position to pay in cash, this paper was sold on the streets at enormous discounts. The situation reacted on the municipality in the form of enormously high prices on all purchases. Hitherto the only remedy attempted by municipal financiers had been to refund the debt. Bonds issued for this purpose during Flanders' administration had netted the city less than 70 percent of their face value, although bearing heavy interest and made redeemable in coin or its equivalent. In lieu of such expenditures, Wiltz proposed that appropriations be made only against cash actually in hand.

This plan, admirable in theory, broke down in practice. In February, 1873, for example, in the hope of putting the city on a cash basis, he obtained from the City Council authority to borrow enough money to pay all the expenses of the preceding month, pledging the city's 10 percent bonds at 80 percent of their face value as collateral for the loan, and, as a further inducement to capital, guaranteeing that the money should be applied to the extinguishment of the city debt and to no other purpose whatsoever.22 This only gave momentary relief; it was impossible to carry on the business of the city without anticipating its revenues. Therefore, a month later we find the council appointing a commission p352composed of the mayor and certain of the administrators to ascertain what public improvements could be suspended without immediate public damage. At the same time an arrangement was effected with the gas company to reduce its service one-third. All repairs to the streets, except the maintenance of the gutter crossings, were abandoned. The city's cash receipts were sufficient barely to pay interest on the bonded debt, to retire that portion thereof which was required by law and to meet a few indispensable expenses. Moreover, as the limit of the bonded and certified debt as prescribed by the existing law was now nearly reached, it was impossible to issue further bonds, and Wiltz was opposed to that course anyhow. Various expedients were resorted to stimulate the payment of taxes. In April, 1873, an ordinance was passed allowing a cash discount to citizens who paid their taxes promptly in cash; and in December another ordinance empowered the administrator of finances to receive in payment of city taxes the evidences of the city's unpaid indebtedness, as, for example, drainage warrants in payment of drainage taxes.23 This matter was made still more complicated by the persistence of the tax-resisting associations, which, as we have seen, came into existence in Flanders' time and which still continued to refuse to pay certain impositions made by city and by state.24

Wiltz's task was made difficult also by the fact that the city continued to be the object of important litigation, notably the great Gaines case. In this celebrated suit a decision rendered against the city in June, 1874, compelled Wiltz to borrow $148,000 — ? an immense sum in those days. There was, moreover, the tax for the support of the Metropolitan police. Wiltz strongly advocated the repeal of this iniquitous tax, which amounted to 44 cents on every $100 of the assessed value of the real and personal property of the city. It is not remarkable, then, that although Wiltz entertained the strongest feelings against certain forms of taxation introduced by his radical predecessors, and particularly against the license system, he found himself unable to dispense with the revenue which they produced. Each year during his administration saw the enactment of license ordinances which did not differ essentially from those of antecedent administrations, although, as Wiltz himself pointed out in one of his messages to the council, they worked real injury to business. Finally, in November, 1874, the state of the municipality was so bad that it became necessary to sell considerable portions of its property, notably a large tract of land in St. Bernard Parish, certain valuable batture rights and the famous Iron Building at the foot of Canal Street, which had figured so prominently in the charities of the Civil war period.

The Steamboat Landing in 1873

In spite of these deplorable conditions, some real and definite progress was made during Wiltz's administration. There were some important extensions of the city street railroads. In March, 1873, the Orleans Street Railroad obtained permission to extend its line on Grande Route St. John from Savage Street to Gentilly Road, and on Broad Street from Ursulines to Dauphine. A month later the Magazine Street Railroad Company secured the right to extend its lines on Magazine Street to Joseph Street, and on Broadway to Felicia. In August, the Canal Street, City Park & Lake Railroad was authorized to build an extension to the p353Lake shore and Milneburg. Most of this work was begun at this time, but the completion was delayed by many interruptions and was not effected till some years later. There were also some extensions of the wharves between Hospital and Esplanade Streets; the canal in Canal Street was filled up between Claiborne and St. Patrick streets, as the section between Claiborne and the river had already been filled; a shell road was built on Henry Clay Avenue from St. Charles to Breslau, and a few other similar enterprises were carried out.25 Incidentally, it may be of interest to note that in June, 1873, the iron railing which had till then enclosed Lafayette Square, was removed. In October an ordinance was passed by the council adding the word "north" to the streets which bore on the lower side of Canal Street the same name that they had above that thoroughfare. The most important achievement of the administration, however, was the annexation of Carrollton, which was effected under authority of Act No. 71 of the Legislature of 1874. On November 26th Wiltz and other city officials visited Carrollton and there, in the presence of Mayor A. G. Brice, in the old courthouse which still stands on Carrollton Avenue, near St. Charles, gave a receipt for the municipal records, etc., and assumed control of the government of the town. The annexation of Carrollton immediately brought up the problem of communication with New Orleans. It is true that there already existed a street railroad. This road was built in 1835 and was the oldest line in the city, if not in the United States. It ran from the corner of Canal and Baronne streets to a station at the head of what is now called St. Charles Avenue. But the fare was high and there had been felt for years the need of some other means of transportation to and from the city. It was proposed p354to pave St. Charles up to the newly acquired territory, but the lack of means which handicapped every public enterprise at this period prevented anything being done for several years, although during that time the matter contained a vital problem in what continued to be popularly called Carrollton.26

In the meantime a series of events was taking place in New Orleans which culminated in 1874 in the most dramatic incident in all its long and troubled history. It will be remembered that, as a result of the election of 1872, Louisiana found herself governed by two Legislatures, each of which claimed to be the only lawful organization. Both of these bodies met in New Orleans in December of that year. The McEnery Legislature assembled first in the City Hall, but finding that building too small to accommodate both the state and the city governments, soon transferred itself to Odd Fellows' Hall, on the opposite side of Lafayette Square. Warmoth recognized this as the legally elected Legislature. He sent in a message to that effect, and at the same time issued a proclamation calling on all citizens to withhold "countenance and support" from the "revolutionary and fraudulent" Lynch board assembly. The latter meanwhile were in session at the Mechanics' Institute, planning to impeach Warmoth of "high crimes and misdemeanors in office," and commanding him to appear for trial.

The governor naturally was reluctant to trust his person among his avowed enemies, but sent his attorneys, who adopted a policy of delay and were successful in protracting the trial into the following year, when it was dropped. But Pinchback was not interested in the result of these proceedings; what he wanted was an excuse for seizing the government. His complaisant Legislature declared that the mere presentation of articles of impeachment operated to vacate the gubernatorial office, and Pinchback, as lieutenant governor, took possession thereof. He hastened to send to Washington a statement justifying his action. In reply the attorney general of the United States, G. H. Williams, telegraphed assurances of recognition and aid, which were tantamount to the promise of the co-operation of the Federal soldiers under any and all circumstances. So, at least, Pinchback and his partisans chose to regard the Williams message.27

The principal business of the Pinchback Legislature was to declare Kellogg elected governor, and C. C. Antoine, a colored barber, lieutenant governor. The inauguration of these officials was scheduled for the middle of January. In the intervals an attempt was made to get control of the state militia, the commander of which happened to be Gen. Hugh L. Campbell, a Warmoth supporter. Pinchback now removed Campbell and appointed Gen. James Longstreet in his place. The men, however, refused to obey Longstreet. They were then commanded to lay down their arms, and a detachment of police was dispatched to see that they did so. A bloody encounter was averted by the narrowest of margins. Both sides were preparing for hostilities when General Emory, commander of the Federal troops in New Orleans, intervened with the suggestion that the arms be surrendered to one of his officers. It was the fixed policy of the conservative people of the city to avoid even the p355appearance of opposition to the Federal authorities, and this proposal, distasteful as it undoubtedly was, was accepted. An officer took possession of the arsenal and the citizen soldiers left it, and on December 14th it was handed over to Pinchback's emissaries.28

The democrats made several futile efforts to alter the policy of the Washington authorities. To this end a series of mass meetings was held in New Orleans between December, 1872, and November, 1873. These meetings brought together immense concourses of people, including the best and wealthiest element in the population, but nothing that they could do in the way of petition and resolution had the slightest effect upon the morose and silent man in the White House. At the first of these meetings a memorial was drawn up asking only that recognition of either of the rival legislatures be deferred until an investigation should clearly determine which was entitled to official support. McEnery supplemented this appeal with a telegraphic message, and a delegation of prominent citizens went to the national capital and laid the case before President Grant, but without results. Grant's decision "was made," and "the sooner it was acquiesced in the sooner good order and peace" would be restored.29 An effort to get the United States Supreme Court to investigate was likewise fruitless, although the plan received a quasi-endorsement from the President. Nothing remained but to issue a statement of the facts to the American people, trusting that the narrative would influence public opinion and thus react upon a hostile government. This was done, and the address was well received by the press in many parts of the United States. In fact, the war on Kellogg and Pinchback was largely one of publicity. The final success which delivered Louisiana from its tormentors was probably due more to this policy than to the violent measures advocated by the younger and hotter-headed members of the democratic-conservative party.

Early in January, 1873, the Pinchback government felt itself sufficiently powerful to attempt to overthrow by force its rival at Odd Fellows' Hall. An act creating a militia to be used to "suppress riotous and unlawful assemblys [. . .] and to punish officers and others for neglect or refusal to discharge and perform duties imposed on them by law," was promulgated on January 5th. This was followed by another act calling out the militia for the purpose stated.30 The news of this legislation caused another mass meeting to convene in New Orleans, at which the determination to resist any attack on the McEnery Legislature was unequivocably expressed. Pinchback retorted on the following day with an address in which he said that, while prepared to allow "a faction of the citizens to indulge themselves as fully as the largest personal liberty may require," he was ready "to prevent by the prompt and vigorous execution of the laws the inception of all riotous and disturbed conditions," and concluded with the announcement that, on the proper day, the governor-elect (Kellogg) would be inaugurated.31

The two legislatures were again in session in New Orleans on January 6th. There was every reason to anticipate a clash between the rival governments. All places of business were closed. General Emory moved the Federal troops to strategic points in the expectation of having to use p356them "to preserve order." But Pinchback knew when he had reached the danger line. The temper of the people was such that any attempt on his part to interfere with the McEnery Legislature would have provoked desperate resistance. For the moment, therefore, he had to hold his hand.32 Again, on January 14th, when the rival governors were installed — ? Kellogg at the Mechanics' Institute and McEnery at Lafayette Square — ? the city prepared for war. Once more business was suspended; the United States troops and the Metropolitan police were under arms. The demeanor of the people was grave and menacing. Fortunately, neither side was guilty of any provocation; the very apprehension of trouble sufficed to prevent an outbreak, and the day passed off quietly.

It is impossible here to follow the thrilling story of the contest between the two state governments through all of its detail, particularly in the national Congress, where one phase was fought out. Let it suffice to say that a congressional committee visited New Orleans in January, and after long and careful investigation reported the facts substantially as above stated, closing their summary with the statement that it was impossible to say that Louisiana actually had any government at all. McEnery's was the government de jure, but Kellogg's that de facto, but the question which should receive recognition at the hands of the Federal Government was really political rather than legal and ought to be settled by act of Congress. Congress refused to act. A bill providing that an election be held in Louisiana under circumstances which would insure a free expression of the popular will and an honest count of the ballots was introduced, but failed of passage; and the session closed, leaving the state in what the committee aptly styled "a melancholy condition."

Meanwhile various efforts at conciliation had been initiated in Louisiana, but in vain. In February McEnery issued a proclamation forbidding the payment of taxes to collectors commissioned by Kellogg. A few days later, in another proclamation, he called on all the able-bodied men in Orleans Parish to enroll themselves in a militia by March 1st. That he was supported by the majority of the people of the city was evidenced by the attendance, speeches and resolutions at a great mass meeting held on that date. A part, at least, of the populace was convinced that further parley with their oppressors was futile. On the night of March 5th bands of armed citizens attacked the Metropolitan police station in Jefferson City, a suburb of New Orleans, and the following night another detachment was repulsed in a desperate attempt to storm the Third Precinct Station in the Cabildo, opposite Jackson Square. In both enterprises the McEnery militia was involved. There can be no doubt that while these movements were "without authority and spontaneous,"33 McEnery stood ready to profit by them if successful, and their failure was bitterly deplored at the time. There was no bloodshed at Jefferson City; a police sergeant and seven patrolmen were captured, but were detained only a short time. Late on the night of March 5-6, a strong body of Metropolitans, under command of Gen. A. S. Badger, with one piece of artillery, retook the station after a sharp skirmish, in which the citizens lost one man killed and one wounded.

p357 The affair at the Third Precinct Station was more serious. That an attack was imminent was known some time in advance, and the police were fully prepared for it. At 9 P.M. detachments of the McEnery militia, under Col. Eugene Waggaman, and accompanied by Gen. F. N. Ogden, commander-in-chief of the McEnery forces, occupied Jackson Square, and opened a smart fire on the station. The men were poorly armed, only a few having rifles or shotguns, and very inadequately supplied with ammunition. Subsequently the position in the square was abandoned as too exposed, and the attackers formed in the shelter of the walls of the St. Louis Cathedral. Reinforcements arrived in the course of a half hour and were posted at the corner of Chartres and Toulouse streets. At 10 o'clock a large body of Metropolitan police, sent by Longstreet, marched into Chartres Street and opened fire with a twelve pound piece of artillery and drove the citizens back towards St. Peter. The fighting was still in progress when General Smith of the United States Army appeared and directed Colonel Waggaman to desist and the men to disperse. It was understood that a refusal to obey this command would be followed by an attack from the Federal soldiers, three companies of whom had been stationed at various points in the city for this purpose. Waggaman issued the necessary commands, the firing stopped and the citizens slowly dispersed. The Metropolitans cheered under the impression that the victory was theirs. The United States troops occupied the City Hall that night. The casualties in this affair were slight. The Metropolitans lost two wounded; the citizens lost one man wounded in the first phase of the contest, and one man killed and three or four wounded in the fighting at St. Peter Street.34 Among those wounded was General Ogden, who received a bullet in the shoulder.

As a matter of fact, this outbreak accomplished nothing except to supply the Kellogg-Pinchback government with an excuse for which it had long been looking, and the next day the oft-deferred invasion of Odd Fellows' Hall was effected. A little before noon a force of 100 Metropolitans armed with rifles presented themselves at the building and occupied the Senate chamber, the House of Representatives, the governor's office and the various bureaux of the McEnery government which had been established there. Anticipating this move, the majority of the officials had absented themselves, but Speaker Moncure and Messrs. Foster, Havson, Voorhies and Leonard, members of the Legislature, were found in the lobby, and put under arrest. The orders under which the police were acting bore the signature of General Longstreet. No resistance was offered, as it was felt that the Federal troops would sustain the police in all events, just as they had on the previous night. The arrested members were removed to the First Precinct Station and locked up, like common criminals, but later in the day an order from Kellogg procured their release.35

McEnery immediately addressed a letter of protest to General Emory, in which he demanded to be informed if the invasion of Odd Fellows' Hall had been made with his approval. In reply, Emory forwarded a copy of an order which he had received from General Sherman, directing him, in the name of the President of the United States, to "prevent any violent interference with the state government of Louisiana." The p358arrests, he added, had been made without his knowledge. Emory evidently understood McEnery's politely phrased letter to cover a threat to expel by force the Kellogg police in Odd Fellows' Hall, for he added that if the arrests had been properly authorized he would "most assuredly" use "the whole force of the United States" at his disposal to prevent 'violent interference.' "36 McEnery wished nothing so much as to avoid a conflict with the Federal authority. If he had any idea of employing his militia against Kellogg at this time, he abandoned it on receipt of this communication. But though at the moment nothing could be done, the efficient preparation of the McEnery forces under Ogden was not relaxed.

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Chapter XXIII

Matters in New Orleans were now rapidly approaching a climax. This was precipitated in 1874 by the White League. The White League was a secret society which aimed at uniting the white people of the entire state in opposition to the radical regime. It first made its appearance at Opelousas, in April, 1874. Prior to that time there had been other similar organizations, like the Society of the White Camelia, which were premature and failed to accomplish anything. In New Orleans, for example, as early as 1868 there had been formed among the members of the Chalmette Club a secret society known as the Crescent City Democratic Club, which professed practically the same principles as were later adopted by the White League. This organization ultimately changed its name and affiliated with the White League. The leading spirits in it were Gen. Frederick N. Ogden and F. R. Southmayd. The latter, in 1873, on his return to New Orleans from Washington, whither he had been summoned by the Congressional Committee on Privileges and Elections, with the official returns of the Louisiana election of the preceding year, suggested that the society be called together to consider what action should be taken in the existing emergency. General Ogden was unwilling to do this, fearing that his action might be considered a political move. In December, Southmayd urged that the organization be extended to include the city in general and as much of the adjacent country as possible. Again Ogden objected, and for the same reason.

The situation in the city was deplorable. Citizens were being robbed in open daylight. In May, 1874, a young lady of a respected family was attacked and robbed at midday in the heart of the residence district in the Fourth District in the presence of two policemen and no attempt was made to apprehend the offenders. This incident naturally created much alarm. General Ogden felt that the time had now come to act. At his suggestion, Southmayd wrote a call for a meeting of the Crescent City Democratic Club, to which he signed the names of some twenty prominent citizens, who had authorized him to do so. There was considerable opposition to the proposed meeting. Members of the State Central Democratic Committee, members of Congress and other leading citizens called on Ogden and urged him to cancel the call. They argued that any overt act at this time would injure the prospects of the democratic-conservative party in the coming election and might result in the establishment of a military government over the entire state.1

In the meantime, the movement in Opelousas was spreading slowly to other parts of Louisiana. To counteract it, the partisans of the radical administration appear to have planned to arm the negroes. In the latter part of May steamboatmen leaving New Orleans reported that the nearly every vessel going up the Mississippi carried arms to be delivered at certain places to certain designated persons. The impression that steps were being taken by Kellogg and his adherents to subjugate the whites completely, reacted favorably upon the new society. On June 14th p360the White League was organized in St. Martin Parish. Many persons began to feel that if there were an armed secret society of whites throughout the state the mere fact of its existence would suffice to recover for them their political rights without the shedding of blood or firing a shot. The two movements, which had so far progressed independently, one in the city, the other in the country, thus tended to converge and amalgamate.

The meeting of the Crescent City Democratic Club took place on July 1st and resulted in the change of the name of the organization to the Crescent City White League. The following day the constitution of the league was published in the local newspapers. This document gives reason for the adoption of a new name, and states the object which the organization had in view. It proposed "to assist in restoring an honest and intelligent government to the State of Louisiana; to drive out incompetent and corrupt men from office, and by a union of all other good citizens, the better to maintain and defend the Constitution of the United States and of the state with all laws made in pursuance thereof; and to maintain and protect and enforce our rights and the rights of all citizens thereunder." A conflict "between enlightenment and thick ignorance, between civilization and barbarism — ? a barbarism artificially stimulated and held up by the perverted authority of the most civilized nation in the world," was, according to this declaration, inevitable. It was, however, useless "to repeat the old story of brutal violence stalking at midnight in the draggled shroud of judicial authority, and under the execrable oligarchy of the most ignorant and profligate negroes, leagued with the most dangerous class of rapacious whites, the scum of society." The program of the league was very specific in regard to the status of the negro. "Where the white rules," it ran, "the negro is peaceful and happy; where the black rules, the negro is starved and oppressed. But it is worse than idle to reason with those people. They have become maddened by the hatred and conceit of race, and it has become our duty to save them and to save ourselves from the fatal consequences of their stupid extravagance and reckless vanity by arraying ourselves in the name of white civilization, resuming that just and legitimate superiority in the administration of our state affairs to which we are entitled by superior responsibility, superior numbers and superior intelligence; and while we declare it is our purpose and fixed determination not to interfere in any manner with the legal rights of the colored race, we are determined to maintain our own legal rights by all the means which may become necessary for that purpose, and to preserve them at all hazards."2

The following officers were elected: President, F. N. Ogden; first vice president, W. J. Behan; second vice president, W. I. Hodgson; corresponding secretary, Donaldson Jenkins; recording secretary, Theodore Shute; treasurer, W. A. Bell; marshal, W. T. Vaudry; first assistant marshal, John Payne; second assistant marshal, Harrison Watts. Other prominent men who threw their lot in with the organization were Col. J. B. Walton, who had command of the Washington Artillery during the Civil war; Benjamin R. Forman, F. C. Zacharie, Archibald Mitchell, J. D. Hill and C. L. Walker. The headquarters of the league were established in a building on Prytania and Felicity streets, known as Eagle p361Hall. Branches were speedily organized in the various wards of the city, which had their own individual headquarters.

At the same time another organization was formed under the name of the First Louisiana Regiment, or "Louisiana's Own," as it came to be called. It was, nominally, part of the McEnery state militia, though none of the officers appear ever to have received any formal commission. It was formed by Col. John B. Angell at a meeting in his office on the corner of Camp Street and Commercial Alley. The second in command was Col. J. D. Hill. There were four companies, commanded respectively by Capts. Euclid Borland, Frank McGloin, Captain Blanchard and F. A. Richardson. The rank and file were recruited from among the ex-Confederate soldiers of whom the city was full. They met and drilled in cotton presses and halls in various parts of the city. The central headquarters was established in a building on the corner of Camp and Poydras streets. In effect, this organization was a secret, anti-radical society, not unlike the White League, with practically like purposes, and prepared and ready to unite with the league in any action required when occasion arose, as happened on the 14th of September. Angell had been an officer in the same brigade with Penn in Virginia in the Confederate Army.

The principal difficulty was, however, not to recruit men, but to procure arms. These were ordered out, finally, from the North. The first shipment came by rail, disguised as machinery. The heavy packages were brought by switch track into the Leeds foundry, corner of Delord and Constance streets, over the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern Railroad. In due time squads of men were sent thither and individually at night carried away their weapons to the homes. A second shipment was made by sea on the steamer "Mississippi," and it was the arrival of this vessel and the measures taken by the radical administration to prevent her from unloading her cargo that brought about the uprising of September 14.

In the meantime, another group was discussing plans for the seizure of the entire radical administration. It was suggested that, taking advantage of the existence of the White League and of Angell's regiment, armed men might be secreted in buildings adjoining the State House. At a given signal the building could be rushed, the officials captured, taken aboard a vessel waiting at the wharf with steam up and carried out to sea. Ultimately they could be either landed at some foreign port or at any rate detained so long away from the city without the possibility of communicating with New Orleans or Washington that McEnery could be installed in the gubernatorial chair. The lieutenant governor, Davidson B. Penn, a man of great courage and determination, favored this project. It was by no means as mad as it might seem. Among sober, conservative men, leaders of the local democracy, it was felt that, if carried out without bloodshed, without the knowledge of the Washington officials, the recognition of McEnery by the national government would be the only possible course in the absence of the Kellogg officials, and be regarded as an easy and happy solution of all the troubles which were convulsing Louisiana.

Penn thoroughly investigated this subject and satisfied himself that it would be easily executed. He made an appointment with McEnery for an interview to discuss the final arrangements. He was accompanied by Colonel Angell, C. L. Walker and Capt. Frank McGloin. The plan p362was laid before the governor. McEnery felt that it could not be carried out without involving a conflict with the Kellogg government. He spoke of the serious responsibilities which he would incur in that event. Penn replied that the time had come when those who had accepted responsible positions should assume the duties implied, regardless of consequences. McEnery still hesitated. He had conferred with the authorities in Washington and believed that he had put himself under obligations to President Grant not to provoke a conflict. Penn closed the discussion by stating that the condition of affairs in the city and in the parishes was such that a conflict could not be long postponed.

Two days later Penn called on Ogden and told him about his interview with McEnery. The force under Angell was already available for the execution of the plan; Penn demanded of Ogden whether the White League could be similarly counted upon to co-operate in the attempt to seize the radical administration. Ogden immediately answered in the affirmative. With these forces Penn felt that the plan could be carried out, even if the Kellogg supporters showed fight; the two regiments of citizens would suffice to overcome any opposition.

The organization of the White League in New Orleans was applauded generally by the press throughout the state. Conservative people supported its efforts "to put the control of the state government in the hands of the white people."3 The practical unanimity of the white population was demonstrated at the convention of "the white people of Louisiana," held in Baton Rouge, on August 24, under the auspices of the Committee of Seventy, at which a declaration of principles was adopted declaring that it was their intention "to have a free and fair election and see that the results were not changed by fraud or violence." The general restlessness of the people, continued clashes in the parishes, the tone of the press — ? all served to warn the Kellogg government that revolution was imminent. It was clear that the least indiscretion might provoke an outbreak. The radicals began to make preparations. The net effect was, that a favorable opportunity to execute the coup d'état contemplated by Penn did not present itself until matters, taking a new direction, culminated in the battle of September 14th, after which the project was abandoned.4

The steamer "Mississippi," with arms on board consigned to the White League, sailed from New York early in September, and reached New Orleans on the 12th. Kellogg, who had been preparing for eventualities as well as he could, by increasing the number of Metropolitan police under Badger's command, and by seizing weapons and ammunitions from stores and private houses, determined to prevent, if possible, any action of the league to obtain its property on the ship.5 An order was issued to that effect. That night a secret meeting of the leaders of the citizens was held, at which it was decided to convoke a mass-meeting on the following Monday, at Clay Statue, in Canal Street, in order to take action on the whole matter of the wrongs under which the people were suffering. The call for the mass-meeting was printed on placards and posted throughout the city on September 13. A picturesque method p363to attract the attention of the passer-by was the long narrow strips of paper on which the time and place of assembly were printed, which were pasted along the curbs at every street-crossing. Thus none could avoid seeing it. Moreover, in the Picayune, that Sunday morning, there appeared a "call," written by Dr. J. Dickson Bruns, and signed by the most prominent citizens, as follows:

"Citizens of New Orleans: For nearly two years you have been the silent but indignant sufferers of outrage after outrage heaped upon you by an usurping government.

"One by one your dearest rights have been trampled upon, until, at last, in the supreme height of its insolence, this mockery of a republican government has dared even to deny you the right so solemnly guaranteed by the very Constitution of the United States, which in article II, of the amendments, declares that 'the right to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.'

"In that same sacred instrument, to whose inviolable perpetuity our fathers pledged 'their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor' it was also declared that even Congress shall make no law abridging 'the right of the people peacefully to assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances.' It now remains for us to ascertain whether this right any longer remains to us.

"We, therefore, call upon you, on Monday, the 14th of September, to close your places of business without a single exception, and, at 11 o'clock, A.M., to assemble at the Clay Statue in Canal Street and, in tones loud enough to be heard throughout the length and breadth of the land, declare that you are of right, ought to be, and mean to be free."

A curious incident of that eventful day was the fact that Governor Penn, on his way from his home to the Boston Club, met in the street car Gen. A. S. Badger, commander of the Metropolitan Police, who, a few hours later, was to fall badly wounded in the fighting in front of the Customhouse. They saluted each other courteously. Penn, on arriving at Canal Street, found the mass-meeting in progress. About 5,000 white men were assembled in an orderly group around the Clay Statue and in front of the Crescent Billiard Hall, at the corner of St. Charles and Canal, from the balcony of which the speakers addressed the throng. The meeting was called to order by Judge R. H. Marr, and Michel Musson was elected to preside. Judge Marr made an address. Penn made his way through the crowd, which he found sober and thoughtful, rather than excited or enthusiastic. Although the speakers were cheered, there were no other demonstrations.

Clay Statue and Crescent Hallwhere it is out of context. I moved it.

At the close of his address, Judge Marr presented a series of resolutions which he asked the audience to adopt. After reciting the fact that at the elections in the preceding November, McEnery had been elected governor by a majority of 10,000 votes over Kellogg, and Penn, lieutenant-governor over Antoine by a majority of 15,000, the document continued:

Whereas by fraud and violence those defeated seized the executive chair, and from time to time, by other fraudulent, irregular and violent acts, in the face of the report of the committee of the Senate of the United States appointed to investigate the affairs of Louisiana, that the existing government of the State is a usurpation, the result of a violent abuse of judicial functions and sustained by force, W. P. Kellogg has continued himself in power to the gross wrong and outrage of the people p364of the State of Louisiana, and to the imminent danger of republican institutions throughout the country; and

"Whereas, with a view to controling and determining the results in the approaching election to be held in Louisiana in November next, he has, under an act known as the registration act, and passed for the purpose of defeating the popular will, secured to himself and his party the power of denying registration to bona-fide citizens whose applications before the court for a mandamus to compel the assistant supervisors to enroll and register them has been refused, the registration law indeed punishing courts if they dare to take cognizance of such appeals; and

"Whereas, by false and infamous misrepresentations of the feelings and motives of our people, he has received promise of aid from the Federal army, placed at the order of the Attorney General of the United States, and subject to the calls of the United States Marshals, for the purpose of overawing our State and controlling the election; and

"Whereas, in the language of the call for the meeting one by one, our dearest rights have been trampled upon, and at last in the supreme height of its insolence, this mockery of a republican government has dared even to deny that the right so solemnly guaranteed by the very Constitution of the United States, which, in article II of the amendment, declares that 'the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed upon'; be it

"Resolved, That we reaffirm solemnly the resolutions adopted by the white people of Louisiana, in convention assembled, at Baton Rouge, on the 24th day of August, 1874, that the white people of Louisiana have no desire to deprive the colored people of any right to which they are entitled; that W. P. Kellogg is a mere usurper, and we pronounce him such; that his government is arbitrary, unjust, and oppressive, and can only maintain itself through Federal interference; that the election and registration laws under which this election is being conducted were intended to perpetuate usurpation by depriving the people, and especially our naturalized citizens, of an opportunity to register and vote, and therefore, in the name of the citizens of New Orleans, now in mass-meeting and of the people of the State of Louisiana, whose franchise has been wrested from them by fraud and violence, and all of whose rights and liberties have been outraged and trampled upon, we demand of W. P. Kellogg his immediate abdication.

"Resolved, That a committee of five be immediately appointed by the chairman, who shall be a member of said committee, to wait upon Mr. W. P. Kellogg to present to him these resolutions, to demand of him an immediate answer, and report the result of such interview to this meeting."

These resolutions were unanimously adopted by the mass-meeting. Judge Marr thereupon named the committee authorized in the concluding paragraph, as follows: Jules Tuyès, J. M. Seixas, J. B. Woods, Dr. Samuel Choppin, and himself. They started at once for the Hotel Royal, where Kellogg was supposed to be. He had, however, earlier in the day, sought refuge in the Customhouse. After an absence of fifteen or twenty minutes, during which time the crowd in Canal Street remained quietly waiting, the committee returned and reported that it had been unable to see Kellogg himself, but had had an interview with a member of his military staff, Col. Henry C. Dibble. Through Colonel Dibble, Kellogg replied to the committee's request for his resignation, with the statement, that "he must decline to receive any communication" from them, "because p365he has definite and accurate information that there are now assembled several large bodies of armed men in different parts of the city, who are met at the call which convened the mass-meeting," which they represented. "He regards this as a menace, and he will receive no communications under such circumstances [. . .] should the people assemble peaceably, without menace, he would deem it one of his highest duties to receive any communication from them or to entertain any petition addressed to the government."

To this, the committee had replied, denying that there were any "armed rioters" in the city. "There are no armed men on Canal Street, so far as we know," they said. "We came on a mission of peace, and we believe that if the governor had acceded to the proposition we brought — ? which was to abdicate — ? it would have pacified the people of Louisiana, and might, or would, have prevented violence or bloodshed. So far as we are concerned, we are prepared to pledge to him no violence in person or property, and we feel in a position, on the contrary, to assure him that there would be perfect immunity to both."6

The crowd at the Clay Statue received this report with cries of "Hang Kellogg!" and demands for leaders. Fiery addresses followed by Marr, E. John Ellis, and Dr. Cornelius Beard. The latter called the people to action. He told the crowd to go home, arm, and prepare to hold the city against Kellogg and his hirelings, to make the city an armed camp, and never to leave it until the last of Kellogg's henchmen had quitted its limits. Judge Marr asked the people to return to Canal Street at 2:30 o'clock, when they would find an organized body and leaders who would properly draft them, arrange all military details, and furnish the arms. In the gravest mood the great gathering dispersed in groups of twos and threes.

In the meantime Penn had made his way to his headquarters, which had been established in the meeting-room of the Howard Association, on the second floor of No. 58 Camp Street, just below Poydras. This was a large, rear room, with a long, green baize-covered table down the middle, and rows of chairs drawn up along the walls. On the previous day, orders had been issued to the members of the league and of Angell's regiment, for every man to be at his armory early on Monday morning. The orderly sergeants of each company were directed to report in person at the Camp Street headquarters. Accordingly, when Penn reached this place, he found General Ogden and Colonel Angell; while, seated in the chairs around the baize-covered table, against the wall, were the sergeants. Penn was at the head of the de jure state government. McEnery, as lawfully elected governor, had established himself in Baton Rouge. On the 13th he had gone to Vicksburg, to visit friends there. It was impossible for him to return to New Orleans in time to take the lead in the movement which was under way. This left Lieutenant-Governor Penn in charge as acting governor. Penn said afterwards that the absence of McEnery was accidental, and denied the frequently repeated story that the latter's trip to Vicksburg was pre-arranged. In view of McEnery's reluctance to a breach with the government, his absence on this occasion can only be regarded as one of those providential dispositions which fill the historians with marvel.

p366 A short while after the noon hour, Penn was standing in front of the Camp Street headquarters, in company with Horatio N. Ogden, the attorney-general, and the latter's law-partner, J. D. Hill. The governor and the attorney-general were discussing the advisability of proceeding by force, to put into immediate execution the plan to oust the Kellogg government.

After some discussion, Ogden, turning to Penn, said: "Let's take Hill's opinion. He is practical and level-headed, and his position with the armed groups makes him able to gauge the extent of their preparation to meet the emergency, which has now arisen." Hill unhesitatingly gave as his opinion that no such favorable opportunity to act could be expected to recur; that soldiers and people alike looked for immediate action, and their spirit would be chilled by delay; that unless action were taken that day, the people could never be got to respond in such numbers, with like enthusiasm, to any future call; moreover, the military preparation, as indicated by the reports of the orderlies of the White League and Angell's regiment, was as complete as could ever be hoped for.

As Hill finished his statement, Ogden, who had been gazing down Camp Street, towards Canal, said to Governor Penn: "I concur fully with Hill's advice for prompt and decisive action." Then pointing down the thoroughfare, he continued: "Here comes a man whose opinion of a New Orleans crowd I consider the best that can be had in the city; let us hear what he thinks of the meeting, and whether he believes the people are behind us." He had seen approaching Judge Alexander Walker, a well-known member of the local bar, and afterwards a distinguished editorial writer on the staff of the Times-Democrat.

To Ogden's question: "Judge, what sort of a meeting have you had on Canal Street? What does it represent and what will it do?" Judge Walker answered: "I have never seen a more representative meeting in New Orleans. All classes were there, bankers, merchants, doctors, lawyers, workmen, laborers, clerks and journeymen are altogether, and all of one mind, that Kellogg must go." He then told of the speech of Dr. Cornelius Beard, who had wound up with an appeal to "every man to get his gun," and to come back to where he could use it.

Penn thereupon turning to Ogden and Hill said, "Let us go up-stairs, and start the programme."

It was thus that the decision was taken which led to the battle now about to be fought.

Penn immediately ascended to the meeting-room above, to issue the necessary orders to the citizen-soldiery. He was confronted immediately by General Ogden, with the request that, precedent to everything else, the question of supreme command should be settled. There were two armed bodies supporting Governor Penn, of which he commanded one, while Colonel Angell commanded the other; he desired to know who was to be superior in command. This question was settled, without friction or discussion, by Angell's prompt declaration of his entire readiness to obey Ogden's orders and co-operate with him in every way. Penn assured General Ogden that this arrangement had always been contemplated, and expressed his appreciation of Colonel Angell's willingness to obey General Ogden's commands. Penn thereupon issued General Orders No. 1, appointing Ogden, major-general, and investing him with p367full command.7 Ogden's promotion placed Col. W. J. Behan in command of the White League.

At the same time Penn issued a proclamation to the people of Louisiana, reminding them of the wrongs which for two years past had been heaped upon them. "Through fraud and violence," he said, "the government of your choice has been overthrown and its power usurped. Protest after protest, appeal after appeal to the President of the United States and to Congress, have failed to give you the relief which you have a right, under the Constitution, to demand. The wrong has not been repaired. On the contrary, through the instrumentality of partisan judges, you have been debarred from all legal remedy. Day by day taxation has been increased, with costs and penalties amounting to the confiscation of your property; your substance squandered, your credit ruined, resulting in the failure and bankruptcy of your valued institutions. The right of suffrage is virtually taken away from you by the enactment of skilfully devised election and registration laws. [. . .] To these may be added a corrupt and vicious Legislature [. . .] a metropolitan police paid by the city, under the control of the usurper, quartered upon you to overawe you and keep you in subjection." Penn then alluded to the recent seizures of arms, and the arrest of persons found with them in their possession. "To such extremities are you drawn that manhood revolts at any further submission. Constrained by a sense of duty, as a legally elected lieutenant-governor of the state, acting governor in the absence of Governor McEnery, I do hereby issue this, my proclamation, calling upon the militia of the state, embracing all males between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, without regard to color or previous condition, to arm and assemble under their respective officers for the purpose of driving the usurpers from power."

Ogden had available the following forces: Crescent City White League, Col. W. J. Behan, commanding, composed of Section A, Capt. W. T. Vaudry; Section B, Capt. George B. Lord; Section C, Capt. S. H. Buck; Section D, Capt. Archibald Mitchell; Section E, Capt. R. B. Pleasants; Section F, Thomas McIntyre; Section G, Wm. Kilpatrick; Second Ward White League, Capt. R. S. Denee; Third Ward White League, Capt. J. R. S. Selleck; Sixth Ward White League, Capt. O. M. Tennison; Tenth Ward White League, Capt. Ed. Flood; Eleventh Ward White League, Capt. F. M. Andress; Sixth District White League, Capts. H. E. Shropshire and C. H. Allen; the Washington White League, Capt. A. B. Phillips; the St. John White League, Capt. Charles Vautier; and Captain Romain's company, under Major LeGardeur. In addition there were Companies A, B, C, and E of the First Louisiana, under Colonel Angell; and the two companies of artillery, under Capts. John Glynn, Jr., and H. D. Coleman, the latter acting as chief of artillery. Glynn had but one piece, an old-fashioned twelve-pounder, which had been mounted in Leeds' foundry, under the superintendence of Captain Mitchell. It proved quite ineffective when put to the test. Finally, there was a large number of citizens, chiefly ex-Confederate soldiers, who were not actually enrolled in any organization, but who joined the movement on the morning of the 14th. These were grouped under Maj. John Augustin.8

p368 On the other hand, the Kellogg government could dispose of a force equal, and perhaps superior in number, although much inferior in quality. At the State House were about 3,000 colored militia. In the Cabildo, in the Third Precinct Police Station on the lower floor, and in the Supreme Court rooms on the upper floor of that building, were several hundred Metropolitan Police, amply provided with ammunition. Here, too, were "some forty or more sans culottes, not Metropolitans, and not wearing uniforms, but attired in rags and dirty shirts, and drafted especially for the occasion from the streets and the prisons, carrying their guns with a very martial air."9 In Orleans Alley were some thirty mounted policemen, or "Uhlans," as they were called. A dozen men were stationed at the arsenal in St. Peter Street. At the Customhouse were about 150 United States soldiers, comprising Companies D and E, 16th Infantry, from Baton Rouge. The soldiers were fatigued, but good humored, and neither expected nor desired to fight. Under their protection several hundred negroes of the laboring class collected at the Customhouse. Another large group of negroes, rather of the political than of the laboring class, assembled at the State House. At Jackson Square a battery of artillery was stationed, the horses picketed to the Cathedral fence in Orleans Alley. Longstreet, who was in supreme command, had, moreover, several Napoleon and Gatling guns.

At 3:00 P.M., General Longstreet issued written orders for the Metropolitans at the Cabildo to move up to Canal Street. This was promptly done. A battalion and one section of artillery was posted at the corner of Bienville and Chartres streets. Another battalion, accompanied by the remaining guns of Gray's battery, was stationed on Canal, at the corner of Peters and Tchoupitoulas. General Badger disapproved of this formation, and recommended a position on the levee. The objection to Longstreet's alignment was, that it could be flanked by an advance along the river, but it had the advantage of resting upon the Customhouse and upon an iron building at the foot of Canal Street, which had during the Civil war been used as a "free market."

General Ogden's forces were drawn up in Poydras Street, between the river and Carondelet Street. The right wing was composed of Companies A, B, C, E, and G of the White League, and the commands of Captains Flood, Andress, Allen and Shropshire, supported by one 12-pound gun. The center, which extended from Tchoupitoulas Street to Camp, was composed of the commands of Captains Dupré, McIntyre, and Phillips. On the left were stationed the commands of LeGardeur, Tennison, and Vautier. Colonel Angell, with the First Regiment, took up a position in St. Charles Street, above Poydras, to guard against a possible attack from the Central Police Station in Carondelet Street. Colonel Hill was directed to use Company E to the best advantage, to check the Metropolitans from crossing above Canal Street, between Chartres and Front. He used his men largely as sharpshooters, placing them in the buildings, whose owners were agreeable to their being so used, on the upper side of Canal Street, in the upper floors and on the roofs, notably in the establishment of Bailey & Pond. Captain Coleman's guns, supported by Company D, and by Captain Denee's command, took up a position at Julia and Camp streets. The unattached forces, including the Louisiana Rifle Club, under Major Augustin, was p369placed at Carondelet and Julia streets, as a reserve. Ogden's immediate purpose, according to his report to the adjutant-general, after the action, was to cut off the upper part of the city from the enemy, and throw it into a species of armed camp, until the State forces could be thoroughly organized.

Operations began when Ogden, in obedience to instructions from Penn, sent McGloin's company to seize the City Hall. After occupying that building, McGloin was to co-operate with Angell in an attempt to capture the police station, on Carondelet Street. Angell was also instructed to throw forward skirmishers to the corner of St. Charles and Canal, who were to fire on any armed troops whom they might encounter in the latter thoroughfare. In the event of an advance, these troops were expected to fall back rapidly to the main body, with the idea that the enemy, believing them merely members of a mob, would pursue incautiously toward Poydras. Penn thus hoped to deceive Longstreet as to the strength and character of the citizen forces, draw him away from the Customhouse, and then, by throwing the White Leaguers in between him and that point of vantage, cut off his retreat. This plan, if executed, could hardly fail to produce complete demoralization and defeat. Penn established himself at Tivoli (Lee) Circle, where he was joined by Jonas, Mitchell, Eustis, Bruns, and other members of the Committee of Seventy. This place was chosen not only on account of its central position, but because, in the event of disaster, Penn expected to take command of the reserve at Julia and Carondelet streets, and organize a second line of defense.

Longstreet refused to be drawn into the trap prepared for him. He could not be induced to leave the vicinity of the Customhouse. Angell's skirmishers penetrated into Canal Street, and fired occasionally on the Kellogg pickets, but they did not reply, contenting themselves with merely withdrawing out of range. About 4 o'clock Ogden's left advanced, Captain Pleasant's company leading. Longstreet, advised of this movement, ordered Captain Flanagan's company and one section of Gray's artillery out on the levee to repel the anticipated attack. Pleasant, however, had effected a lodgment in the apron of the wharf before the Metropolitans were able to get into position. At this juncture — ? 4:15 P.M. — ? Badger opened fire with a Gatling and two Napoleon guns, supported by the rifle fire of some 300 Metropolitans. The advancing White Leaguers replied. Protecting themselves behind the piles of freight upon the levee, they poured a withering fire into the ranks of Badger's command. Badger called for reenforcements but before they could arrive, Captain Glynn, with his artillerymen, supported by Companies A and B, charged down the open levee and along the street, drove back the enemy and captured his guns. At the same moment Captains Allen, Shropshire, Andress and Flood advanced down Front, Peters, and Tchoupitoulas streets, forcing the enemy completely out of his positions. Badger fell badly wounded. In the meantime Captain Phillips and his company were ordered to make a flank movement around the enemy's right, in conjunction with Captain Tennison's command; which was done, a body of the enemy which was encountered at the corner of Chartres and Customhouse (Iberville) streets offering a smart resistance. The Metropolitans thereupon fell back to Jackson Square. Ogden, satisfied with the result, withdrew to his original positions in Poydras Street. He himself had been in the thickest of the fighting, on the levee, and had p370had his horse killed under him, and was knocked senseless by falling from the saddle to the pavement. His injury, however, was not serious, and he was soon able to resume his command, which in the interim had been exercised with energy and ability by General W. J. Behan.

Ogden, satisfied with the results thus far obtained, withdrew his men temporarily to the line in Poydras Street. At 6:00 P.M., scouts pushed forward as far as Canal Street found that great thoroughfare deserted. The enemy was concentrating in Jackson Square, and at the approaches, in St. Ann Street, had posted artillery, of which Longstreet personally took command.

The victory had not been won without loss. The White League reported twenty-one men killed and nineteen wounded. The killed were:

Captain Glynn's Company — ? A. M. Gautier, A. Bozonier, Charles Broulard.

Captain Vautier's Company — ? John Gravel.

Captain Vaudry's Company — ? E. A. Toledano, S. B. Newman, Jr.

Captain Flood's Company — ? Wm. A. Wells, Andrew Close, James Davis.

Captain Buck's Company — ? James McCrissin, Wm. C. Robbins.

Captain Phillip's Company — ? Michael Betz, Henry Peel.

Captain Pleasant's Company — ? R. E. Lindsey.

Captain Allen's Company — ? F. Mohrman.

Unattached — ? J. M. West, J. Considine, J. K. Gourdain.

Adrien Feuillan, Charles Dana, M. Bourse, Charles Lauer.

The wounded were: E. Blessey, Fidel Keller, Ernest Buisson, Sam Aby, J. M. Henderson, W. H. Morgan, W. C. H. Robinson, Francis Pallet, Charles Kell, J. B. Dalury, Wm. Mathison, W. Ormond, James Cross, John Mern, John McCabe, Frank Owens, F. Gueringer, Joseph Lonare, Fred Freuthaler.

The Metropolitans lost eleven killed and sixty wounded. Among those killed were: John H. H. Camp, John Kennedy, James McManus, Wm. Thornton, C. F. Clement (colored), M. O'Keefe, E. Simonds (colored), F. E. Kochler, D. Fisher (colored), R. Ziffle, Armstead Hill (colored). Kennedy was a veteran of the Mexican War, a deacon in the Episcopalian church of Algiers, and prominent in Masonic circles. He fell beside the cannon which he was helping to serve. Kennedy had been a gallant officer in the Confederate army. The others were patrolmen in the Metropolitan Force.

Among the wounded was General Badger, who was hit in three places, while vainly attempting to rally his men. The crowd which was watching the battle, unmindful of the danger, surged about the wounded man, as he lay bleeding on the ground, and would have killed him but for the opportune interference of Capt. Douglas Kilpatrick. Sword in hand, this gallant officer stood over the prostrate form of the fallen officer, and promised to kill the first who touched him.10 Badger was subsequently removed to his home. He recovered from his wounds, and was a well-known resident of New Orleans for many years after the memorable events here narrated.

A curious feature of the battle was the fact that it was witnessed by thousands who took no other part therein. A regatta of the Carrollton p371Rowing Club had been set for that afternoon, and many persons, refusing to believe that trouble impended, prepared to attend. In the early afternoon they went to Canal Street to take the river steamers which would convey them to Carrollton. In Canal Street they discovered the Metropolitans drawn up awaiting attack. The steamboats, crowded with men, women and children, lingered in the river until the conflict was over, in order that their throngs of passengers might enjoy the spectacle. It is said that many of the bullets fired by the Metropolitans struck the vessels, and that a cannonball actually damaged the machinery of one of them; but no one was hurt. Equal recklessness marked the behavior of the crowds on shore. Scores of persons filled the windows from which the battle was visible. It is said that when the Metropolitans broke and fled, these ubiquitous urchins followed in their wake, picking up the weapons which the defeated troops cast away in their haste, and bringing them into the lines of the White League.11

As soon as the result of the fighting was made known to Penn, he instructed his adjutant-general, E. John Ellis, to issue a proclamation to the colored people of the city, assuring them that in "the grand movement now on foot against the enormities of the rule of Kelloggs' usurpation," no harm was meant to their property or rights, and urging them to "pursue their usual avocations," with the assurance that they would not be molested. "The rights of the colored, as well as of the whites," ran the document, "we are determined to uphold and defend." Guards were ordered placed at the different gun-stores, to prevent them from being broken into by a mob which began to form, and which threatened violence, especially to the office of the "Republican" newspaper. A guard was also sent to General Longstreet's residence, which, there was some reason to fear, might be attacked. Orders were issued to the troops to rest on their arms. E. A. Burke, who acted as quartermaster, procured rations, which were issued to the fatigued men. In the midst of the confusion which naturally prevailed, many suggestions were made regarding the next step to be taken. Many favored an immediate attack on the State House. Penn, however, felt that this was unnecessary. The capture of several detachments of Metropolitans, and the evidences of demoralization in the enemy's camp which were reported during the night by citizens, showed that the surrender of the positions still held by the enemy was merely a matter of time. To facilitate this Penn caused his agents to scatter copies of his last proclamation among the negroes in the State House, and to inform them that if, at daylight, they were still in the building, they would be attacked, "when," he added, "he would not be responsible for the result." The result was, that, by midnight, the place was abandoned. The negro militiamen departed by every means of exit, some even sliding down the iron columns which supported the galleries over the street. Barber, their general, sought refuge in an undertaker's shop not far away, and it is said caused himself to be laid out in a coffin, in full uniform, as if prepared for burial, trusting in this way not to be molested, even if discovered.12

p372 Early on the morning of the 15th Angell's regiment, supported by Coleman's artillery, moved forward to occupy the enemy's positions. The State House surrendered without opposition. The Arsenal and Jackson Square were occupied by Captain McGloin's company. By 1:00 P.M. most of the citizen-soldiery were permitted to go home. The streets resumed their normal appearance. The barricades were demolished, the street cars began to run again, and ladies were seen shopping in Canal Street. The negroes, in general, did not seem disturbed by the recent events, and with the exception of the members of the dispersed Metropolitan Police, went quietly about their affairs. At 2:00 P.M. several thousand persons assembled in front of Penn's residence, on St. Charles Avenue, near Tivoli (Lee) Circle, to congratulate him upon the success of the previous day. After an informal reception, Penn entered a carriage and, accompanied by Judge Marr, E. John Ellis, and others, drove slowly down St. Charles Street, at the head of a procession of citizens numbering several thousand. Thousands more lined the route to the State House, where another crowd, estimated at 10,000 persons, waited. From the gallery of this building Penn, Marr and Ellis made short addresses, urging the people to preserve good order. Ogden declined to speak, on the ground that he was no orator. Penn was inducted into office as acting governor of the State; steps were taken to organize a police force, and preparations were made to supplant the Kellogg representatives in all parts of the State by the appointees of Governor McEnery. For the moment it seemed that the revolution had been crowned with complete success. It had, however, reached its climax. Events now rapidly shaped themselves to undo the work performed with so much effusion of patriotic blood.

Throughout the northern part of the United States the news of the battle in New Orleans was received with consternation. Was it the beginning of another Civil war? Had the South risen again against the National Government? Stocks fell on the New York Exchange. Penn was aware that a false construction might be put upon the movement. He was resolved that none of his actions should justify it, and he was careful at every opportunity to insist upon the wholly local character of the revolt. What now ensued showed the necessity of this course; for Washington appears to have proceeded wholly on the assumption that another secession movement was under way, which could not be stamped out too quickly or too sternly. In no other way can we understand the President's determination not to recognize the fait accompli. Kellogg's government had disappeared; it could only be restored by a violent and tyrannical action, clearly opposed to the wishes of the vast majority of the population, not of New Orleans only, but of the whole State of Louisiana. Yet this restoration was carried out with every military resource of the nation. The remonstrances of the helpless people were regarded with an indifference which, except on the idea that Grant regarded the situation as involving a serious national peril, is inexcusable.

On September 14 Penn addressed a dispatch to President Grant informing him that the people of Louisiana had taken up arms against their oppressors, but that they were unswervingly loyal to the Government of the United States. He assured the President of entire ability to protect life and property, liberty, and the equal rights of all citizens, and, in conclusion, said: "We only ask of you to withhold any aid or p373protection for our enemies and the enemies of republican rights and of the peace and liberties of the people." Kellogg, also, telegraphed a statement of what had occurred, and appealed to the President for "aid to protect Louisiana from domestic violence." Grant emphatically disapproved of the course followed by Penn and his associates, and expressed his determination to use prompt and decisive measures "to restore order." Accordingly, he issued a proclamation calling on the "insurgents" to disperse within five days, directed a United States warship to sail at once for New Orleans, sent orders to General Emory to proceed thither, and, as a more immediate relief, telegraphed to the commander of the Third United States Infantry, at Brookhaven, Miss., Gen. John R. Brooke, to take his regiment to the city, without delay. Had Brooke been able to comply punctually with the President's order, he would have arrived on the 14th, possibly in time to take a decisive part in the fighting. But Major Burke, whose services on Penn's staff have already been noted, prevented it.omits '+BadF+'it'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();"> He was connected with the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern Railroad; in early life he had been a telegrapher; and both these facts enabled him to carry out an ingenious plan by which the train with Brooke's troops on board was detained until midnight. On Sunday afternoon he called up by wire the engineer who would have charge of the locomotive of Brooke's train; instructed him to delay the train, and when it had been effectually halted, to report the fact. Accordingly, on Monday afternoon, a message reached Penn's headquarters, to the effect that, at a way station where repairs could not be made, trouble had developed in the driving-gear of the locomotive. Several hours later, a new engine was procured and the command proceeded on its way, but did not arrive in New Orleans till too late to save Kellogg's army from defeat and dispersion.

Brooke had with him not less than 1,000 men. They were detrained upon arrival, and marched to the Customhouse. Ogden, who was immediately summoned, had an interview with this officer, in which Brooke stated that his instructions were to prevent any further bloodshed. Ogden replied that none was to be expected, as the revolution had accomplished all of its objects, and that the Penn government was preserving the peace of the city as the only constituted authority capable of performing that duty. Brooke was friendly in his manner, and when he asked Ogden to do nothing more until orders could be received from Washington, the latter cheerfully agreed. Brooke's men were even more cordial in their demeanor. When on the afternoon of the 16th the White League paraded in honor of the victory, traversing the scene of the battle, they were wildly applauded as the column swung around from the levee into Canal Street. The regulars in the top story of the Customhouse swarmed into the windows, waving their hats and shouting enthusiastically. Ogden halted his column, faced towards the building, and returned the greeting with a ceremonious salute. As Kellogg was still hiding on the lower floor of this building, this evidence of good feeling between his protectors and the enemy must have been anything but agreeable to him.

At midnight, on the 16th, Governor McEnery arrived in the city and assumed control. At the same time General Emory reached New Orleans. He promptly made a demand upon McEnery for the surrender of the state property which had been seized. McEnery complied, and to p374Brooke were delivered the arms, buildings, etc., that had been taken on the 14th and 15th. Brooke was also designated to command the city until such time as the state and side governments could be reorganized. Emory's instructions were expressly not to recognize the Penn government; his neglect to recognize the Kellogg government aroused some criticism in Washington. Emory's defense was that he acted to prevent anarchy. "Governor Kellogg did not and has not yet called on me for support to re-establish the state government," he telegraphed to Washington; "the chief of police was shot down, and the next in command also, and the whole (police) force utterly dispersed and hidden away out of sight. For one of them to have attempted to stand on his beat would have been certain destruction, and even now the state authorities represented by Governor Kellogg have asked to defer taking charge for the present."

In surrendering the State House and government buildings on the 17th McEnery addressed to Brooke the following letter:

"As the lawful and acting governor of this State, I surrender to you, as the representative of the United States, the Capitol and the remainder of the property belonging to the State. This surrender is in response to a formal demand from General Emory for such surrender, or to accept as an alternative the levying of war upon our government by the military forces of the United States under his command. As I have already said to General Emory, we have neither the power nor the inclination to resist the Government of the United States. Sir, I transfer to you the guardianship of the rights and liberties of the people of the State, and I trust and believe that you will give protection to all classes of our citizens ruled and ruined by a corrupt usurpation presided over by Mr. Kellogg. Our people could bear the wrongs, tyranny, annoyance, and insults of that usurpation no longer, and they rose in their might, swept it from existence, and installed in authority the rightful government of which I am the head. All lovers of liberty throughout the Union must admit the patriotism which aroused our people to act as one man and throw off the yoke of this odious usurpation. I know as a soldier you have but to obey the orders of the Government of the United States, but I feel that you will temper your military control of affairs with moderation and in all things exhibit that integrity of purpose characteristic of the officers of the army. I now hand over to you, sir, the Capitol and the other property of the State under my charge."

McEnery and Penn also issued an address to the people, in which they insisted that at every stage of the conflict they had asserted that they did not intend to provoke a conflict with the United States. "It only remains," said the document, in closing, "to urge upon you to summon all your courage and fortitude, your virtue and forbearance, to enable you to submit with becoming dignity to this great calamity, which no act of ours or of yours could have averted. [. . .] Make one more sublime effort and gain a great victory — ? a victory over your own passions and inclinations. Yield faithful, ready obedience to all legally constituted authority and be assured that the story of your virtues, your long forbearance, your heroic virtues displayed as well in your hour of triumph as in your hour of misfortune, will command and receive the respect and sympathy of the civilized world."13

p375 On the 18th Emory notified Kellogg, who was still at the Customhouse, that the insurrection was at an end. He offered him his support to re-establish the State Government. Kellogg accordingly resumed control of the administration. His first act was to publish an order directing all state officials who had been displaced by the recent insurrection, to resume their functions, and calling upon the Metropolitan Police Board to resume its duties with a view to reorganize the police force, and protect the peace and order of the city. On the 19th the regular police force replaced the temporary police force under Boylan which had been doing duty in the city. Kellogg reorganized his guard, but this was a useless precaution; he did not need their services; his safety was guaranteed by the presence of the soldiers of the United States, who alone made his government possible.

Thus, on the surface, it would seem that the movement which had resulted in the battle of September 14, was a failure. But really it was far from such. Although Kellogg remained in power, it was with the clear understanding on all sides that the days of the radical government in Louisiana were numbered. Kellogg learned to pay more deference to the wishes of the people unhappily under his charge. The whole of the United States was interested in the situation which had culminated in so violent an outburst. Thoughtful men everywhere felt that the conditions must indeed have been unendurable which called for a remedy so drastic. Even the republican leaders began to see that they could not longer carry with safety the load of the "carpetbag" administration. Unquestionably, the results of the Congressional elections, which took place six weeks later, were influenced to a considerable degree by what had taken place in Louisiana. The democrats won a majority of 87 in the lower house of the National Legislature — ? the first time in over twenty years that they had found themselves in control of either branch of Congress.

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Chapter XIV

Although the immediate results of the uprising of September 14 were small, it had a profound influence upon the elections, both state and municipal, of that year. Early in the year, the conservatives, having determined to participate in the campaign, applied to Governor Kellogg for representation on the registration boards. This application was rejected. Kellogg proposed that the names of five individuals from each ward in New Orleans, and from each parish in the State, be submitted to him, and if they "were suitable persons," he would name from among them the local clerk of the registration board. This was a "shift," as the conservative leaders qualified it, and was declined. Then followed the development of the radical movement among the negro population, culminating in the organization of the so-called "black leagues"; paralleled by the organization among the rest of the people of the "white" league. After the outbreak of September, and the restoration of the Kellogg regime by the Federal authority, a conference committee was appointed on both sides, by Kellogg and by McEnery, with a view to adjust matters and insure a safe and orderly election. The conservatives proposed that three places be vacated on the Returning Board, two to be apportioned to their nominees, and the third to go to a republican acceptable to all parties. The republicans, however, would consent only to let the conservatives have two places, retaining three to themselves, thus guaranteeing the perpetuation of their control of this important body. Unable to agree, the conferees referred the matter to their respective State Central Committees. Finally an agreement was effected between these organizations, but it covered only the management of the campaign, the question of the legality of the State Government not being discussed.1 This agreement included the formation of an Advisory Board, with members of both parties, to which were referred all matters subsequently in dispute. This board did much to insure a safe and orderly election, and would have done more, but for the fact that the hasty action of the democratic members in October, 1874 led to the resignation of the umpire, Doctor Bonzano, and dislocated the machinery which had been so carefully built up.

In New Orleans the conservatives, however, did not rely upon the good intentions of their opponents, but maintained intact the armed forces which had participated in the September outbreak. Parties of armed men belonging to these organizations marched and drilled in the public streets. When asked who they were, a discrete silence answered the question, or perhaps a whispered word, "White Leaguers," set all further curiosity at rest.2 When the Democratic Parish Convention met, on October 7, it was under the influence, if not under the direct control, of the White League.3 The convention was to name a city ticket. Wiltz was urged for renomination by some of the delegates from the p377French quarter. Other candidates were C. J. Leeds and W. J. Behan. On the first ballot the secretary announced a majority for Leeds, and the presiding officer, a majority for Wiltz. A motion to call the roll again was carried. The second ballot showed 49 votes for Leeds and 46 for Wiltz. Leeds owed his success to a sudden change of front on the part of the delegates from the Third Ward. On the previous roll-call this ward had cast 10 votes for Wiltz and 2 for Leeds; but now it gave 5 for Leeds and 7 for Wiltz. The latter's friends immediately protested, asserting that the motion for a second roll-call meant that the members could announce the vote which had been previously cast, without change. Wiltz, who arrived at the convention hall after the nominations had been officially confirmed, declared that he would claim the nomination, and for the next few days excited delegations of indignant adherents assembled at his office, and assured him of their loyalty in any contest he might choose to make. But it was no time for individual ambitions to assert itself; above all things, the solidarity of the opposition to radical misrule had to be conserved; and Wiltz, after a little reflection, magnanimously withdrew from the nomination. Leeds himself was reported to care little for the nomination. There was no reason to think that his nomination had been procured by a trick. The sudden change in the convention was generally admitted to have been the result of a lack of parliamentary skill on the part of the Wiltz delegates. Wiltz himself accepted this view, and supported energetically his rival's candidacy.4

The convention named the following candidates for administrators of the different departments of the city government: E. A. Burke, E. Pillsbury, E. L. Bouny, Dennis McCarthy, J. O. Landry, J. G. Brown, and Leon Bertoli. A complete parish ticket was put out. Some of the names on it were those of persons who had not previously taken part in politics. Such were Pillsbury and Chastant. Burke, Landry, Brown, and Waggaman were, however, professional politicians. As a whole, the ticket, though good, was distinctively a democratic and partisan one. The Times criticized it with justice as "ignoring the action of the Baton Rouge Convention looking to a combination of all the elements opposed to the Kellogg government," and offering no encouragement to the anti-administration unorganized elements to support it. The ticket was admittedly "unusually clean." Leeds was "personally unexceptionable." The only opposition that was felt to him came from those who thought that he had received the distinction in an irregular manner.5

There was some question whether the state administration would not prevent an election for municipal officers in New Orleans. At the session of the Legislature earlier in the year, an amendment to the City Charter had been passed, extending to four years the terms of the mayor and the administrators, and specifying that the elections should be held on the same day as those for Governor of the State. Moreover, in the language of the act, "all vacancies due to death, expiration of term, disability, or otherwise, are to be filled by the governor with the advice and consent of the Senate when in session, or submitted for such advice and consent at its next session." It was provided that nothing in the act should be construed as extending the terms of the actual incumbents beyond the time for which they had been elected, and the governor was p378empowered to appoint their successors when their terms expired. Obviously, under this act, the governor might nullify any election that could be held. But fortunately, Kellogg had not approved this act at the time that the battle of the 14th of September was fought; and he did not dare now dare to fix his signature to it. Thus, that battle, apparently so barren of result, operated to prevent what was unquestionably a plot to circumvent the conservatives in their plans to keep control of the city government.

The republican party in the city was divided into three definite groups. The first was disposed to accept what was known as the "Terrebonne plan," — ? that is, to make any concession consistent with their party allegiance which would insure the safety and security of the ballot in the approaching elections. The second was opposed to all compromise. Its leaders were Pinchback and Ingraham, two colored men. It was inclined to oppose Kellogg, and its principal tenet was, that "there was not enough color in the party."6 The Third group was prepared to take any reasonable course which would insure the election of good men to municipal office. This last element, only, had agreed upon its candidates, who they believed, "would assuage bitterness of partisan zeal, secure peaceful relations among the people, both white and black, and at the same time fill the municipal offices with men of acknowledged capacity and integrity."7 The leading spirit in this faction was James Lewis, a colored man who was, at the time, serving as administrator of one of the departments of the city government, under Wiltz.

When the parish convention met on October 12, it was Lewis and his friends who controlled it. Lewis made a speech in which he warned the delegates that if they hoped for success in the approaching election, they must nominate men who would, by their obvious fitness, become the candidates of the people, rather than of any one party. There was a strong movement among the colored voters to nominate Wiltz. That very day three different delegations of negroes had called on him at the City Hall, and asked permission to put his name at the head of their tickets, on the ground that he had, as mayor, shown himself well-disposed towards their race, and had been a good official. Wiltz declined this honor, pointing out that he had already pledged his support to the democratic candidate, and could not consent to run on any ticket opposed to him. The name of Felix Labatut was therefore presented to the convention, and without noticeable opposition accepted for the mayoralty. The nominations for the administratorships were Lewis, Calhoun, Loan, Higby, Dumas, Bonzano, and Spiricio. Labatut was a white citizen, an old and respected resident of New Orleans, a man of considerable ability and recognized integrity. In politics he was a moderate republican. Calhoun was a conservative democrat, and a member of the city administration. Higby and Bonzano were well-known and reputable citizens. The republican nominations, insofar as the city offices went, were excellent, and surprised the community by their discrete character. But the state displayed "the cloven hoof, horns and tail of the Dryades Street beast,"8 especially with regard to the nominees for the State Legislature. It is interesting to note that the addresses at the convention p379advocated a full, free, and untrammeled ballot; whereas the democrats were anxious that the election should take place under the protection, if not the superintendence, of the Federal troops — ? so far had the pendulum swung since the 14th of September!

The principal incident of the campaign in the city was an attempt which Kellogg and his myrmidons made to have declared null the Second District Court's power to naturalize foreigners. There were in the city large numbers of foreigners who had procured their naturalization papers from this court; could its powers be impeached, their votes, estimated at over 3,000, would be lost to the democratic conservative candidates, to whom, it was confidently expected, they would otherwise go on. Large meetings were held to discuss the subject; fiery speeches were made, and the issue became one of the most important in the canvass, overshadowing the other iniquities of the Kellogg administration, and the frauds perpetrated in the registration, which, in the city alone, involved between 2,000 and 3,000 voters. Reports from the country indicated that the republicans were, wherever possible, registering all colored applicants, and systematically excluding white foreign-born citizens. Excitement also followed certain arrests made by Federal soldiers on an affidavit sworn to by a Federal officer before a military official. This, in a time of peace, was regarded as of bad omen. Objection was also made by the campaign orators to the frequent parades of the Federal troops in garrison in the city under General de Trobriand.b They contended that this was not done, as pretended, for exercise, but with a view to remind the people that the garrison was there to see that the radical power went unbroken.9

The election took place on November 3. It was "calm and peaceful," according to the Times of that afternoon. The republicans, however, early claimed that their ticket was being counterfeited by the democrats. But as on these false ballots only a few names were changed, this was probably the individual acts of the candidates thus benefited. Leeds received 25,921 votes, to Labatut's 14,227.10 "The political lion and the lamb, in this city, at least, have walked side by side to the ballot box, without anyone hurting or harming them," was the somewhat enigmatic manner in which the Times described the result on the following morning.

The conservative victory was unofficially known on November 4, but the official count was made by the Returning Board, which did not announce the result till November 25. The delay was sharply criticized by the city journals, on the ground that the alarming condition of the corporation finances made prompter action desirable. The newly-elected officials held a meeting on November 28, and determined to take office two days later. A letter to that effect addressed to Wiltz elicited a courteous response. On the appointed day, just before noon, Leeds and his associates presented themselves at the City Hall. They were received with a consideration markedly in contrast with the stormy scenes which had attended many transfers of power in preceding years. Wiltz and Leeds presented themselves together before the City Council, each made an address, and then the retiring administration withdrew.

p380

Mayor Charles Leeds

Charles J. Leeds, who thus became the thirty-third mayor of New Orleans, was a man of means and position, universally respected for his ability and public spirit, and especially dear to the white people of the city on account of his services to their cause in connection with the September uprising. He owned a large foundry at the corner of Delord and Constance streets. It was here that was fabricated the principal piece of artillery used by the White League in the battle with the Metropolitan Police. Leeds' foundry served as headquarters to Company D, White League, on the night previous to the uprising. There, too, had been secreted the small arms imported by the White League during the dangerous months when preparations were being made for the revolt.11 The new mayor possessed some of the qualities most necessary to the chief executive of the city at this critical epoch. His administration was, on the whole, a success; if it was not more successful, that was due to causes over which he had no control.

He found the city in a deplorable state. "The community," he said, in his inaugural address, "once so prosperous, has by years of mismanagement, been brought to the verge of bankruptcy. Real estate is almost without marketable value, commerce is declining, manufacturing and p381other industrial interests are paralyzed, and all classes are sinking under the burden of public indebtedness. Interest on the public debt, and the current expenses for the support of the government, are now more than the people can pay."12 Already, in the early part of November, the newspapers had frankly stated that, unless the city could find new sources of revenue, "a total collapse of the municipal administration" was to be apprehended by January 1, 1875.13 It was impossible to raise funds. The tax-resisting associations still continued to exist, and they embarrassed the new administration not only by their refusal to pay taxes, but by the fact that through this action the expenses of all municipal enterprise were increased two or even three times. It was estimated that the taxes, if collected, would suffice to meet the city's obligations, and an attempt was made to do so in the closing days of the Wiltz administration, when 11,000 judgments were obtained from the courts against delinquent tax-payers. Leeds, however, did not feel that the matter should be carried to extremes. He counselled a wise moderation. He held that the taxation had not been "either fair nor equitable;" the "levy was so excessive that it was only just to extend indulgence" in the collection of back taxes "as far as the public safety allowed." On the other hand, he offered inducements for the prompt settlement of arrears due the city. He had an ordinance passed in the latter part of December, 1874, allowing payment to be made partly in cash and partly in city "script," in varying proportions. Back taxes for the period from 1860 to 1868, for instance, might be settled on a basis of 25 percent in cash and 75 percent in "script"; and so on, down to 1871, when the rate was 48 percent cash and 52 percent "script."14 This measure afforded some relief, but was not adequate. Still more energetic efforts had to be made to meet the desperate situation.

Immediately after taking office, foreseeing that the city would be without funds to pay interest on its bonded debt in January, 1875,15 the new City Council appointed a committee of three from among its own members, to confer with the holders of the city's obligations with a view to ascertain how the interests of all parties could be safeguarded.16 The Council contemplated forming a syndicate to retire all existing bond issues and replacing them with a new issue reduced in volume and bearing a lower rate of interest. At the same time it considered the advisability of selling all city property not absolutely necessary for the public service. Payment for such sales, it was suggested, should be made in bonds and evidences of the floating debt, and in this way the volume of debt might be reduced and taxation lowered. This committee does not seem to have made any progress. The next step was to take up the matter with the State Legislature. Leeds recognized that in large part the city's appalling situation was due to the fact that many important departments of administration, which properly belonged under the control of the corporation, had been withdrawn from it by the State Government, and were handled by appointees of the Legislature or of the governor. There was no way by which the city administration could check their p382expenditures, all of which, nevertheless, had to be paid by the people of New Orleans. Thus, the Council had nothing to do with the management of the schools, the police force, certain of the city parks, and various parts of the drainage system. Even the city printing had been removed from the Council's control. Leeds felt that, with regard to the schools, the Legislature ought either to abolish the whole local educational system, or recommit it to the municipality. He had similar ideas on the other subjects mentioned above.17

In March, 1876, he brought the subject before the Council, and steps were taken to prepare a series of bills, the passage of which, it was hoped, would do something to avert the impending disaster.18 These bills the Legislature failed to pass, with the exception of that relating to the drainage board; with the result that in May the budget, which had been drawn up in the expectation that the Legislature would afford the desired relief, had to be drastically revised in order to keep within the requirements of the constitutional provision prohibiting the creation of debt without funds in hand to pay it.19 The act passed by the Legislature relative to the drainage, empowered the city to take over this work in all of the drainage districts, and acquire the rights and property of the Mississippi, Mexican Gulf & Ship Island Canal Co. This was the concern which had undertaken to carry out the drainage plan adopted under the Flanders administration. The contract had proven exceedingly costly,20 and no small satisfaction was felt when, at the beginning of the summer, this wasteful connection was terminated.

The situation was, however, still ominous. In August, the force employed to repair the city streets was laid off, there being no funds to pay wages. The main thoroughfares went unattended, and fell into very bad condition. Every effort was made to bring economy into the administration of the city departments. At one time the administrators agreed to fix budgets for their departments, and asked the mayor to supervise the expenditures, in order to make sure that the estimates were not exceeded.21 In December, 1874, the first of a series of ordinances was adopted reducing the personnel in each department. A committee of three was appointed from the Council to confer with the school board, the police board, and sheriff, and others, in an effort to get their co-operation in reducing expenditures. And in the middle of May, the Council issued a piteous appeal to the public imploring all tax-payers to settle promptly with the city; only with their help could the financial gale be weathered.22

The city owed large sums to the fire department which it was without the means to pay. In the early part of 1876 the equipment of the fire department demanded repair, and the corporation was put to desperate straits to pay for this urgent work.23 As for the water system, there was nothing to pay for its extension. Serious fires in the Third and Sixth Districts a few weeks previously had gone almost unchecked on account of the lack of water for the engines. The community had to p383face with as much calm as possible the prospect of a repetition of this danger. It is not to be wondered at that, under such circumstances, the oft-reprobated license system continued to be enforced, although collections from that source declined, and in 1876 amounted only to $400,000. An unsuccessful attempt was made to lease the markets for a period of four years. The waterworks were farmed out on a lease signed in June, 1876.24 In this and other ways, Leeds succeeded in bringing down the tax rate at the beginning of 1876 to 1 percent on a property valuation of $119,045,515. From the beginning of his administration he saw that a reduction in taxation was essential. "Taxation," he said, in his inaugural message, "now amounts to actual confiscation of the property of the citizens. [. . .] Taxation must be brought down to the lowest rate possible, to bring back our former prosperity, and save the city from impending ruin. I am aware that [. . .] it will be difficult, if not impossible, to bring about such a reduction of taxation as will give the needed relief to the public." That he was able to do anything at all in this direction, was a remarkable achievement.

It was in the midst of these distressing circumstances that the premium bond plan, the most celebrated single exploit in the history of New Orleans municipal finance, was developed. With it the name of Administrator Pillsbury is inseparably associated. The idea, however, was not original with him. There was in the city at that time an elderly German, D. H. Adler, by name, who had retired from business, but who still liked to visit the offices of his broker-acquaintances on Carondelet Street. Adler was a fine mathematician, and interested in the history of finance in Europe. Like other good citizens he was much concerned at the desperate state of the city's affairs. Meetings and conferences of citizens on the subject were constantly being held. Everybody had a remedy which he advocated with more or less pertinacity. Adler's remedy was a modified form of the lottery bonds popular in various European countries. The scheme was brought to the attention of Louis Schneider, at one time treasurer of the city; and Schneider and Adler had a series of conferences at which the details of the plan were explained, and the mathematical formulae on which they were based were demonstrated. Schneider, in his turn, interested Pillsbury. For several weeks the three men worked together, over the details of the scheme, and then Pillsbury brought the matter, in its completed form, before the Council. As developed by Adler, the mathematics involved in the plan were given rather too prominent a place; the essential simplicity of the arrangement was not apparent, and it required considerable courage and much patience to convince the people that in this contemplated refunding of the city debt, a measure of real relief was contemplated, not another of the numerous transactions which in recent years, under various financial appellations, had resulted only in augmenting the interest rates and saddling new burdens upon a long suffering public.25

Pillsbury's plan was to convert the bonded debt of the city — ? which now amounted to $22,000,000,26 bearing an average interest of 7 percent per annum — ? into bonds redeemable in from one to fifty years, with interest at five percent , plus certain "premiums." These new bonds p384were to be one million in number, and of the denominations of $20, divided into ten thousand series of 100 bonds each, of which a certain number were to be redeemed twice yearly. To determine the particular series to be redeemed, all of the numbers of the bonds were sealed up in a wheel, and quarterly — ? in January, April, July and October — ? as many numbers were drawn out as there were series to be redeemed. Twice yearly — ? in January and July — ? these drawn series participated in a "premium" drawing, on which occasion 1,176 prizes, ranging in value for $20 to $5,000, and aggregating $50,000, are apportioned by lot. All bonds which did not win a special prize were retired at their face value, plus interest from July 15, 1875. Thus, the interest on the original value of one of the "premium" bonds, in the course of about forty years, amounted to more than forty dollars; the amount which the holder of the bonds would receive if it were retired at the end of that period, would, therefore, be approximately $61. The interest was not compounded, but the accumulation of interest at the rate of 5 percent per annum would naturally make the minimum value of the bond greater at each prize drawing, until, in 1925 — ? the end of the term for which these bonds were issued — ? it was calculated that the total value would be $70.

Pillsbury, in presenting the plan to the Council, justified it on the basis of the existing necessity, which compelled the abandonment "of the p385ordinary forms of finance as unequal to the occasion," and required that "other and perhaps novel means of meeting the exigency," be sought. As a matter of fact, its excuse lay in the fact that its device of deferring the payment of interest on the debt to a time far in the future, was precisely the remedy which the city needed. It was adopted in a series of ordinances enacted by the Council between May 25 and August 21, 1875.27 It was expected that the element of chance associated with the proposed bond issue would induce all of the holders of various outstanding city bonds to convert their securities at par into this new issue. Among, the majority of the holders of the old bonds refrained from making the exchange until the State Legislature had ratified the plan by passing Act 31 of 1876, and even then consented to the funding operation with the proviso that their bonds should be returned if the new scheme did not prove a success. Their reluctance was based upon a very natural objection to forego a fixed income payable at definite intervals, for an interest which could not be collected until the principal became due. The leading bankers and brokers of the city united patriotically in an effort to induce the public to endorse the scheme, but as a matter of fact only about $13,500,000 of "premium" bonds were actually issued, and nearly $10,000,000 of the old high-rate bonds remained outstanding. Thus Pillsbury's ingenious plan failed to bring the city all the relief hoped from it, although it lightened the financial burdens very considerably. Previous to its adoption the annual interest charges amounted to $1,416,000; the "premium" bond scheme cut this to about $307,500.28 The city subsequently became involved in tedious and expensive litigation with certain creditors who refused to participate in the scheme. These suits assailed the constitutionality of the bonds. At one time they fell in the market as low as $5 per bond, but after the city had succeeded in obtaining a favorable decision from the State Supreme Court, the price rose rapidly, and the bonds became a favorite form of investment with local capitalists.29

During the Leeds administration some progress was made with the work of draining the city.30 A drainage canal on Nashville Avenue, to drain the low area between St. Charles Avenue and the Mississippi, was one of the enterprises carried out at this time.31 The street railroads were extended,32 and "dummies," as the small steam locomotives were called, were introduced on the line running out to the Lake Pontchartrain summer resorts.33 A shell road was built on St. Charles Avenue, from Joseph Street to Toledano.34 Steps were taken in June, 1875, to establish the Fink Home. But with these exceptions public works were at a standstill in New Orleans throughout this administration.

Mayor E. Pillsbury

As Leeds' term drew to a close, the question of his successor was raised. By general consent this honor was assigned to Pillsbury. His services to the debt-ridden city were so great that it was everywhere felt that he deserved the promotion. Moreover, it was highly important that p386the proponent of the "premium" bond scheme should continue in the administration while that plan was being worked out and applied. The only person talked of seriously as a candidate against Pillsbury was I. W. Patton, at that time chairman of the Democratic State Central Committee; but when the parish nominating convention met, on September 27, 1878, the latter refused to allow his name to go before the delegates, and the selection of Pillsbury was made without opposition. The candidates for the administratorships named at the same time were: J. E. Reynolds, R. E. Diamond, C. Cavanac, J. E. Edwards, J. C. Denis, and J. G. Brown. Candidates were also chosen for the city judgeships, clerks of court, district attorney, and sheriffs — ? a complete ticket was put out. The nominations were received with varying degrees of enthusiasm. The Bulletin said that they were "better than expected,"35 and the "Republican," although criticizing the remainder of the ticket, conceded that "Pillsbury and Brown are good nominations."36 On the other hand, all that the consistently democratic Picayune could find to say was, that the ticket was "a good one, in the main, while it is frankly admitted that in some respects it is open to objection."37

The dissatisfaction over the ticket was stimulated by the complaints of the defeated candidates, and by the intrigues of the republicans, who hoped in this way to cause a breach in the solid ranks of the opposition, and thus regain control of the city. The republicans frankly admitted that they had no other chance of success in the city. Finally, on October 4, 1876, an independent movement was launched at a meeting over which presided Gen. Leonard Sewell, and at which were present Gen. James Longstreet, Judge J. S. Whitaker, and other well-known republicans and republican sympathizers. Nominally, the People's Independent party, as it called itself, was not a republican movement. It professed to be operating under the protection of the Southern Reform Association, an organization of citizens working in the interest of general political reform. There seems every reason to believe that it was originally a non-partisan movement, but was appropriated by republican leaders, and utilized for their own purposes. At first, it was understood that no fight would be made upon the acceptable democratic nominees, only upon those generally pronounced objectionable. On October 12 it was announced that the republicans would not make any local nominations, but would co-operate with the independents. This declaration was not believed by one element in the new party, which withdrew from the movement, and opened negotiations with the democratic party, but without success.38 Assuming that this secession spelt ruin to the movement, the independents a few days later withdrew their ticket. On October 26 the republicans came out with a city ticket complete except for the name of the candidate for the mayoralty. The candidates for the administratorships were G. A. Fosdick, W. M. Aikman, C. H. Thompson, J. G. Weber, James Lewis, O. C. Blandin, Louis Volz. The republicans by nominating them, endorsed certain of the names on the defunct independent ticket. Among these were Mandeville Marigny, Dr. J. Freund, T. J. Cooley, Jules Vienne, C. A. Baquie, M. H. Marks, and R. Freidrichs. 39 The following day Dr. p387C. B. White was added for the mayoralty. He was a respected white citizen, who for several years had discharged with success the functions of president of the city board of health. The result was viewed with some faint hope by the local republican organ. "It is reasonable to suppose," it observed, editorially, "that the nominees will draw large support from the mass of non-partisan voters. [. . .] The prospect, however, is not favorable to the election of the republican ticket," although that ticket was "made of the best material."40

Interest in the city campaign was merged in that felt in the State contest. Events, as we shall presently see, were in progress in the city which encouraged the belief that the time was ripe for the democrats to regain, by a bold stroke, the possession of the State Government. The city canvass, however, was affected by the attempts which the radicals made to juggle the registration lists in the interests of their state ticket. Complaints were made as early as the month of August that the republicans were so compiling the lists that eligible voters were being denied the possibility of casting their ballot. One method was, to inscribe the names and addresses on the list in the wrong places, and thus give the impression that the registrant was not a resident of the ward where he registered. Another device was the circulation of a pretended circular of a mythical sewing machine company, sent through the mails to a list of addresses; if the person addressed did not happen to reside at the house where the circular was delivered, this was deemed sufficient proof of false registration to justify the removal of his name from the registration books.41 Later, arbitrary arrests on charges of false registration were made with a view to terrorize the electorate.

Nevertheless, the election, which took place on November 7, was exceptionally quiet and orderly. That morning the democrats issued a letter to the public announcing that its partisans would not be permitted to do anything in the least fraudulent, with the inference that steps would be taken to see that the opposition followed an equally virtuous path. The quiet of the election was probably due to the fact that clubs "quasi military" in character — ? to use the Times' euphemistic phrase — ? after voting, assembled at their rendezvous, and remained "in readiness to suppress disturbances of the peace." These organizations, happily, were not called on to act, although announcing that they were prepared to do nothing except in conjunction with the "constitutional authorities."42 These "clubs" were in reality detachments of the White League.43

The returns from the city election were reviewed by the Returning Board, which after some delay announced a complete democratic victory. Pillsbury received 24,031 votes, as against White's 15,022.44 The transfer of the government was effected on December 18, at a simple ceremony in the council chamber of the City Hall. Pillsbury, in his inaugural address, referred to the improvements which had taken place in p388recent months in the city finances, "as evidenced by large reductions of debt, the decrease in expenditures, and the lower taxation." He pointed out that in the preceding eight years the city had paid in State and city taxes no less than $50,000,000 — ? or more than one-half of the total value of the real estate within the city limits. His reference to the adoption of the "premium" bond scheme was modest and appropriate. "In the summer of 1875," he observed, "it was evident that if the rate of taxation as it then stood — ? two and one-half percent — ? should be again imposed, collections would entirely cease and the value of property be destroyed. The Council then adopted a bond scheme, which had the effect of relieving one percent of the taxation, or $1,000,000 per annum, without impairing the principal of the obligation." The process of refunding had been so far successful, that by the beginning of 1877 one-half of the bonded debt would be absorbed, and of this achievement the new mayor felt justly proud.45

The attention of the new administration was early directed to the problem of the floating debt, which was not touched by the legislation adopted either by the Council or by the State Legislature touching the "premium" bond scheme. That scheme dealt only with the city's bonded debt. The floating debt had proven a fertile source of embarrassment. In March, 1876, the State Legislature had passed an act enabling the tax-payers to settle with the city in script for all back taxes up to the year 1873. This act expired in December, 1876. Thereafter all taxes were to be collectible in cash. Pillsbury first thought that the amounts derived from this source should be used in purchasing from the lower bidder the outstanding evidences of the city's floating indebtedness. But this did not work out satisfactorily, and in 1878 the city's large interest in the city waterworks was sold, and the floating debt certificates were received in payment for the shares.46 In this way some relief was obtained.

The waterworks, after having been operated by the city sometimes without profit, and usually at a loss, were sold to private parties in September, 1878. The waterworks as they stood were insufficient for the needs of the city. It was estimated that they could adequately serve a population of about 30,000 whereas the city now contained nearly 200,000 people. In Leeds' time an effort had been made to lease the system on the basis of cash payment and the extension and improvement of the service. This was unsuccessful. In 1876 the revenue realized by the city scarcely sufficed to cover the actual running expenses. Not only was the enterprise financially unsatisfactory, but its retention made the city liable for interest on bonds to the amount of $1,290,000, at six percent per annum, in addition to the loss of interest on $600,000 which the corporation had originally invested therein. In an attempt to improve the city service the city engineer, Hardee, had during Leeds' administration, elaborated a plan in which the sources of supply were the Mississippi and Tangipahoa rivers, but the city was without the means to inaugurate it, urgent as the necessity appeared. The city obtained for the property $2,000,000 part of which was paid in city certificates, as p389explained above, in pursuance of a plan to reduce the floating debt; and part in cash, the corporation retaining $392,700 of stock in the company which was formed to acquire the system. This was regarded at the time as a very brilliant transaction, relieving the city of serious liabilities, and offering a way by which the needs of the population might be met.47

Pillsbury advocated leasing out on contract the cleaning of the city streets. This, however, was not attempted. Progress was made in repairing the streets and bridges, which, under the previous administration, had fallen into a shocking condition, as a result of the lack of funds. It was estimated that out of 30,000 bridges over the open gutters in the streets, practically nine-tenths were in dangerous condition when Pillsbury took office; at the close of his administration, only about 300 were considered defective.48 It was during this administration, also, that the construction of the Lee Monument was begun. In July, 1877, the City Council adopted an ordinance putting the Lee Monument Association in possession of Tivoli Circle, as a site for the great marble shaft that a few years later became a conspicuous landmark of the city.49 A shell road was constructed on Soniat Street, between St. Charles and St. George streets.50 Various ordinances were passed authorizing the construction of railroads along the river front in the vicinity of Louisiana Avenue, and in the rear of the city, near Claiborne Avenue, with a view of linking existing lines together and forming a belt road; but this enterprise was not effectively carried out, and the creation of a belt railroad was reserved to another and happier epoch.51

But the real interest of Pillsbury's term resides elsewhere than in the monotonous recital of his achievements as an administrator.

Notes

1. Capuchin A Catholic friar.

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

p390 Chapter XXV

1877

The vote for State officials cast at the election in November, 1874, was, as we have seen, counted by the Returning Board. This body announced its decision in December. According to its computation, the republican ticket had scored a complete victory. The methods by which this result was obtained, however, invited criticism. Oscar Arroyo, the democratic member of the board, felt compelled to resign, by way of protest against practices to which he did not care to be deemed a party. President Grant, also apprehensive of the effect of the Returning Board's announcement in New Orleans, ordered thither the harsh and tyrannical General Sheridan. That was some ground for Grant's fears may be inferred from the events which followed the assembling of the new Legislature, in January, 1875.

Kellogg was determined to control the Legislature by any means in his power. His police, stationed at the doors of the State Capitol, denied admission to all those claiming to be members who did not possess a certificate from the Returning Board. In this way five democratic-conservative members were prevented from taking their seats. Kellogg thus secured a majority of two in the House. The democratic-conservative element, however, was equally resolved to see that the ejected members were seated. If they succeeded, the admission of these members would throw the House into their hands. Accordingly, as soon as the roll-call showed that a quorum was present, they proceeded by a series of rapid-fire actions to seize control of the assembly. Billieu, representative from Lafourche Parish, put a motion to make Wiltz speaker, and declared it carried. Wiltz, who had taken up a station adjacent to the speaker's chair, jumped upon the platform, brushed aside the clerk, Vigers, and was instantly sworn in by a justice of the peace present for the purpose. Wiltz then administered the oath to the members en masse, without regard to their political affiliations, or stopping to examine their credentials. Subsequently, by the same high-handed methods, the temporary organization was made permanent. Wiltz, as permanent speaker, declared the session open for business. A committee on elections was appointed, and the contested memberships were about to be taken under consideration.

These proceedings had not occurred without opposition. Some of the republican members attempted to withdraw, but were forcibly restrained. Republican henchmen had collected in the approaches to the capitol, and their threats and shouts created a terrific hubbub in the lobbies. So menacing was the situation becoming that the democratic-conservative members felt it advisable to call in the Federal soldiery to calm the tumult before bloodshed took place. It happened that the Federal commander, Gen. Regis de Trobriand, with a detachment of troops was already in the building. He came up promptly at the appeal of the legislature, spoke to the howling mob in the lobbies, and was successful in quieting the disorder. He then withdrew.

But in the interval Kellogg was being acquainted with the events that were transpiring in the assembly, and was laying plans to deprive the p391democratic-conservative faction of the advantages won by their courage and organization. He knew that De Trobriand had the usual orders from Washington to support the de facto State Government — ? that is, the Kellogg administration. He accordingly directed De Trobriand to expel from the capitol all unauthorized and disorderly persons. These orders were fulfilled by that officer. Within an hour, in full uniform, with his sword on, accompanied by two aides and followed by the deposed clerk, Vigers, he reappeared in the House, and demanded to have pointed out to him the persons referred to in Kellogg's communication. This Wiltz refused to do but Campbell and Anderson, two republican members, performed that office; and the five men in question, together with four others, were ejected, in spite of their protests, at the point of the bayonet, by the soldiers whom De Trobriand called in for the purpose.

Vigers then resumed his post as clerk of the House, and began to call the roll. Scarcely had he begun when Wiltz appealed to the members to leave the place as a protest against the action of the military in invading the hall where the State Legislature was in meeting. All of the democratic-conservative members followed him from the apartment, but the republicans remained, and proceeded to organize the House after their own ideas, which included the election of a new speaker, Michael Hahn being the recipient of this somewhat tarnished honor.

In all of these actions Wiltz was unquestionably supported by a majority of the people of Louisiana, especially of those in New Orleans. But Kellogg had — ? what was of more importance in those troublous days — ? the support of the Federal Government and of the United States army. Sheridan even asked the President for authority to arrest and try by court-martial the "banditti" whom he regarded as responsible for the existing "disorders." His letter found its way into print, and elicited a hot protest from the leading clergymen of New Orleans, which was sent to the secretary of war in Washington, and published in Northern newspapers, was widely read and much commented upon there.

Public sentiment in that part of the nation was beginning to veer around in favor of the South. As the date of the presidential election approached, opposition to Grant developed in unexpected quarters. The wisdom of his course in Louisiana was beginning to be questioned as it had never been before. This sentiment was reflected in Congress. A senate resolution called upon the President for an explanation of the behavior of the troops in Louisiana. Grant's reply though long and elaborate, can scarcely be called convincing.1 The upshot of the correspondence was that Congress appointed a committee to go to New Orleans and make an investigation of the whole matter. This body was composed of such distinguished men as Wheeler, Hoar and Fry. The leaders of both parties were ready for compromise. Within a short time they were brought to an agreement as to the desirability of submitting their differences to the arbitration of the committee. The rank and file of the democratic-conservative members of the Legislature, also found themselves in accord with the position assumed by their leaders. The mass of the people, however, seems to have looked on these negotiations with a good deal of doubt. Their disapproval did not manifest itself p392immediately, however. Among the republicans there was, taking them by and large, still less inclination to endorse the compromise movement. But at the moment enough supporters of the movement were found, both democrats and republicans, to justify the formulation of articles of agreement, and these were submitted to a caucus of the Legislature, and adopted after prolonged debate.

This agreement is known in history as the Wheeler compromise. In brief it provided that Kellogg should retain the governorship undisturbed till the expiration of his term; that the members of the House whose titles were in controversy should submit their pretensions to the arbitrament of the committee; and that both Wiltz and Hahn should withdraw from the contest over the speakership of the house, in favor of someone to be elected by the majority. As the radicals had a majority in the senate, this arrangement did not affect that body; but it was accepted as, on the whole, about the best terms to be expected under the circumstances. The provisions of the agreement were promptly put into execution by the Legislature. Wiltz and Hahn complied with the section relative to themselves in accord with the position assumed by their leaders. The democrats secured a majority in the house, and the result of the congressional inquiry was, in effect, a vindication of the democratic-conservative party.

In addition to ratifying the Wheeler compromise, the Legislature projected some reform legislation, of which there was a crying need in practically every department of the government; but the majority purpose was frustrated by the tactics of the republican minority. For the first ten days of the session a deadlock existed, nor was it till January 24 that the house was actually able to get down to business. The opposition to Kellogg, latent throughout the season, flamed out towards the close, in the form of a movement to impeach him for misdemeanors in office since the date of the Wheeler agreement. The specific charge was, that he had in collusion with two other republican officials, withdrawn $200,000 from the interest fund without warrants, and used it for other purposes, in violation of Act 3 of 1873.2

Kellogg was too widely experienced in the political bushwhacking of the time to be caught thus napping; and the skill with which he extricated himself from the toils spread by his democratic-conservative enemies extorts a certain cynical admiration, even at the present day. He had the senate completely under his control, and through it was able to frustrate the house. A house committee to examine the charges reported substantiating them, at 5:00 P.M., February 28.3 Within forty-five minutes the proper resolutions were prepared and presented by the house managers at the bar of the senate. The proper course was, for the senate to organize itself into a court and receive the articles of impeachment. This procedure was observed. The chief justice, Ludeling, was called to preside. One hour was granted the house in which to formulate and present its charges. Manifestly that task could not possibly be executed within that space of time; the animus of the senate was clear. Moreover, the house, not anticipating this turn of affairs, had adjourned to the following day. Nevertheless, the house managers, although without p393proper authority, hastily drafted the customary papers, and at 7:00 P.M. presented themselves before the senate sitting as a court to try the case. Thereupon the senate dismissed the charges by a vote of 39 to 9. When the house met next day, it could do nothing, and vented its exasperation by passing resolutions declaring that it was powerless to resent "this outrage upon right, justice, and decency."

It is unnecessary to inquire whether this attempt by the democratic-conservative party upon Kellogg was violative of the letter of the Wheeler compromise. A good case could doubtless be made out for its vindication. As a matter of fact, however, it was a tactical mistake. Many prominent business men in New Orleans expressed disapproval. While the project was in its inception a petition against pressing the charges was circulated in the city and received many signatures. The Times attacked the plan as "foolish and frivolous."4 In fact, the conservatives seem to have lost their heads to some degree, as a result of irritation resulting from the failure of the Legislature to accept a program of reform, as well as under the incitement of public opinion indignant over the way in which the Wheeler compromise had disposed of the governorship. The republicans, it is true, asserted that they had been at all times ready to co-operate in the Legislature in the passage of desirable reform measures, but that their efforts had been blocked by the democratic-conservative members.5

In the meantime, the popular opposition to the Wheeler compromise was developing under the leadership of McEnery and Wiltz. They had been members of the caucus which had ratified the compromise, but were on record as opposing that action. They spoke at a great mass-meeting in Canal Street, at Clay statue, on February 6, called to protest against the agreement. Their speeches on that occasion did not allay the suspicion with which New Orleans regarded what one of the newspapers termed "the deep damnation of this foul act."6 Finding, however, that there was no prospect of driving Kellogg from power in any other way, they undertook to reorganize the democratic party, and through it work for the desired end. The party had been for some years virtually taken over by the miscellaneous elements in opposition to the radical regime. What was now planned, was to restore distinctly democratic ideas and principles, as distinguished from the general theory of opposition to the Radical regime which till now had been the thrust professed by the heterogeneous elements that accident had assembled in the party. A convention was summoned to meet in April. Penn, Burke, and other leaders deprecated the revival of discussion over the Wheeler agreement. The New Orleans Ward Clubs, however, contended that the agreement was consummated by the members of the State Legislature, and did not bind the people in general. The convention assembled at Baton Rouge in July. Its ostensible business was to name a state ticket; its real business to concert measures for the overthrow of the hated State Government. Penn was probably the most important figure there at the opening of the meeting. But it soon became apparent that the country delegates would not support a city candidate for the gubernatorial nomination. They p394favored Francis T. Nicholls, of Assumption parish. Wiltz and McEnery figured in the early ballotting but the latter eventually withdrew in favor of Nicholls, and he was nominated on the fourth ballot. Wiltz's adherents promptly moved to make the nomination unanimous; a bit of magnanimity which was awarded when their candidate was given the second place on the ticket.

Nicholls had not courted the honor which thus came to him. In fact, he had refused to listen to the first delegations which called on him to urge him to be a candidate for the nomination. He had finally consented to let his name go before the convention only in the event that another candidate was not available. Even after having been nominated he expressed regret for having involved himself in what he termed "trouble." During his speech of acceptance he showed himself profoundly stirred by the emotions of the hour. He declared that if elected he would enter office untrammelled by any clique; that he would enforce laws without regard to race or color; that he would give office to no one for supporting him; and expressed his abhorrence of any kind of election fraud.7 In harmony with these utterances was the platform adopted by the convention, which demanded protection for colored voters in the exercise of the franchise, accepted as final the three wartime amendments to the Federal Constitution, and generally declared for an efficient and economical government.8 The ticket was completed by adding the names of H. N. Ogden for attorney-general, W. E. Strong for secretary of state, Allan Jumel for state auditor, and R. H. Lusher for superintendent of education. McEnery was made elector-at-large. The republican verdict on the convention was contained in an editorial in the "Republican" in which the nomination of Nicholls was declared a triumph for the old Confederates, and the whole ticket the work of the White League.9

The republican nominating convention met in June in New Orleans in Mechanics' Institute. The delegates were lined up under two banners — ? that of Kellogg and Packard on one side, that of Warmoth and Pinchback on the other. Warmoth was a candidate for the gubernatorial nomination, but ultimately withdrew in favor of Packard, who was nominated after six days of ballotting, amidst scenes of the widest disorder. In fact, every phase of the convention was remarkable for the riotous behavior of the delegates. On the second day the sittings were transferred from the Mechanics' Institute to the St. Charles Theater; and there the yelling of enthusiastic or belligerent members was at times loud enough to be audible several blocks away. On one occasion the police had to be called to remove members who had come to blows, and on July 1 one of the delegates was badly wounded in an attempt to force his way into the hall through the ranks of political opponents. Even the republican newspaper in New Orleans felt obliged to comment upon the unseemly deportment of the members.10 After an agreement had been reached regarding the governorship, the remainder of the ticket was selected with comparatively little trouble. Antoine was named for lieutenant-governor, and Brown for superintendent of education.11 Pinchback was placated with the chairmanship of the State Central Committee, p395and Kellogg was made a presidential elector. It must be confessed that Packard's candidacy did not awaken much enthusiasm in his own party. Several of the leaders abandoned his cause in the incipiency of the campaign, and Warmoth and Pinchback supported him in a lukewarm spirit, if at all.

The campaign opened promptly and was freer from disorders than had been anticipated. Nevertheless, some picturesque and even terrible episodes took place. The democrats made strenuous efforts to capture the negro vote, and in fact some 5,000 out of the total registration of 17,000 did ultimately cast their ballots in favor of Nicholls.12 In the City of New Orleans the machinery already existed to bring out the full democratic vote, and there was never any question but that it would be carried by Nicholls with large majorities. The republicans went about the election in a characteristic way, by denying their opponents a proper proportion of elections officials, and by insisting on the existence of a policy of terrorism among the democrats, as preliminary to contesting the result. Complaints of unfairness in the registration began to be heard as early as August, and in fact a considerable number of voters in New Orleans were disqualified as a result of ingenious manipulation of the registration lists. The election took place on November 7. The day passed off quietly in New Orleans. Business was generally suspended. It was known some days previously that the Federal troops would be stationed at the polls to prevent disorder and preserve life. Arrangements were also made by the democratic-conservative leaders to have squads of their own forces, armed with rifles, placed within convenient hailing-distance of the polls. An incident which occurred in the Third Ward may be related here as illustrating both this singular situation, and the amicable relationships which existed between the citizens and the troops. J. D. Hill was in command of a squad stationed at a poll in the rear of this ward. In the late afternoon, when the poll had been closed, his squad was stationed on the sidewalk opposite the polling-booth. A detachment of the Thirteenth United States Infantry, Captain McGuire commanding, was posted a short distance away on the other sidewalk. The two officers drifted together; got into conversation, and all that night, while the ballots were being counted by the commissioners inside, on the outside the two sets of guards were spending pleasantly together the long hours of vigil. It was clear from the many similar incidents which occurred during the election that, although of course ready to execute their orders, distasteful though they might be, the troops were, in most cases, both officers and enlisted men, in sympathy with the Nicholls party, and in their hearts wished that faction success.13 When day dawned, every indication pointed to a great democratic victory. As the succeeding days passed, and the importance of the Louisiana electoral vote in the presidential contest began to be appreciated, the democratic satisfaction in Louisiana increased. At the same time the republicans became correspondingly insistent upon their claim that the election had been fraudulent. Kellogg sent a telegram to that effect to the New York Herald,14 which, reproduced in one of the New Orleans papers, aroused intense resentment in the city. The excitement in New Orleans as the people p396awaited the decision of the Returning Board, was very great. Huge throngs surrounded the headquarters of the Democratic State Central Committee, clamorous for news. The situation was so tense that President Grant deemed it wise to caution the commander of the Federal forces in New Orleans, to preserve the peace and see that the "legal" Returning Board were not molested.15

(p397)

The Louisiana Returning Board

From left to right, the captioned names are: General T. C. Anderson, Gardane Casanave, Judge Alfred Shaw, Governor J. M. Wells, L. M. Kenner.

The President's position was that "no man worthy of the office" would consent to be "counted in or placed there by fraud."16 He therefore required several prominent republicans to go to Louisiana and observe the counting of the vote by the Returning Board. Among those upon whom his choice fell were John Sherman, E. W. Stoughton, J. A. Garfield, Cortlandt Parker, and J. C. Wilson. They reached New Orleans on November 12. At the same time, and for the same reason, the democrats dispatched a similar commission, composed of Palmer, Trumbull, Randall, Bigler, Stevenson, Carroll and others — ? some twenty in all — ? who arrived at their destination on the day following the advent of the republican committee. The coming of these delegations had a calming effect on the anxious population.17 The conservative newspapers were confident that the visitors would see that the vote was honestly counted. The republican newspapers voiced a similar sentiment on behalf of their party.

The democratic delegation promptly proposed a scheme of co-operation with the republican delegation, but, after an interchange of rather tart communications, this offer was declined. The republicans organized with Sherman as chairman. The work was portioned out systematically, one member, for example, being put in charge of the investigation of the manner in which the election had been conducted in one parish and another of another parish, and so on. Five members were assigned daily to attend the meetings of the Returning Board. This action was taken in accordance with an invitation issued by that body to both the visiting delegations. The democrats were also represented at the board meetings by five members; but the majority of their committee left New Orleans after a brief sojourn, having ascertained that they would not be permitted to attend the executive meetings of the board, nor allowed to be present in a body at the public sessions.

The Returning Board at this time was composed of Kenner, Anderson, Wells, and Casanave. Arroyo, democrat, had, as we have seen, resigned. Attempts made by the democratic party leaders to induce the board to elect some one in his place met with failure. The canvass was therefore made by the four men mentioned. Their reputations argued little for the fairness with which the work would be done. Kenner was a gambler and worse, Anderson had accumulated a fortune while serving in the State Legislature — ? a circumstance which invited suspicion. Wells, who had once served as governor of the state, was identified heart and soul with the most cordially abominated section of the radical party, and Casanave was a negro undertaker, remarkable only for his ignorance and uncouthness. It is not necessary here to examine the evidence subsequently accumulated as to the ruthless way in which an obviously democratic majority was converted into an apparent republican one.18 p398According to the decision of the Returning Board, announced on December 6, the number of votes actually cast was 160,964; out of which the majorities for the Hayes presidential electors averaged from 3,437 to 4,800. As a matter of fact, the Tilden electors were elected by a majority of 7,639. The board also declared Packard elected governor of the state; Antoine lieutenant-governor, and all of the rest of the republican state ticket successful, including 19 republican senators and 73 republican representatives. These figures would give the party a majority of two votes in the state senate, and of 28 in the lower branch of the State Legislature. Moreover, the board's figures showed that four republican candidates had been elected to Congress out of the state delegation of six.

The work of tabulating the vote, which had been done with reasonable expedition, had been performed in secret by a corps of clerks, some of whom were under indictment for crimes including perjury and murder. The democrats were not allowed to have any representative present to check the work. It is not remarkable, then, that the board was subsequently accused of having falsified the returns. Still more lax were the methods pursued in taking testimony regarding the intimidation alleged to have been practiced by the democrats in the parishes. Affidavits and other testimony were often prepared in the very building where the board was holding its sessions, by soldiers and by employees detailed for the purpose by Packard. Kenner later admitted that not a single man had actually testified before the board that he had voted contrary to his conscience; yet the board did not hesitate to throw out the vote of entire parishes on the ground that voters had been interfered with in the exercise of their privileges.19

In the meantime the democratic party had taken steps to canvass the vote on its own account. It was in possession of a duplicate set of the official returns as made out by the clerks in charge of the polls. On December 5 these were canvassed by McEnery, in the presence of the attorney-general, Ogden, and Judge A. L. Tissot, of the Second District Court, of the parish of Orleans — ? as required by law — ? and certified that they showed a sweeping victory for the democratic ticket, state and national.20 On the following day the rival sets of presidential electors met and cast their votes at the State House, the republicans for Hayes and Wheeler; at St. Patrick's Hall the democrats for Tilden and Hendricks.

The two visiting delegations filed reports of what they had seen. The democrats addressed theirs to A. S. Hewitt, chairman of the National Committee of their party. The republicans' report took the form of a letter from Sherman to the President. Both were purely partisan compositions; that is, both followed lines which might have been foreseen, considering the composition of the respective groups. The democrats p399held that the Returning Board had entered upon its work predetermined to find for the republican candidates. The republicans dwelt upon the acts of intimidation practiced by the democrats in the parishes of the state, and argued that no ground of complaint existed if an election won by illegal methods were upset by a duly-appointed and lawful board.21 Congress was unable to find between the two reports, and as soon as it reassembled, felt constrained to dispatch to Louisiana fresh investigating committees. That from the house got to work in New Orleans on December 12; that from the senate, six days later. The Returning Board took the ground that neither body had the right to review its work, it being a state tribunal; and denied the visitors access to its records, although consenting to allow copies thereof to be made. After visiting the parishes and taking much testimony, each committee filed majority and minority reports, in which strictly party lines were again followed. We know now that the democratic reports very nearly pictured the actual facts; but at the moment when these documents were written, public opinion was highly inflamed, and the bearing of the results in Louisiana upon national politics too intimate and important for either side to accept impartially the conclusions of the other; hence, further investigation was necessary, and fresh congressional representatives visited New Orleans in June, 1878.

Nicholls did not for a moment entertain the idea of defeat.22 He went ahead on the assumption that the will of the people expressed at the polls was final, no matter what the Returning Board might do. This meant, that Louisiana would continue to have two governors and two Legislatures. As the time approached for the rival Legislatures to meet, speculation was rife as to what would happen. Delegates began to reach New Orleans as early as December 25, and caucuses were held almost daily at which the procedure to be observed by either party was worked out. The republicans had possession of the St. Louis Hotel, which had been purchased a year or two before, and converted into a state capitol. In order to make sure that the opposition should not seize it in the interim, their members slept and ate in the building on the days immediately preceding the opening of the session, and the doors were barricaded, and the halls filled with police.

On January 1, the day when the session opened, everyone in New Orleans appreciated the fact that a crisis was pending. The democratic Legislature assembled at St. Patrick's Hall, and organized. Col. Louis Bush was elected speaker of the house. Then, forming in column, and headed by Colonel Bush, the members marched down Camp Street to Canal, and thence by Royal towards St. Louis. On arriving in front of the main entrance to the capitol, they halted, and Bush demanded of the sentinels to be allowed admission. A messenger hastened upstairs with this demand, but returned almost at once with a refusal. Bush, whose election had been ratified by the Returning Board, might, it is true, enter if he would; and so might any person with him who held a similar certificate; but no one else. Bush replied that he did not recognize the Returning Board, and that the persons accompanying him constituted the true Legislature of the State of Louisiana. But further parley was futile, and the party returned to St. Patrick's Hall, where the two p400branches of the democratic Legislature were declared ready for business. The verification of the election returns was immediately taken up.23 There were present in the house 62 members — ? a quorum. In the senate nine senators held over from the preceding session, and eleven new members were present. Together, they did not constitute a quorum. The significance of this situation in the senate was immediately apparent, and constituted the most serious problem which Nicholls and his advisors had to confront.

Meanwhile the republicans had convened in the St. Louis Hotel. Sixty-eight members answered the roll-call in the house, and nineteen in the senate. Hahn was chosen speaker of the house, and Antoine, as lieutenant-governor, took his seat as presiding officer of the senate. Kellogg sent in a message lauding his administration for having made a totally imaginary reduction in the taxes, and finding fault with the democratic-conservative government in New Orleans, which, he said, was "daily declining in wealth."24 As the days slipped by, and no overt action was taken in either Legislature, the public excitement diminished. The crowd in front of the St. Louis Hotel grew less. The guards on duty in that building relaxed their vigilance. The city was resuming a normal appearance, when the approach of the day set for the inauguration of the governors again aroused apprehension as to what might ensue. It was announced that Packard would be inaugurated at the St. Louis Hotel at the same moment that Nicholls would take the oath of office at Odd Fellows' Hall, to which building he had by now removed the seat of his government. The question everywhere asked was, could a clash be averted?

Accordingly, on January 8, business was suspended, the police of both parties concentrated, and the Federal troops were held in readiness to check any disorder. The behavior of the populace was, however, very orderly. At 1 P.M. Nicholls and Wiltz took the oath on the flower-covered balcony of the Odd Fellows' Hall, watched by ten thousand spectators assembled in Lafayette Square, while cannon roared a warlike accompaniment, and distinguished citizens witnessed the ceremony from flag-draped platforms erected in front of the building for their accommodation. Nicholls made an impressive address, in which he reiterated his pre-election promises, that considerations of the general good alone should govern his actions, and that his every energy would be devoted to securing an efficient administration at the least possible cost.25

The public had no part in the ceremony which was even then taking place at the state capitol on St. Louis Street. Packard took the oath of office within the building. His address was in contrast with that of his rival, insomuch as it stressed his purpose to use all the powers conferred on him by the law to compel obedience to legal authority, and to secure an abiding peace for the state.26 This, if it meant anything, was an intimation of an intention to employ force in defense of his prerogatives. Around the building meanwhile a crowd had assembled, the demeanor of which became steadily less friendly. The occupants did not deem it safe to leave the building till late in the afternoon. Nicholls made every effort to induce the hostile gathering to disperse, even sending down p402written orders to that effect; but it insisted on keeping the radicals prisoners until the police arrived, and cleared the entrances and sidewalks, whereupon the crowd slowly dispersed. A few shots were fired from the hotel, without doing any harm; a few stones were thrown by the crowd, which broke some windows; but more serious consequences were averted.27

The following day, however, when the Nicholls government undertook to complete its organization by seizing the Cabildo, matters still wore a threatening aspect. Two departments of the state government of which Nicholls was head were functioning — ? the executive and the legislative. But the third, the judicial, embodied in the Supreme Court, which had headquarters in the Cabildo, was under the control of the Packard government. In the lower story of the building was a precinct of the Metropolitan police — ? the same, in fact, against which the McEnery militia had delivered its attack four years before. This station was crowded with armed men this morning. Under their protection the court, with Chief Justice Ludeling presiding, held a brief session. Nicholls was exceedingly anxious to see the Supreme Court which he had just appointed formally established in the Cabildo. The previous night he had been in consultation with the new justices, and with other advisers at his headquarters in the City Hotel. By 10 A.M. on the morning of the 9th the streets were filled with armed men. The Nicholls militia — ? which was, in effect, the McEnery militia, or White League — ? to the number of about 3,000, was concentrated in various strategic places, particularly at the St. Mary's Market. At 10:30 these forces superseded the police force. An hour later they formed in column under command of Gen. F. N. Ogden and marched towards Jackson Square.

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The Cabildo, Seat of Government in New Orleans During the Spanish Regime

Among the officers on duty this day was J. D. Hill, a member of the House, who had obtained leave of absence in order to participate in the operations. As the troops approached the Cabildo he sent Lieut. Oscar Nixon, one of Ogden's aides-de-camp, to ask permission from the commanding officer to take Capt. Archie Mitchell's company and seize the building. This was granted. Mitchell's company fell out of the column, and, led by Hill, turned to the left into St. Ann Street. Hill halted the command under the arches of the Cabildo, with the right deployed towards the Cathedral. He then went to the door of the police station and demanded of Captain Lawler, in command there, that he surrender the building. Lawler refused. Half of Lawler's men were collected in the police station, the remainder occupied a position half way up the staircase leading to the upper floor and the Supreme Court room. A demand made upon the latter to open the gates and admit the citizen soldiery was likewise refused. While Lawler was kept busy with pretended negotiations by one of the other officers of the militia, Hill and his men burst the chain which secured the iron gate opening on the main stair and effected an entrance. In the meantime the Nicholls court had assembled in a room on St. Ann Street. As soon as the gate swung open the Metropolitans retreated up the stairs into the courtroom, without attempting resistance. Hill sent for the judges, taking Judge Alcibiade de Blanc on his arm, escorted him to the upper floor, followed by Lieutenant Gibson with the chief justice, T. C. Manning. The cowed Metropolitans were compelled to assemble in a corner of the room, with p403their hats respectfully removed and their arms piled against the wall, while Hill, having seen his charges seated on the bench, assumed the role of cryer, and formally proclaimed the court ready for business. Ludeling and the radical judges were not found in the building; in fact, they had withdrawn to a place of safety some time before the citizens' militia arrived on the spot.

Hill then descended to the gateway, where his men were in waiting. Captain Lawler, informed that the mission entrusted to him had failed, consented to surrender. His men were informed that they might retire to their homes. Many were afraid to do so, apprehending mistreatment at the hands of the populace, to whom the sight of their uniform was as a red cloak to a bull. Mitchell accordingly detained some of his command to accompany them, and they were in this manner enabled to get safely to their residences.28

Meanwhile a large body of armed citizens approached the St. Louis Hotel. Packard's forces prepared for the defense of the building. Policemen armed with Winchester rifles took position at the windows, and a Gatling gun was mounted on the veranda looking down Exchange Alley towards Canal Street. The garrison included about 150 negro militiamen. These were formed in line in front of the building, in St. Louis Street. It was understood that the United States troops would be held in readiness to act, under their standing instructions to disperse illegal bodies and preserve order. But the Nicholls militia contented itself with occupying all the approaches to the building, and except for a few ineffective shots fired from the statehouse balconies, there was no actual violation of the peace. Save for the shops in the vicinity of the hotel, which, naturally, were closed with some precipitation, business went on as usual in the city. The blockade of the capitol was continued till the 10th, with the object of preventing the radical forces from making a sally and attempting to recover the Cabildo and the police stations elsewhere, which had likewise been occupied. This object was attained. The Nicholls militia actually withdrew on the afternoon of the 9th, but sentinels kept watch on the building, and it was understood that any indication of an intention on the part of the besieged to leave would meet with prompt opposition.29

The effect of these operations was, first of all, the passage of a resolution by the City Council of New Orleans recognizing the Nicholls government as the only government to which it owed allegiance. This resolution was adopted on January 16 and was, specifically, a mandate to the administrators of finance and accounts to pay no bills on behalf of the municipal judges nor of the Metropolitan police, except those which had received the approval of Governor Nicholls.30 This was followed on April 2 by the city assuming control of the police department and of the fire alarm and police telegraph system.31 Three weeks later the ordinances for a complete reorganization of the police force were passed.32 The city printing, which had been a fertile source of expense and embarrassment to the city administration, was taken away from the p404control of the republican commissioners and resumed by the corporation.33 Finally, in accordance with Act 87 of the Legislature, abolishing the Park Commission which had so long and so recklessly squandered city funds, the city took over the control of some of the most important properties belonging to the people.

The recognition of the Nicholls government spread apace. Soon practically nobody paid any attention to the Packard government outside of the precincts of the state house. Packard, on his side, endeavored to induce the Federal Government to support him with the Federal troops. Grant declared that, while he favored suspending action until the congressional committee occupied in investigating the matter could report, still, if any recognition were necessary of either of the contending governments in Louisiana, that recognition would be Packard's. The excitement which this declaration occasioned in New Orleans may easily be imagined. The radicals, frightened at the large crowds which collected around their stronghold, made preparation for battle. Packard jubilantly issued a proclamation ordering the "White Leaguers and their attendant usurpers, the Supreme Court cabal," to disperse — ? meaning, in these bitter phrases, the whole Nicholls government — ? demanding the surrender of the police stations and commanding that all state-owned arms be delivered up at once.34 But when the infatuated radical leader called on General Augur for troops to enforce his decrees the request was refused: the President was not prepared to go that far.

But all other members of the Packard government saw that the game was up. A steady stream of deserters was finding its way from the St. Louis Hotel to the Odd Fellows' Hall. Pinchback himself went over in the middle of January. In an effort to check these defections, members of the Legislature were not permitted to leave the capitol. At the beginning of January there had been 400 persons in the building; on March 4 this number was reduced to about 150.35 In this way the majority in the Nicholls Legislature was gradually built up. This, as has been said, was a matter of importance especially in the Senate, where the democratic government could not, at first, claim a legally elected majority. It is probable that money was used to induce the radical members to abandon the sinking ship, but, if so, it was not done with the consent or even with the knowledge of Governor Nicholls. Several members of the Packard Senate were reputed "lottery" senators — ? that is, had been elected with the understanding that they were there to support a movement to charter a state lottery. At this juncture overtures were made to the Nicholls government by the promoters of the lottery scheme, offering to use their influence with these men to bring about their withdrawal from the Packard Legislature. The proposition was finally reduced to writing and laid before a little group of members of the Nicholls Legislature which had been organized as a sort of inner council and which assisted Nicholls in deciding most of the many ticklish questions of this difficult period. All but two members of the council recommended the acceptance of the offer. The lottery men claimed nothing as award for their efforts, and professed to be actuated merely by the same sentiments in favor of good government that animated the p405remainder of the population. This disinterestedness had great weight with the council and proved decisive with Nicholls. The inference which is sometimes drawn that the lottery promoters made a bargain with the Nicholls government at this time is erroneous, as likewise is the impression that money, if employed, was used by and with the consent of the Nicholls party.36

As far as the City of New Orleans is concerned, the era of Reconstruction came of an end on April 24, 1877, when the Federal troops were finally withdrawn. But before this happy result was attained there were still to be endured a few anxious moments — ? although now no doubt could be felt as to the final outcome. President Grant had now begun to doubt if public opinion in any part of the United States would longer "tolerate the maintenance of a state government by the use of the military."37 On March 1 the celebrated Sniffin dispatch was sent, informing Packard that troops would be used thereafter only to protect life and property from mob violence. Rumors of the President's tardy change of heart circulating through Louisiana occasioned widespread excitement. Both Nicholls and Packard deemed the situation serious enough to justify a call for a special meeting of their legislatures. At the same time the latter made desperate efforts to convince Grant that the withdrawal of military support from his cause meant an immediate attack by the White League on the state house and the probable massacre of its inmates. He also labored to create in New Orleans the impression that Grant would accept this view of the situation. He succeeded only in convincing some of the Democrats that he meditated an attack on their state building. Nicholls, calm and undisturbed, declined to take these fears seriously, nor would he consent to garrison the points supposed to be threatened.38 But he deemed it prudent to see that the White League was in a state of preparedness, even while he discouraged any demonstration on its part.

Before the Federal Government could carry out its intentions in Louisiana, some means had to be found to enable it to recognize the Nicholls administration without appearing to abandon a staunch Republican adherent, such as Packard was.39 The scheme finally hit on was to send to New Orleans a commission, which, though clothed with no legal authority, would bring about the coalition of all the people under the aegis of one government. Ostensibly, this commission was charged with the investigation of the situation with a view to ascertain which was the legal government, but actually its course in all essential features p406was arranged before it started south on its mission.40 "Boss" Shepherd had visited New Orleans and reached an understanding with the leaders there. Louisiana's vote in the electoral college was cast for Hayes; the price for it was the extinction of carpet-bag government, and this was now to be paid. On March 28 the McVeagh Commission was welcomed to New Orleans and began its conferences with parties and individuals. It soon convinced itself from these interviews that the proper course was first to induce all members of the Legislature about whose title there could be no dispute to combine into a single body. On April 16 the Nicholls Legislature passed a resolution pledging co-operation in carrying out the Presidential program. Five days later the Packard Legislature dispersed. Those who had not already found refuge in the Nicholls fold resigned. The report of the commission on April 21 showed that its mission had been accomplished. On the 24th the Nicholls militia — ? that dreaded White League, which had done so much for the cause of good government in the long oppressed and exploited state — ? took possession of the St. Louis Hotel. Four days longer the citizens' forces remained under arms, but no resistance materialized, and then the members laid aside their weapons and dispersed to their homes.

Almost as if to offset this felicitous termination of the Reconstruction epoch, the following year saw New Orleans visited by a terrible epidemic of the yellow fever. Although not as severe as those of 1853 and 1858, it took an appalling toll in human life and suffering. The disease is supposed to have been imported from Havana by the ship Emily B. Souder. This vessel arrived at New Orleans on May 23. She was detained ten hours at the quarantine, near the mouth of the Mississippi, subjected to what was in those days regarded as a thorough disinfection, and apparently in good sanitary condition was allowed to proceed to her destination. On May 25 the purser died of an illness which the attending physician suspected to be yellow fever. The house in which he passed away was treated with the usual disinfectants, but a few days later a glazier residing not far away was discovered to have the disease and was taken to the Touro infirmary. He recovered. In the meantime another member of the crew of the Souder was taken ill and removed from the ship to a house at Front and Girod streets, where he died on May 30. On July 12 a suspicious case was located at No. 157 Constance Street, on the 13th another at No. 116 Constance, and still another at No. 118 on the same street. Almost simultaneously the fever developed at the corner of Front and Girod streets, apparently as the result of infection conveyed thither by the assistant engineer of the p407Souder when carried thither to die. From these three clearly defined foci the disease spread over the entire city.

Other infected vessels arrived from the West Indies and Cuba. The Borussia arrived at the quarantine station on May 21 with five cases on board. These were removed to the quarantine hospital, the vessel was disinfected and after a detention of fifteen days she was suffered to continue on her voyage to the city. There was always some idea that from her no less than from the Souder the dread infection might have proceeded. A number of cases developed on the shipping along the river front after her arrival. The engineer of the Charley Wood died of the fever. From him it spread to his family, who resided on Constance Street. At first the disease seems to have been of a mild type. In its early stages the epidemic was complicated by paludal fever, which made the diagnosis difficult. Unquestionably the rapid spread of the disease was due to the peculiarity of the season. The previous winter had been exceptionally mild, but the summer of 1878 was extraordinarily hot. It supposed at the time that what was termed by the local physicians "the first wave of infection" was not specially deadly; it was only after the disease appeared at Indianola, Galveston and New Iberia and spread from thence to New Orleans that this "second wave" occasioned the peculiarly virulent character which the epidemic thereafter assumed.

As soon as the fever was declared epidemic there was a general exodus from New Orleans. The fleeing population carried the infection to the towns along the Gulf Coast, where it raged for some time. It was also borne to Vicksburg, Granada, Dry Point and other towns in Mississippi, where its virulence exceeded anything of the sort previously known. In New Orleans the Howard Association, organized over thirty years before, was revived to deal with the situation. It appealed to the country for help and with unexampled generosity money and supplies were poured into the stricken city. The railroads transported all supplies gratis. Finally, quarantines at Mobile and Galveston cut off communication in those directions. But the Chicago, St. Louis & New Orleans — ? the precursor of the Illinois Central — ? continued open and ran its trains without intermission, though at a heavy loss, till the danger was over. The Howard Association became the main channel through which relief was distributed in New Orleans. At one time it had 1,000 destitute cases on hand. It cared for over 24,000 persons during the duration of the epidemic. The members of the organization who were not physicians devoted themselves to nursing, and not a few of them succumbed to the disease, contracted in the course of their heroic labors.

The epidemic lasted till October 26. It attained its climax on September 11, when there were ninety deaths. The largest number of new cases reported on one day was on September 3, when 327 persons were taken ill. After the middle of September the number of cases and of deaths daily reported steadily declined, till on October 18 there were but eighteen deaths. In all, 3,828 persons died out of a total population of 154,132. The total number of cases officially reported up to September 26 was 8,341, but the real total was probably somewhat larger, as in many instances after the official notice had been sent in of a case in a new place the attendants, in the haste of their work, failed to report any additional cases. The condition of the city during this terrible visitation may be imagined. The physicians were overtaxed in their effort to care p408for the sick; the number of hearses available was far short of sufficient to furnish decent funerals to the dead; no mourners followed the melancholy vehicles on their sad journeys to and from the cemeteries. The sextons remained on duty till 11 P.M. in order to facilitate the interments. Throughout the city the stillness of death prevailed. Music was forbidden for fear of disturbing the sick; the church bells rang no more, and everywhere the pavements strewn with sawdust or fenced off with wooden barricades mutely testified to the need of silence on the part of some sufferer within the premises so defended. Business was at a standstill. In one square 103 cases occurred. An entire family of seven people died and were buried in one day. The mortality among children under twelve years was one of the most pitiable features of the epidemic.41 The Board of Health exhausted the known germicides in vain and finally depended only upon lime. Our present knowledge of the causes of the disease lends a peculiar futility to such efforts as were made to sanitate and disinfect the infected premises. Throughout the city tar barrels were set on fire in an effort to "purify the air"; various kinds of explosives were used for the same purpose, and cloths drenched in carbolic acid were hung about the premises by frightened housewives in hopes that the fumes would have a beneficial effect.

With the waning of the year and the disappearance of the disease New Orleans, sorely stricken by all that had befallen her in the previous twenty years, faced towards the future. There is no finer exhibition of public spirit and individual courage than that which the city presented at the dawn of the year 1879, when the community took stock of itself, preliminary to setting about the great task of recovering its long lost prosperity.

The Author’s Notes

1 Richardson, "Letters and Papers of the Presidents," VII, 307-314.

2 Lonn, "Reconstruction in Louisiana," 394. Kellogg's defense was published in the Times of November 3, 1875. See also Annual Encyclopedia, 1876, p482.

3 Republican, February 28, 1875.

4 April 3, 1875.

5 Republican, March 2.

6 Bulletin, February 7, 1875.

7 Times, July 27, 1876.

8 Annual Encyclopedia, 1876, p485.

9 July 28, 1876.

10 Republican, July 1, 1876; Picayune, July 6, 1876.

11 Picayune, March 1, 1876.

12 Lonn, "Reconstruction in Louisiana," 425.

13 Statement of J. D. Hill to the author.

14 Times, November 12, 1877.

15 Annual Encyclopaedia, 1876, 486.

16 Ibid.

17 Times, November 11, 1877; Sherman, "Recollections," I, 554.

18 Republican, December 6, 1876.

19 Lonn, "Reconstruction in Louisiana," 447-450. As a matter of fact, the Returning Board had certified to the election to the lower house of a large number of Democrats. The principal wrong in its report, insofar as the City of New Orleans was concerned, was with reference to three members from the Seventh district, who were refused a certificate. The democratic Returning Board — ? for there was such — ? returned these three men as elected. With them, and those returned by the Kellogg Returning Board, the Legislature, which met at St. Patrick's Hall, had, as the text states, a majority of the incontestably legal delegates.

20 Annual Encyclopaedia, 1876, 480-490.

21 Senate Ex. Doc., 44th Cong., 2nd session, No. 2, p8.

22 Times, December 18, 1876.

23 Statement of J. D. Hill. Col. Hill was a member of the House at this time.

24 Republican, January 3, 1877.

25 Picayune, January 9, 1877.

26 Republican, January 9, 1877.

27 Picayune, January 9, 1877.

28 Statement of J. D. Hill to the writer.

29 Picayune, January 10, 1877. Nicholls' proclamation on this occasion is given in the Annual Encyclopedia, 1877, p456.

30 Ordinance No. 3816, A. S.

31 Ordinance No. 3889, A. S.

32 Ordinance No. 3964, A. S.

33 Ordinance No. 3907, A. S.

34 Republican, January 16, 1877.

35 Lonn, "Reconstruction in Louisiana," 492.

36 Lonn, "Reconstruction in Louisiana," 523. Miss Lonn thinks that the fact that the Louisiana Lottery Company subsequently secured a charter from the state indicates that "that company came to the rescue of the impoverished Nicholls treasury, supplying the funds wherewith the Packard men were purchased." I have followed the account given me by J. D. Hill, a member of the council and one of the two men who stood out consistently against accepting the lottery proposal. See "Inside History of the Origin of the Louisiana Lottery," by A. K. McClure, Chicago Inter Ocean, November 10, 1901.

37 See Annual Encyclopaedia, 1877, p457.

38 See Annual Encyclopaedia, 1877, p457, for Nicholls' proclamation.

39 Lonn, "Reconstruction in Louisiana," 520.

40 Lonn, Op. cit., 520-521. It is not generally known that General Nicholls, who was a graduate of the United States Military Academy at West Point, on leaving that institution in 1855, was sent to an army post in a remote part of the West, where was also stationed Ulysses S. Grant, then a lieutenant in the regular army. Nicholls always believed that the friendship then formed largely determined the attitude which Grant assumed in the controversy with Pinchback, in 1877. It is also not generally known that during the four months which Louisiana had a dual government, a high officer of the United States army kept the Nicholls party informed of all that transpired in the Packard camp. Every night, at 2 o'clock, this officer visited the Nicholls headquarters at the City Hotel and supplied complete accounts of all that had transpired during the day at the opposite stronghold. It is not likely that this was done without the knowledge and approval of the authorities in Washington. — ? Statement to the author of W. O. Hart, based on testimony of eye-witnesses.

41 Annual Encyclopaedia, 1877, pp316-320.

p409 Chapter XXVI

Mayor Patton

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New Orleans in 1878

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Although the shadow of the great epidemic still rested upon the city, the election of 1878 was hotly contested. On the surface, the issues were economic. Actually, it was a final struggle between the democrats and the republicans. The situation was complicated by the appearance of five municipal tickets. One of these was that of the regular democratic organization. The others, ostensibly, at least, were put forward by parties representing spontaneous movements among the citizens on behalf of better government. "There is no disguising the fact," observed the Picayune, in an editorial review of the situation, "that very general dissatisfaction exists with the conduct of municipal affairs in certain departments for some years past."1 These parties of opposition included the citizens', taxpayers' and workingman's party, the national party, the citizens' conservative party and the workingman's party. Besides these, there was a property holders' union which did not nominate any candidates, but the activities of which served still further to muddy the waters. The citizens', taxpayers' and workingman's party was organized October 9, and two days later put out a complete municipal ticket, headed by Dr. C. H. Thibault for mayor. Its platform called for the punctual payment of all city employes; the abolition of the license system; the reduction of the city assessment to $70,000,000; the suspension for five years of all interest on the city debt, and the limitation of the tax rate to one percent per annum. The national convention met on October 16 and named Robert S. Howard for mayor, and Glendy Burke, B. W. Hebrard, J. A. Watkins, G. D. Hite, J. B. Gaudet, E. St. Ceran and other well-known citizens for the minor places. Comparatively little attention was given to the citizens', taxpayers' and workingmen's nominees. But a sharp attack was begun in the democratic newspapers on the nationalists almost as soon as its ticket was made public: It was described as allied with a Northern secret society which was suspected of entertaining principles similar to those of the know-nothing party of unhappy memory. The Picayune went so far as to accuse the nationalists of being affiliated with the republicans — ? a statement for which, as will be seen, there was good ground.2

The citizens' conservative movement was originally intended to be a movement within the democratic party. Its leaders, of whom L. L. Levy was the most prominent, announced that it did not intend to make any nominations if a proper ticket was named by the regular democratic organization. Unfortunately, it had no part in the selection of the members of the democratic-conservative parish committee. This committee met on October 16 and chose Col. I. W. Patton to head the ticket, but apportioned the minor places, as usual, among the ward leaders and professional politicians, like James Houston, J. Henry Behan and Patrick Meallie. Houston was named for administrator of public improvements, Behan for administrator of commerce and Meallie for administrator of p411police. The next day the citizens conservative leaders declined to endorse this ticket as a whole, although expressing approval of certain of the nominations. On October 18 the association met and named a ticket of its own, with Patton for mayor, but in other respects different from that of the regular democracy. Patton immediately addressed a letter to the citizens' conservative leaders, repudiating the association completely and declining to permit the use of his name on their ticket. His example was followed by the other regular democratic candidates of whom the association approved and whom it had named on its first slate. This compelled considerable changes, and John Wilson, a well-known local merchant, was put in Patton's place. The effect was awkward, inasmuch as the association was thus compelled to go before the public in support of men who were avowedly second choice. The association now made the mistake of abandoning its attitude of reform inside of the democratic party and assumed the character of an independent party. It had unquestionably some justification, in view of the discontent of hundreds of white voters with the action of the regular democratic nominating convention, and the lukewarm loyalty of many others, who had supported the regulars only from considerations of what they deemed paramount necessity. But the moment was not ripe for a separatist movement; the voters were not certain that all danger of renewed radical ascendancy in Louisiana was over, and, in the event, this sentiment proved fatal to the reform movement. Moreover, it had to meet an effective opposition from the established party, which refused its application to be represented at the polls, and which, when the application was carried up to the governor, induced him to decline to interfere.

In the meantime, on October 16, the republican party, which, in spite of the events of recent years, still maintained an organization in the city, as in the state, was making overtures to the nationalists. It was clear that they could not hope to win with a ticket of their own, but it seemed possible to combine with one or more elements in opposition to the regular democracy, and, by defeating it, open the way back to power. Acting, therefore, under instructions from their central committee, their representatives conferred with the nationalists, and working through a joint committee framed a ticket which they were willing to support, on condition that it was accepted without change by the other party. When the national convention met it failed to endorse this slate in its entirety. The republicans considered that they were thus released from their agreement. But neither party felt itself able to stand alone; new conferences followed, but the negotiations were prolonged, interest in the proposed arrangement diminished and the matter appeared in a fair way to be dropped by mutual consent. It was then that the republicans made overtures to the citizens' conservative party with a view to effect a tri-party deal. L. L. Levy, as chairman of the citizens' conservative committee, declined to receive the republican emissaries as party representatives and met their propositions with the flat statement that no changes could be made in the ticket which his associates had already adopted. On receipt of this news, the joint conference of republicans and the nationals dissolved. The conferees reported back to their respective organizations. The republican committee decided by a vote of 13 to 12 to support the national ticket as it stood. The chairman, Mr. Lewis, thereupon tendered his resignation by way of expressing disapproval and was with difficulty persuaded to reconsider his action. It appeared that was p412a suspicion in the minds of the committee that its representatives had not done all that could have been done to reach an agreement with the nationalists. A split seemed inevitable. At this juncture General Badger secured the adoption of a resolution expressing the desire of the republicans to make an arrangement with the nationalists whereby both parties might unite in support of a ticket in opposition to the regular democracy.

The republicans were in reality ready to yield everything to the nationalists in respect to the municipal elections. What they were really interested in was not the control of the city government so much as the congressional nominations. It was of more importance to them to secure the support of the nationalists for their candidates for Congress than it was to dictate the city officials. Consequently, in the arrangement which was finally effected between them and the nationalists, the nationalist municipal ticket was adopted virtually without change, except in regard to the candidates for a few minor places, like coroner and recorder. It was hoped that a similar combination might be effected with the citizens' conservative association. But the latter party steadfastly refused to be drawn into the congressional contest. It declared its intention to confine its efforts to the city election exclusively. Within that sphere it was, however, willing to accept an alliance with the anti-democratic forces. Thus, at the beginning of November it was fairly well understood that the voters had no option but to support the regular democratic organization, whether they liked that party or not, if they desired to prevent the election of the republican candidates for Congress, Messrs. Collom and Castellanos. The democratic candidates for Congress were Messrs. Gibson and Ellis.3

The address issued to the public by the citizens' conservative association on the day before the election dealt caustically with the local issues of the campaign. "It is notorious," ran this document, "that the democratic-conservative party came into power with the positive assurance that all the abuses, corruptions, derelictions and malpractices in the administration of our public affairs, the stagnation of our business, the depreciation of property, all of which was charged upon the republican party, were to disappear, and we were to enjoy the inestimable blessings of good government and prosperity. How have these promises been fulfilled? We ask all candid and dispassionate men to answer these questions. [. . .] The city government has been run in the same manner as hitherto, and all the alleged abuses have been retained, to which others have been added for the benefit of greedy officials, to enable them to accumulate fortunes, while the masses of the people are in a state of destitution. Let any citizen reflect upon the condition of our public affairs — ? an unpaid police, unpaid teachers of the public schools, unpaid subaltern officers and laborers, and unlimited public debt of millions of dollars, the depreciation of real estate that renders its possession a burden; general want among all classes of citizens; the visitation of an epidemic which has swept away thousands of our people, and the positive knowledge that our thoroughfares filled with garbage may have been the cause of that affliction, owing to the delinquency of our city administrators — ? for the responsibility must rest upon all of them and not upon the administrator of improvements alone; and we ask what other conclusion can be reached but that the men and party entrusted p413with the direction of our city affairs have forfeited all claims to public confidence? The same influence which produced the recent nominations of the so-called democratic-conservative convention prevailed in the election of the present city officials, and we have too much reason to believe that the same course will be pursued by the nominees now chosen, if elected, as has been pursued by the present incumbents." The nominees of the democratic-conservative party were styled "creatures of a ring," and all the men who were, when the ticket was elected, to be placed on the city payrolls were "already selected by the party leaders." "It is a close corporation for the government of New Orleans and the State of Louisiana," sad the address in closing, "which by chicanery has eliminated from the councils and administration of the democratic party all the high-toned gentlemen who, a few years ago, were the recognized leaders."

There were, it must be admitted, ample justification for almost every one of these charges. Perhaps it was some secret recognition of this fact that made the language of the democratic-conservatives reply so temperate. "We say to our fellow citizens of the citizens' conservative association that our aims and objects, and our every interest, are the same as those which they proclaim in their address. We, too, urge thorough reform and purification by an economical, conscientious and enlightened administration of public affairs, conducted with a rigid performance of duty and personal accountability by the servants of the people. We advocate a vigorous effort to conserve and economize the resources of the city; the restoration of our commercial prosperity; and the lightening of the burdens thereon; the equalization of assessments, a generous school system with equal advantages to white and colored; harbor improvement, and the abatement of the wharf charges at the earliest practicable moment; the suppression of all monopolies, and the abolition of the present contract system." As evidence of the sincerity of these assurances, the party managers circulated through the city a questionnaire which voters were asked to fill in and return, stating their views with regard to reforms needed in the local government, particularly a new assessment of property, not to exceed $100,000,000; a tax rate not to exceed one percent ; the suspension of interest on the city debt for two years; the complete abolition of the license system; the repel of all monopolies; the annulment of all delinquent taxes on homesteads and property worth less than $2,500; a new city charter, and a rule requiring all city employes to be paid at the city hall over their own signature. This circular is of interest as indicating the nature of the abuses from which the city suffered. The last provision, particularly, struck at a practice which worked great hardship among the poorest and most defenseless of the city employes. These were frequently paid in certificates, and these certificates were discounted with local brokers at ruinous rates. If these men were debarred from cashing the purchased certificates, a severe blow would be dealt to their business. It is perhaps not necessary to say that this reform, among others, was not actually carried out. For years to come the systematic exploitation of the city employes — ? particularly the police, firemen and school teachers — ? was destined to continue.

There were in New Orleans at this time 36,000 registered voters, of whom 11,000 were colored. Of these 26,000 might be expected to vote for the democratic-conservative candidates, "unless restrained by dissatisfaction p414with the way the nominations have been made, with the character of the delegates who had composed the nominating convention and the manner in which those delegates had been chosen."4 As a matter of fact, the fear that the election of any other than the straight democratic-conservative ticket might give an opportunity for the restoration of republican control was more than sufficient to offset any sentiment of displeasure with the methods used by that party in making up its slate. November 5 election day, passed off quietly enough, "Almost unbroken peace prevailed," according to the Picayune; "singular, in view of the animosities subsisting between certain factions." The Patton ticket received 13,932 votes, as against 6,887 for Wilson, 1,140 for Thibault and 7,151 for the nationalist candidate, Howard. However, the citizens' conservative association announced on October 8 its intention to contest the election on the ground of fraud. The principal basis of this allegation was the exclusion of the United States deputy marshals from the polls while the vote was being counted. A letter of protest, signed by J. Aldigé, C. G. Johnson, Jacob Hassinger, F. Lange, J. G. Parham, W. Flower and W. C. Raymond, was filed with the governor on November 13. It specified the "exclusion from the polls of citizens legally entitled to vote and properly registered; permitting men to vote under false names; receiving ballots cast in the names of persons notoriously absent from the city; excluding from the booths citizens who were entitled by law to be present to witness the counting of the vote; falsely changing votes when cast, and substituting others; and counting for the opposition candidates votes cast for others." Affidavits of responsible persons were submitted in substantiation of these charges. "The people are uneasy and dissatisfied," concluded this document; "they feel that justice has been outraged, and a wrong committed which threatens the purity and sanctity of the ballot. These illegal acts so much calculated to bring reproach upon the first popular administration vouchsafed to us after so many years of misrule, are the more heinous because the perpetrators claim to be acting in the name of the great party of the people, the democratic party, which has no more devoted adherents than the association which we represent."5 The governor, however, declined to act, and the Patton government was allowed to enter upon control of the city a few days later without any further opposition.

Mayor I. W. Patton

Mayor Patton was a man of strong character and distinguished antecedents. He was born in Fredericksburg, Va., and was descended from one of the oldest families in that state. His great-grandfather, Gen. Hugh Mercer, fought in the battle of Colloden, and upon the defeat of the Stuart faction there emigrated to America. He was conspicuous in the Revolutionary war, and was killed at the battle of Princeton. The mayor's father, John M. Patton, represented the Fredericksburg district in Congress for ten years, and was a member of the governor's council, and was a lawyer of note and influence in Richmond. On his mother's side, also, the mayor was of Revolutionary stock. The boy was educated at Fairfax Institute, near Alexandria, and at an early age began the study of law in his father's office. Soon after, the Mexican war breaking out, he abandoned his books to enter the army. President Polk gave him a commission as second lieutenant in the Tenth United States Infantry. p415For more than a year he was in Mexico, in the army commanded by Taylor, but arrived too late to take part in any of the great battles of the campaign. At the close of hostilities in 1849 he was transferred to the Third Artillery and served with that regiment till 1855. In that year, having married Miss Frances E. Merritt, daughter of Doctor Merritt, a noted physician of Richmond, Va., he resigned from the army, and two years later moved from his native state to Louisiana, where he thenceforth made his home.

Arriving in this state, Colonel Patton first engaged in cotton planting on property which he bought in Madison Parish. This property he cultivated in conjunction with a sugar plantation situated below New Orleans, owned by his father-in-law. When the Civil war began he promptly offered his services to the state. He was elected captain of the Screwmen's Guards, stationed at Proctorville. Shortly before the arrival of the Federal fleet in front of New Orleans he was ordered to take command of the batteries at Chalmette, immediately below the city, which he did on the day that the enemy's vessels ascended the river. When the city surrendered he withdrew with the rest of the Confederate forces to Camp Moore, on what was then called the Jackson Railroad. Captain Patton was subsequently elected colonel of the Twenty-third Louisiana p416Infantry, with which he served till the close of the war. The regiment saw hard service at Vicksburg and in the Yazoo Delta, handling artillery against the Federal fleet in the Mississippi River. During the siege of Vicksburg Colonel Patton received a wound in the hip, which afterwards caused him much trouble and was probably the cause of his death. He was taken prisoner when Vicksburg surrendered, but shortly afterwards was exchanged and resumed his place at the head of his regiment in Mobile, where it was then stationed. He took part in the fighting at Spanish Fort, in Mobile Bay, and at the end of the twelve eventful days over which these operations lasted fell back to Cuba Station, where the regiment was forced to surrender. Colonel Patton was paroled and released at this place.

At the close of the war Colonel Patton returned to New Orleans and embarked in the commission business. In 1872 he was elected criminal sheriff. In the fighting on the 14th of September, 1874, he served as a member of Captain Pleasants' company.6

The most important feature of Mayor Patton's administration was his management of the city finances. His inaugural message called attention to the condition of the city in this regard. The situation was, indeed, desperate. The assessed valuation of the city was, in round figures, $111,000,000. This valuation was fixed by the law, and could not immediately be exceeded. The law also fixed the rate of taxation at one and one-half percent . Out of the city alimony sufficient funds had to be annually appropriated to meet the interest, principal, allotments and premiums due from time to time on the premium bonds. Under this provision it had been found necessary to set aside out of every dollar collected 26 cents in 1876, 40 cents in 1877 and 46 cents in 1878. There was good reason to expect that these amounts would continue to increase from year to year. There were, moreover, large amounts of bonds other than premium bonds outstanding, on which interest also would have to be paid; and there was, also, litigation pending over the consolidated bonds which might result unfavorably to the city, and in that event provision would have to be made to satisfy the judgments.

Mayor Patton's first remedy was to scale the debt fifty percent . This would reduce the outstanding obligations to about $10,000,000. He believed that on this basis the debt, principal and interest could be cared for on an annual appropriation of $750,000. But this proposal aroused so much unfavorable comment beyond the borders of Louisiana that it was ultimately withdrawn. The mayor then suggested the formation of a syndicate of bankers to take entire charge of the city debt.7 This plan, likewise, was sharply criticized. The matter was first brought before the constitutional convention of 1879. That body discreetly relegated the whole thorny question to the State Legislature. When the Legislature met in 1880 Governor Wiltz, in his initial message, commented favorably upon Mayor Patton's plan, and suggested that the proposed syndicate be empowered to purchase as many of the city securities p417as possible at the current market rates. The syndicate, he thought, by refunding or in some other way might bring the interest on the remainder within the limits of the ten-mill tax. The Legislature accordingly passed Act No. 133, which is important in the financial history of the city, as it established the Board of Liquidation, which has been instrumental in solving the whole complicated problem of the municipal finance, and has put the credit of New Orleans on a firm basis. This board was to consist of six citizens, two appointed by the governor, two by the lieutenant governor and two by the speaker of the House of Representatives, with the mayor, the treasurer and the comptroller of the city as members ex-officio. The board was given exclusive control over and direction of all matters connected with the bonded debt; to retire and cancel the valid debt of the city, with the exception of the premium bonds, and to refund it into an issue of consolidated four percent bonds. The act, however, stultified itself by providing that in these operations not more than 50 cents on the new bonds should be given for one dollar of the old debt. This circumstance, together with the lower rate of interest which was offered — ? many of the old bonds drawing six and even seven percent — ? sufficed to defeat the whole program of financial reform. The holders of the city securities showed no inclination to avail themselves of the opportunity to convert their bonds into the proposed four percent s; these were, therefore, not issued. The other provisions of the act, however, were carried out. The appointment of the board brought together a distinguished group of patriotic citizens. Subsequent legislation, in 1882 and 1884, corrected the errors in the original act. "The creation of this board," observes Rudolph Hecht, in his "Municipal Finances of New Orleans," "really constituted the turning point in the city's financial troubles, and the splendid and unselfish work done by this body of men from the date of its creation to the present time cannot be too highly praised."8

The benefits of this legislation were, however, not immediately felt in New Orleans. In addition to its own burden, the city was carrying a large share of the state taxes. With a population of only twenty-five percent of the total for the entire state, New Orleans paid sixty-one percent of the state taxes. This disproportionate rate was due to the inequality of the assessment. Real estate in New Orleans, for instance, was valued at $104,000,000, while all the rest of the state was valued at $73,000,000. The personal property owned in Louisiana was assessed at $1,716,530, of which only $22,340 was owned outside of the city. Forty-seven parishes reported themselves destitute of jewelry, household goods, silverware, tools, etc. Of the state tax collected from the city $120,000 annually was spent in the parishes for education. At the same time the teachers of New Orleans were going without pay for months at a time. In 1878, for example, from August to the close of the year, the schools were kept open only by allowing the teachers to charge a small tuition fee, which they were authorized to retain, in lieu of other compensation for their services. The state auditor, impressed by the injustice of which the city was a victim, proposed to abandon the state tax insofar as it was utilized for the support of country schools. A bill was actually introduced into the Legislature to return to the city the sums collected for that purpose in 1877 and 1878, but it failed to pass.9

p418 The school system in New Orleans now made, as we have seen, provision for the separate instruction of whites and blacks. The right of the School Board to establish the different schools had been attacked in the celebrated Trevique case, in 1877; it was again made the subject of litigation in 1879. A colored man, Bertonneau, brought suit in equity to compel the city to admit his children to the white schools. Judge W. B. Woods of the United States Circuit Court, who decided the case, declared that no injury had been done the plaintiff, as the rule of the School Board applied equally to white and black, each race being required to attend its own schools and not being permitted to enter the others. "Any classification which provides substantially equal school facilities does not impair any right, and is not prohibited by the Constitution of the United States. Equality of right does not imply identity of right." This decision was received with great satisfaction by the people of the city, to whom the matter of separate schools had become important especially as representing the definite collapse of radical legislation on the subject.

The city was less fortunate in litigation which arose regarding the power of the judiciary to compel the municipality to levy taxes. The question came up in the United States Supreme Court in the case of Ranger vs. the City of New Orleans. This suit originated in a petition for a writ of mandamus to compel the city to levy a tax to pay certain judgments rendered against it upon bonds issued to the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern Railroad Company. The city's defense was that there was no legislative authority for levying the tax. The lower courts proceeded upon the theory that the taxing power could not curtail or direct it. In the Supreme Court, however, to which the case was carried on appeal, it was held that the taxing power might be delegated by the Legislature to a municipality; that consequently the city possessed the right to impose taxation; that when the city contracted a debt, it implicitly undertook to pay it, and hence the city or the municipality should do so by levying a tax, if no other means existed for that purpose. The court ruled that the City of New Orleans had failed in its duty, and that therefore a mandamus might properly issue. The effect of this decision was to open the way to much litigation, and a number of judgments were secured which the city had great difficulty in satisfying.

During the years 1879 and 1880 considerable progress was made in constructing railroads which gave the city better access to the West and Northwest. The construction of Morgan's Louisiana & Texas Railroad and of the Louisiana & Northwest opened the way to Texas. The railroad from New Orleans to Marshall was well under way. The Louisville & Nashville Railroad Company acquired control of the railroad to Mobile, and thus a through route was opened to the North and East. The Chicago, St. Louis & New Orleans gave connections with the great cities of the Middle West. Up to this time it had been necessary for the traveler who wished to go from New Orleans to Chicago to take four different roads. He traveled from New Orleans to McComb City, Mississippi, on the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern, of which Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard was then president. At McComb he transferred to the Mississippi Central, which ran through the central part of the state and connected with a Mississippi corporation, over the lines of which one might reach Cairo, Illinois. There began the Illinois Central. Each of p419these roads made its own schedule, which was devised without reference to connecting lines; and the luckless wayfarer, if he arrived a few moments late, often spent twenty-four hours waiting in some obscure and comfortless country town the departure of the next train, in order to proceed upon his journey.

The visit of Gen. U. S. Grant to New Orleans in April, 1880, was made the occasion of a public demonstration in his honor.

The health of the city improved steadily, and towards the close of Mayor Patton's term it was proudly recorded that the death rate of the city was lower than it had been during the twelve preceding years.

Mayor Patton interested himself in the betterment of the police. The department, after its reorganization in 1876, had steadily declined in efficiency. It was underpaid and sometimes not paid at all, and although nominally under the control of the mayor, was actually dominated by the ward bosses and political leaders of the "regular" democratic organization. The mayor advocated and tried unsuccessfully to introduce a system whereby all promotions should be made from the ranks of the force, hoping in this way to building up the discipline; and he made strenuous but unavailing efforts to see that the members of the department were properly and punctually paid. He endeavored to do as much for the other departments of the city government, but the situation was beyond his power of control. The tax rate was increased under a new ordinance passed towards the close of the administration to 1.82 1/10 percent , but the assessments declined to $91,117,918 — ? the lowest point reached since 1862. The city income was correspondingly reduced in spite of the fact that, in Mayor Patton's own words, "every species of property owned by the citizen is levied upon to swell the public revenue. His house, his lots, his horses, cows, and calves; the watch in his pocket, the blankets which warm him, the mattresses on which he sleeps; his stock, notes and income, are all taxed to meet the public necessities. It is difficult to name any article of property which is not taxed; and some inventive genius has discovered that a tax can be placed upon their brain, their bone and muscle, their energy, enterprise and industry."10 Nevertheless the license system, to which these energetic words allude, was not essentially disturbed.

For several years there had been developing in the community a feeling of discontent with the city charter. Judge W. W. Howe, one of the most learned writers who has treated this subject, has left on record his belief that this instrument was, on the whole, a thoroughly efficient one.11 It had, however, been imposed on the city by a radical Legislature, and would have been unsatisfactory for that reason if for no other. This sentiment caused the insertion in the state constitution of 1879 of Article 254, requiring the next General Assembly to frame a new charter for the city. In his inaugural message Governor Wiltz called the attention of this body to certain provisions in the new constitution designed to limit the taxing power of municipalities, which, like New Orleans, were in serious financial straits, said: "The new limitation in municipal government." The governor counselled conservative action, ". . . ment.a A modification of the charter reducing the number of officers and their salaries, in proportion to the new tax rate, will be a welcome relief p420to the taxpayers. A long period has passed since the people of this city have been able to express their will and choice respecting their form of municipal government." The governor counseled conservative action, however: "Experience," he added, "shows that large cities prosper most when most relieved of external or superior authority."

Although the movement for a new charter did not at this time succeed, it may be interesting, in the light of the changes which were made a year or two later, to follow in some detail the history of the present movement. In accordance with the mandate in the constitution, Representative Richardson of Orleans introduced in the House of Representatives early in January, 1880, a bill directing the appointment of a committee on the draughting of a charter for New Orleans. This committee held a series of conferences with the leading citizens of the city over a space of several weeks, and in March submitted its report. Briefly, the plan called for a new city government, consisting of an executive department comprising mayor, a treasurer, a comptroller and a superintendent of public works, all to be elected by direct vote of the people for a term of four years; and a legislative department consisting a council of thirty-one members, of whom twenty-three were to be selected from the representative districts within the boundaries of the city, and eight from the senatorial districts. This council was empowered to elect for a term of four years a librarian, a city surveyor, an attorney, five police commissioners, a board of public charities and two superintendents of fire and police telegraph. The salary of the mayor was fixed at $3,500, and the other officials were to be paid $2,000 to $3,000 each per annum. There were, finally, three police judges to be elected by the people. It was estimated that the new schedule of salaries involved a saving of $35,000 per annum.

The charter was, however, very hastily drawn and full of inconsistencies. Section 66, for example, provided that the mayor should be a person possessing all the qualifications set forth in Section 63; but Section 63, on examination, proved to contain nothing but provisions regarding the removal of the mayor from office. Another section described in detail the duties of the superintendent of police, but there was nowhere provision for the appointment of that official. Section 31 conferred upon the city council the curious prerogative of compelling any person whatsoever to assist in quenching fires. Another singular provision was the right to sell the city parks and other public grounds. More serious, however, was the section relating to licenses. This was so worded that the council possessed the right by refusing a license to prevent any person whatsoever from following his trade or profession. Certain businesses, like peddling, pawnbroking, the operation of billiard halls, circuses, operatic entertainments or theatrical enterprises were liable to suppression at the option of the council. Other business, among them some of the most necessary to the welfare of the community, like journalism, baking, carpentering, etc., were, inferentially, prohibited completely.

The bill was passed by the Legislature on April 10, only a few hours before it adjourned. Governor Wiltz declined to approve it. In returning the act to the secretary of state he accompanied with a very full explanation of his motives. He found it unconstitutional, he said, inasmuch as it had not been advertised thirty days in advance of being introduced into the Legislature, as required by the state constitution. p421But he was especially moved by a consideration of the general ambiguity and inconsistencies of the instrument.12

The closing months of Mayor Patton's term were troubled by a series of scandals, which, although he himself was not involved, injured his administration in the eyes of the people. The civil sheriff, Gauthreaux, defaulted with large sums of money, both state and municipal. It was discovered that subordinate officials in the department of improvements were carrying on an illicit traffic in licenses. In the mortgage office the provisions of the new state constitution were perverted in a manner that enabled assessments to be recorded as a lien upon property as soon as made, and the owner could have the inscription cancelled only upon payment of a fee. Gangs of rowdies — ? called "hoodlums," in the slang of the day — ? terrorized the lower part of the city. In 1879 an election took place for criminal and civil sheriff, recorder of mortgages and other conveyances and other subordinate officials, which was carried by the "regular" democratic organization by a vote almost double that received by the anti-organization democrats. It appears that certain republican party officers were bribed to turn over to the "regulars" on the night before the election the ballots which had been printed for the use of their co-partisans, which were thrown into the Galvez Canal, and thus when the republican voters arrived at the polls they found, not the official party ballots, but those prepared for their use by the "regular" organization, on which, under the republican state ticket, was printed the "regular" democratic municipal ticket. In this way some six or seven thousand votes were captured by the organization.13 All of these circumstances tended to bring vividly before the electorate the question of the advisability of continuing in power the element which was at the moment dominant in local politics.

The municipal election of 1880, therefore, was fought out on the definite issue of "machine" and "no machine." The struggle was precipitated by the action of the democratic-conservative parish committee in failing to provide for the reorganization of the ward clubs and thus open the way to its own reorganization. It was clear that the intention of the committee was to remain in office without consulting the wishes of its constituency. Many who had hitherto loyally supported it felt that by thus transgressing the party rules the committee had forfeited their allegiance. "There is nothing democratic," declared the Picayune in a powerful editorial on the subject, "about a body which holds on and over when everybody wants it to step down and out."14 A group of prominent men accordingly met on October 6 and formed the "people's democratic association." "This step is taken," said one of the local papes, "because there is a very general feeling of despair in the community as to the possibility of excluding the ring politicians from the control of the city government by any other means."15 The following day a full municipal ticket was announced, as follows: Mayor, Joseph Shakespeare; administrator of finance, G. LeGardeur, Jr.; administrator of commerce, D. M. Kilpatrick; administrator of assessments, Thomas McIntyre; administrator of improvements, Joseph Collins; administrator of accounts, H. J. Rivet; administrator of public buildings and waterworks, p422H. Dudley Coleman; recorder of the upper district, T. G. Hunt; recorder of the lower district, Ernest Miltenberger. This was a strong ticket. With the exception of Collins and Miltenberger none of the nominees had ever held office before. Collins was serving as administrator of improvements under Mayor Patton. Miltenberger was judge of the Second Municipal District. He was a man of some distinction, having served in the war between the states as aide-de-camp to Governor Allen and was one of the three commissioners sent to Europe by way of Mexico in the last days of that great struggle to seek recognition for the Confederacy from Emperor Napoleon III. Hunt was a man of rather advanced age. He had served as deputy attorney general under the great lawyer, Mazureau, was a member of Congress in 1853 and had been colonel of a regiment which he himself had raised during the war.

The opportunity to eject the "machine" from the city hall was good. The new state constitution provided that in the forthcoming election only voters registered in 1880 should be recognized. This, it was thought, would eliminate at once from 10,000 to 15,000 fraudulent registrations previously voted for the "regular" candidates. Moreover, there was a quarrel among the ward leaders. When the parish committee met on October 11, Cain, leader of the Sixth Ward, withdrew with all the members of his delegation save one, and was followed by the delegates from the Seventh and part of the delegation from the Tenth. The bolters immediately opened up negotiations with the people's democratic association, but as they stipulated for three places on the ticket their overtures were received with great coldness and nothing came from the conferences.

Three days before the committee met to name the ticket it was known that the leaders who dominated the wards thus controlled enough members of the committee to dictate the nominations. They met on October 9 and agreed upon four names for the administratorships. Then alarmed at the progress which the independent movement was making, they called a meeting of a number of representative business men and asked them to suggest suitable candidates for mayor, administrator of accounts and administrator of finance. These names they would adopt. A series of conferences followed, but no agreement was reached. The business men wished to name the mayor and three administrators. This was opposed. Two of the men already selected by the organization, Fagan and Fitzpatrick, offered to withdraw, in order to open the way to a settlement, but their resignations were refused. Finally the conference decided to recommend the names of Jules Denis, B. T. Walshe and W. E. Huger. These names were referred to Fitzpatrick on the afternoon of the day on which the committee met; he approved them, and they went before the meeting and were promptly nominated. Denis, who had had considerable experience in municipal affairs, and had served as administrator of finance under Mayor Pillsbury, was selected for mayor. Walshe was named for administrator of finance, and Huger for administrator of public accounts. The rest of the ticket was: Administrator of public improvements, John Fitzpatrick; administrator of commerce, William Fagan; administrator of police, Patrick Meallie; administrator of assessments, George Delamore; administrator of public buildings and waterworks, J. V. Guillotte; recorder of the upper district, R. C. Davey; recorder of the lower district, Thomas Ford. Fagan and Fitzpatrick had at different times served as criminal sheriff; Delamore, an ex-Confederate p423soldier, had once been assessor of the lower district. Walshe and Huger were also veterans of the Confederacy. The former had been badly wounded at Gaines' Mill; the latter served gallantly in Dreux's Battalion and lost a leg at the battle of Murphreesborough.

The manner in which these nominations were made confirmed the popular feeling about the methods of the "regulars." "For many years," declared an address issued by the people's democratic association, "the greater part of the democracy has had no part in the party nominations and no chance in the party elections." The parish committee was "a close corporation," and as long as its authority was organized "it remained, as it is, a self-constituted electoral college, a distributor of offices to its faithful friends among a small and greedy band of local politicians."16 "The usurpations of the ring," exclaimed the Picayune, "are not recent discoveries. Their existence is universally admitted and are a source of inexpressible disgust."17 All the newspapers in the city opposed the "regular" ticket except one, the States. The Times advocated an Eclectic ticket which was, in the main, composed of names chosen from the democratic conservative list. The Morning Star, a religious weekly, published some vigorous editorials in favor of Shakespeare. The opposition of the Democrat was explained by the fact that Burke had quarrelled with Fitzpatrick over a matter of patronage. Burke wished to have Maurice J. Hart nominated for administrator of finance, but was denied, and in revenge used the powerful influence of his newspaper against the "regular" party.18 Moreover, the platform on which the people's democratic association appealed to the electorate was very attractive. It stood "for reform and retrenchment under the existing constitution and laws, and an honest settlement of the public debt; opposition to the discussion of public matters in secret through the agency of the committee of the whole, and its concurrent abuses; reduction of charges on commerce, so as to make our port as soon as practicable free; abolition of all sinecures and unnecessary employes; an economic curtailment of expenses and the honest disbursement of public money."19

The "regular" organization endeavored to cloud the issue by connecting the municipal election with the state campaign, and then with the national campaign. When these ruses failed, the cry of danger of republicanism was raised. But this, likewise, was ridiculed in the press. "The game of the ring organs and ring politicians in this city," commented the Times, indignantly, "has been played so long that it is pretty thoroughly understood. Whenever they want to cover up their own shortcomings and misdeeds, or want to get their work in anywhere, they seek to hide their doings under a howl about radical frauds. The majority of the people are tired of this howl about the radical frauds, used [. . .] to prevent them from seeing how they are despoiled by those who set themselves up as their friends and champions." Finding that mere argument made little impression, the democratic conservatives resorted to other devices. On October 23 the registrar of voters, Cavanac, was arrested by the United States marshal on a charge of having violated the Federal election laws by keeping open his office within ten days of an election in which national candidates were to be voted on. At the p424same time the same authority threatened with arrest all voters who registered within the prohibited period. This was obviously a move engineered by the anti-reform forces, but it doubtless had considerable effect in keeping down the registration.

Election day was November 2. In addition to the tickets of the two democratic factions, six others were found to exist. Among these was a republican ticket headed by Cyrus Bussey; the greenback national party, which did not nominate any municipal candidates; while the remainder were, it was understood, fictitious ballots not representing any real party, but issued solely with the view to confuse the voter. The election, however, passed off quietly. One man, a negro, was shot in a row in the Eighth Ward; but there were no other casualties. Mr. Cavanac, passing a polling place, observed that a table was so placed as to obstruct the entrance. He ordered it to be removed, as was his right, considering his official position, but was opposed with insulting language by Recorder Ford. Cavanac then ordered two policemen who were standing by to arrest Ford, which they refused to do, evidently feeling more confident of the latter's authority than that of the register of voters. But this is the only instance which the newspapers reported which resembled interference with the free expression of the people's will. The result was surprising. Shakespeare was elected by a vote of 9,803 votes as against Denis' 9,362, but all the rest of the "regular" ticket was elected by handsome majorities. General Bussey received 4,644 votes.20

Mayor Patton immediately announced that he would not vacate the city hall nor surrender the government to the successful candidates. He based his refusal upon the fact that the new state constitution contained a section requiring the General Assembly to grant a new charter to the city; that this charter had been vetoed by the governor of Louisiana, and that therefore no election could legally be held, and that the one in which Mr. Shakespeare and his confreres had just been elected was null. The intent of the constitution, he urged, was to divorce the state and city elections, which had not been done, and no legal election could be held in the year 1880, but that he should continue in office until the Legislature did finally grant the new charter, and an election had been held under its authority. Accordingly, when Shakespeare presented himself at the hall on November 15, it was merely to make a formal demand. It was tacitly agreed by all parties that the decision of the courts should be waited. Only in the case of the administratorship of improvements did Collins insist upon surrendering the office to Fitzpatrick. Collins contended that the election had been legal; that Fitzpatrick was his properly qualified successor, and that he had no legal right to withhold the keys from him. Mayor Patton, however, refused to entertain this view; and when Collins withdrew, declared the post vacant, and appointed a man named Chevalley to fill it pro tem. Chevalley and Fitzpatrick waited stolidly throughout the afternoon for each other to withdraw; in the end Chevalley left, after putting the keys of his office in the hands of the janitor. The janitor promptly surrendered them to Fitzpatrick. For a few days the city was treated to the curious spectacle of two administrators of improvements claiming to function legally.

On November 24 Judge Houston decided adversely to Patton the quo warranto proceedings instituted by Shakespeare. This decision was substantiated by the State Supreme Court and, accordingly, on December 14 Mayor Shakespeare was inducted into office.

The Author’s Notes

1 Picayune, October 17, 1878.

2 Picayune, October 21, 1878.

3 Picayune, October 31, 1878.

4 Picayune, October 30, 1878.

5 Picayune, November 14, 1878.

6 Picayune, February 10, 1890. At the end of his term as mayor, Colonel Patton returned to business. In 1884 he was elected city treasurer. He resigned that office to become registrar of voters under appointment of Governor McEnery. In 1888 Governor Nicholls appointed him tax collector for the Fourth district of Orleans Parish. He died after a brief illness in New Orleans, February 9, 1890.

7 Campbell, "Manual of the City of New Orleans," 33.

8 Appleton's Annual Encyclopaedia, 1880, 563 ff.

9 Page 10.

10 Inaugural Message. See Picayune, November, 1878.

11 Municipal History of New Orleans, 19.

12 Picayune, April 16, 1880.

13 Picayune, October 14, 1880.

14 Picayune, October 6, 1880.

15 Picayune, October 6, 1880.

16 Picayune, October 6, 1880.

17 Picayune, October 10, 1880.

18 Speech of Fitzpatrick in the Eleventh Ward, October 26, 1880.

19 Statement signed by J. A. Renshaw, Times, October 26, 1880.

20 Campbell, "Handbook of the City of New Orleans," 33, 34.

p425 Chapter XXVII

The First Shakespeare Administration

In spite of many obstacles the city continued to grow. The census of 1880 revealed a population of 216,090, of which 57,723 were colored. In conjunction with the figures of population, the National Government made careful studies this year of the social and material conditions which prevailed. From the volume in which the results of these investigations were published, we gain many curious details, which assist us to visualize the city of those days, with its badly drained site, its open gutters, and its inadequate industrial and commercial equipment. The unclosed crevasses permitted a considerable volume of water to pass from the river into Lake Pontchartrain; and when the Mississippi was at flood stage, or an unusually strong northerly wind prevailed, there was danger of the waters inundating the swamp land between the lake and the settled portions of the city. One such overflow occurred during the winter of 1880-1881, and spread into the outskirts of the city. There were few railroads. On the river the great "packets" furnished a comfortable, if some tedious, means of transport. New Orleans was essentially a commercial center; its manufactures were relatively small. In the whole city there were but 915 mechanical and manufacturing establishments, of the most varied character, employing only 8,952 adults and 552 children, and producing articles valued at but $18,565,303 per annum.

The total length of the streets was — 566.2 miles, but only — 472.34 miles were paved, and those with a great variety of material, including nearly thirty miles which were laid with plank or shells. In the older parts of the city the sidewalks were generally well-paved with flag-stone or brick, but in the newer quarters, especially in those which had but recently been included within the corporate limits, the sidewalks were usually of wood — ? a few heavy planks laid side by side upon the earth. Flanking the sidewalks were wide, deep gutters which served to carry off the heavy rains.a When storms occurred, the capacity of these channels was frequently overtaxed, and it was not unusual for the streets to be flooded from side to side, — half a mile back from the river, where the flatter grade began. Numberless trees then as now lent beauty to the thoroughfares. Some streets were almost completely overarched with forest-trees. Several of the widest streets were traversed by open drainage canals over the whole of part of their length. The repairing and cleaning of streets and bridges, and the removal of garbage, were done by day labor, in preference to the contract system. Both had been experimented with and the latter had proven a complete failure, owing to the difficulty of holding the contractors to its proper execution.

Within the city there were — 140 miles of single track street railroads, including three lines on which the motive power was steam. The tiny locomotives used on these roads were called "dummies." One ran on a part of the pretty country road leading to the suburb of Carrollton. The others ran through the swamps behind the city out to West End and Spanish Fort, points on Lake Pontchartrain. The other roads operated small cars drawn by mules. The census enumerator is careful to set down the fact that 313 such cars were in use, requiring the services of p4261,641 mules, and 671 men were employed in looking after the conveyance of 23,716,327 passengers. We also learn that the rate of fare on the horse-cars was 5 cents, and on the steam trains to the lake, 15 cents.

The city was at this time dependent for its water supply on a system operated by the New Orleans Water Works Company. The installation represented an outlay of $1,250,000. The water was drawn from the Mississippi River in the upper part of the city, and was pumped through — 71 miles of main and standpipe under an extreme pressure of — 150 feet, the usual head being — 80 to 90 feet. The amount pumped daily was 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 8,000,000 gallons — ? a quite entirely inadequate to the city's needs for we read constantly in the newspapers of the time, of the lack of water at fires and for other important purposes. There were and provisions for filtering and settling the water. During the six months of high water in the river, heavy deposits of silt frequently prevented the free working of the smaller mains. The city was lighted by gas, which, like the water, was supplied by a private corporation. The daily production was cubic feet, of course. Here, 16,930 m3.? 598,000 feet, for which the consumer was expected to pay at the rate of 3',WIDTH,80)" onMouseOut="nd();">? $3 per thousand if he used less than 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 500 feet per month, and at the rate of $2.70 if he used more than 500 feet. The gas company had a contract with the city to maintain 3,600 street lights, which cost the municipality $13.88 each per annum.

The compiler of the census report frankly says that "the drainage of New Orleans is of the most ineffective and primitive sort." He proceeds to describe an adaptation of the Dutch "polder" system, which, he says, has succeeded in making parts of the city "substantially dry." Three "drainage machines" were located in the rear of the city, one at Dublin Avenue, one at the head of Bayou St. John, and one at London Avenue. They were equipped with a form of paddle-wheel pump, driven by steam, and as the united capacity of these establishments was in excess of the requirements of ordinary seasons, they were operated only intermittently in dry weather, but in storms, their full force was inadequate to remove the rainfall. As a result, the soil was saturated with water and foul with the refuse of the city.

The city owned, in 1880, buildings valued at about $500,000. This included the city hall and court-house, opposite Lafayette Square; the court-house opposite Jackson Square, the court-houses in the fifth and sixth districts, the second judicial court in Carrollton, the home for the aged and infirm, the boys' house of refuge, the mortgage office, the work-house, the parish prison, and the insane asylum. The total area of the public squares was — 659.42 acres. In addition, there were two large tracts of land, owned by the city, and suitable for parks, but at this date they had not been developed in any way. One of these subsequently became the City Park. Its improvement in 1880 was rendered impossible because it was contingent upon an arrangement for the drainage of that area and its neighborhood on a scale which the financial embarrassments of the city did not justify. The land was roughly fenced in, and in charge of an unpaid keeper, who found remuneration for his not very laborious duties "in using it as a cow-pasture." The other tract is now Audubon Park. "In its present condition," remarks the veracious census-taker, "it is simply an expanse of unenclosed common." Jackson Square, on the other hand, "is well kept and much frequented, and, with its wealth of orange trees and other sub-tropical vegetation, is extremely attractive. p427It is closed at night, and has a day and a night watchman, and a gardener."

The city had five theaters. None of those listed by the tireless pen of the representative of the National Government exist today. Since he wrote all have perished by fire. But in those days they each paid the city $250 per annum in licenses, plus $500 to the state. Besides these, mention is made of Grunewald Hall, on Baronne Street; Odd Fellows' Hall, on Lafayette Square, and Masonic Hall, in St. Charles Street — ? all of which disappeared long ago. The census-man devotes some space to a description of West End and Spanish Fort, and observes, "during eight months of the year, omitting the winter months, both Spanish Fort and the West End are nightly patronized by thousands, including those of all classes of society, and both sexes. Each occupies an area of — about eight acres.

In 1880 it appears there were thirty-one public and private cemeteries and burial grounds. "The following is the practice concerning interments," remarks the report: "In most of the cemeteries lots are sold to private purchasers wherein to build tombs or dig graves. These are the private property of the purchasers and his heirs. [. . .] Burials usually take place within twenty-four hours after death, but this time may be extended when circumstances require it. Except the destitute, buried at public expense, only Israelites are interred under ground." What the compiler calls "the notorious insalubrity" of the city is "rightly or wrongly ascribed to the condition of saturation and filth" of the soil. The principal causes of death were tuberculosis, diarrheal diseases, trismus nascentiumhas '+BadF+'nasentium'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();"> and tetanus and malarial fevers.

The people of New Orleans in 1880 had access to seventeen public markets, which belonged to the city but were med out under one general contract for about $170,000 per annum. "The public markets are mostly well arranged sheds in streets and public squares. The old French market in the second district is very extensive, and is the most important in the city. On Sunday mornings it displays, better perhaps than anything else in New Orleans, the mixed and picturesque character of the population."

Education was not ignored, though it must be confessed the census reporter's investigations did not reveal a very satisfactory condition of affairs in this regard. The last available report of the superintendent of public schools was that of 1879. It showed 24,150 pupils enrolled, of whom 6,856 were colored. The budget of expenditures prepared by the school board called for $303,045; the actual disbursements were $171,459. Naturally these sums were "insufficient for the securing of the best results." There was "a low scale of salaries for teachers," ranging from $324 to $1,620 per annum. There were 407 women teachers, and only twenty-five were men. "Notwithstanding the erection of nine McDonogh school houses,b two of which were completed during the current year," continues the report from which the census-writer quotes, "and the fact that two additional school houses are rapidly approaching completion, under the direction of the commissioners of this fund, our school facilities are entirely inadequate to meet the wants of the city. We require additional accommodations for 2,000 children residing in the older and more thickly settled portions of the city." And for the inquiring mind, if the educational facilities did not suffice, there were sixteen libraries, with a total of 111,644 volumes, to which it might have access.

p428 For one thing, at least, the census enumerator has words of cordial commendation, and that is the charitable institutions of the city.c Of these there were nearly forty, nearly half of them under the direction of religious orders connected with the Catholic Church. The Charity Hospital "is widely known because of its connection with the Louisiana State Lottery, and is a splendid establishment." In addition, there were three smaller hospitals, and a private asylum for the insane. The capacity of all these institutions was nearly 6,000; in 1880 the inmates numbered 2,660. It is a satisfaction to learn in this connection that the Orleans parish jail, with a capacity of 350, contained on June 1, 1880, only 189 persons.

The safety of the city was, in 1880, committed to a police force consisting of 268 men, of whom 64 were on duty in the street by day and 124 by night. A special body of policemen, known as the "Harbor Protection Police," existed, whose duty it was, under contracts with owners or custodians, to protect the ships, wharves, and the like, and the cargo stored thereon. A similar organization called the "City Protection Patrol," undertook the night-watching of stores, warehouses, factories, and offices. Under the auspices of the Cotton Exchange, there was, moreover, a small body of men holding special police powers, whose duty it was to guard the immense cotton receipts and shipments of the port, from the moment of their arrival until finally stored in the vessel's hold for export.

Finally, we are indebted to the indefatigable census enumerator for some interesting statistics of the commerce of the port. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, the value of the exports of merchandise was $90,238,503. The exports of cotton aggregated 1,428,996 bales. The imports during the same period were valued at $10,611,353. The principal item of import was coffee, and then came iron, sugar, and molasses, in the order named. Immigrants to the number of 3,000 arrived from foreign ports. The number of vessels entered was 852, and cleared 915. New Orleans owners are credited with twenty-one ocean-going vessels, with a tonnage of 27,000, and 163 river steamers, with a tonnage of 29,042, besides 353 sailing vessels with a tonnage of 16,134.1

The impression which we get from reading these details is that the New Orleans of 1880 lacked much of being a great modern city. It was, in fact, a provincial town, just struggling to its feet after an experience of war and the consequences of war which would have destroyed a less vital community. Its greatness was just beginning — ? it required a vision and courage to prophesy the brilliant future which lay less than a half-century away.

Of this community Shakespeare now found himself chief executive officer. The new mayor was a man of very unusual strength of character. He was known to be absolutely honest, with a sincere desire to promote public welfare, a vigorous intellect, and very exceptional executive ability. The chief defect of his character was an obstinate persistence in his own opinion, and indifference to advice. Had it not been for this hardheadedness, he might have accomplished more than he actually did, in spite of the difficulty in which he found himself, as the head of an administration composed principally of his political enemies, p429and for the most part of men whose ideals were totally at variance with his own.

Mayor Joseph Shakespeare

Joseph Ansbetequi Shakespeare was a native of New Orleans. He was born April 12, 1837. His father, Samuel Shakespeare, was of American ancestry of several generations, but his mother, Marian Mathias, was a native of Switzerland. Samuel Shakespeare was born in Elkton, Delaware, and was reared a Quaker. He spent his boyhood in his native town, receiving a "practical" education, as the phrase went in those days — ? very little from books, much from hard experience in the shops. He was of a mechanical turn; he studied mechanics, became an efficient workman, and when he came to New Orleans, in 1835, was speedily able to establish a found are which was destined rapidly to become important in the community. Samuel Shakespeare was noted for his sterling worth and uncompromising integrity. He was extremely public spirited. At the time of his death, which occurred in 1850,d he was serving as a member of the city council. Mary Mathias came to the New World with relatives. She first settled in Mexico, but within a short time removed to New Orleans, where her marriage with Mr. Shakespeare took place. They had seven children of whom Joseph was the eldest.

p430 Joseph Shakespeare was reared in New Orleans, and attended the public schools until he was fourteen years of age. Like his father, he had a taste for mechanics. This was cultivated in the foundry of which the father was head. Joseph found employment there for four years. At eighteen he decided to study the business elsewhere. He went to New York, where he entered the employ of the Novelty Iron Works. On his return, having thoroughly mastered his trade, he resumed his post in his father's establishment. The firm was then known as Shakespeare, Wheeler & Co. Joseph was soon admitted to partnership. The firm-name was then changed to Geddes, Shakespeare & Co., and then to Shakespeare, Smith & Co. Under this last name the house became well-known throughout the United States. Its success was the work of the elder Shakespeare. Under the son, who eventually succeeded to the executive control of the establishment, this high character was maintained.

The sterling qualities inherited by the son from the father brought Joseph Shakespeare before the public, and made him prominent in the affairs both of the city and the state. He was first elected to the State Legislature, and served one term, but was not a candidate for re-election. He was a member of various prominent clubs in New Orleans, but cared little for social life. In person he was impressive — ? of commanding presence, splendidly proportioned, and of distinguished manner. He was an interesting conversationalist, with an inexhaustible fund of anecdote, and a constant flow of humor. While in office, he always showed a proper appreciation of the dignity of his position, but was approachable, genial, courteous. This unaffected affability made him popular with all classes. His relations with his employees had always been excellent. In business he was eminently just. The fact that he was extremely popular with his men was widely known; it no doubt recommended him as a desirable candidate to those who nominated him; and, in fact, it was the large laboring vote which he polled that insured his success. A remark attributed to Denis, perhaps unjustly, to the effect that no workingman was worth more than $1 a day, and ought not to be paid more, gave offense to this element, and had considerable influence upon the result.

The principal events of Shakespeare's administration may be rapidly described. A contract was made with the New Orleans & Pacific Railroad where that line was permitted to use the batture in front of the city. The franchise of the Carrollton Street Railroad was sold for a period of twenty-five years for $271,000, the company which purchased it agreeing in addition to do some asphalt paving on St. Charles Avenue. As the city was without funds to care for the public squares, the experiment of transferring them to the control of commissions was tried with good results. The members of these commissions did most of the work at their own expense. A further evidence of the willingness of private parties to contribute to the adornment of the city was the Lee Monument, which was begun during this administration, under the auspices of the Lee Monument Association, organized in 1870, with Wm. M. Perkins as president. The monument was carried so far forward that its dedication in 1883 was possible. Finally, steps were taken to drain and sewer the city. Unfortunately, the company to which the contract was awarded, proved unable to carry out its undertakings.

The assessment of the city in 1881 was $97,340,605. The tax-rate, nominally 1.78 40/100, actually showed an advance over that of the p431preceding administration. The Board of Liquidation, after long and fruitless negotiations with the holders of the city's securities which were drawing 6 and 7 percent , found that it was impossible to induce them to exchange these bonds for premium bonds. In 1881, therefore, a special committee of prominent citizens was appointed to endeavor to work out another solution of the city's financial problems. This committee reported in February, 1882. It presented an itemized list of all debts of the city, which, including the premium bonds and past-due interest, amounted to a sum exceeding $24,000,000 — ? or nearly one-quarter of the total assessed valuation of all the property owned in New Orleans. Negotiations were then opened with the holders of the valid outstanding bonds, whereby a plan was formulated which was submitted to the Legislature of 1882, providing the extension of all such bonds other than premium bonds, for forty years from January 1, 1883, with interest at six percent , but reserving to the city the right to call in bonds so renewed or extended for payment at par after 1895, upon giving three months' notice. The provisions of this extension act met the approval of the majority of the city's creditors, and with the exception of a small block of bonds, amounting in all to a little more than $100,000, the holders of the old securities consented to the refunding. Act No. 58 of 1882 also gave the municipality the right to raise a tax of five mills, in addition to the five mills authorized by the Constitution of 1879; which increase to the revenue was assigned to the Board of Liquidation, and enabled it successfully to carry out its plans for establishing the city debt upon a satisfactory basis. The credit for bringing about the enactment of this important legislation, should be given to B. T. Walshe. Accompanied by Charles F. Buck, then city attorney, he went to Baton Rouge, and it was his eloquent presentation of the city's urgent need that secured the favorable consideration of the act.

Mayor Shakespeare advocated the establishment of a paid fire department, in lieu of the contract-system. He was opposed, on the ground that a fire department under municipal control would necessarily be a political machine, and, consequently, of doubtful efficiency. Although not able at the time to work this reform, the idea was not allowed to die, and some years later was destined to bear fruit. The mayor was equally unsuccessful in his efforts to reform the police department. The Police Board survived from the previous administration and was unfriendly to the mayor's ideas. It took advantage of his occasional absences from its meetings to undo whatever work he had done. Officers, whom the mayor in his capacity of head of department, had suspended for conduct unbecoming, or, as happened in several instances, for having committed crimes, were reinstated, and the charge against them dismissed. An attempt to oust the chief of police by ordinance vacating the post, was fought in the courts, and frustrated. The effect was unfortunate, for there was real need for an active, competent police force. Parts of the city were overrun by gangs of rowdies, known as "hoodlums," who did not hesitate to attack women and children. A series of murders and assaults were committed by persons whose names figured on the payrolls at the city hall. These conditions led to the formation, first of the Vigilantes, and, second, of the Committee of Safety. The former was organized in August, 1881, "to suppress crime, to compel the authorities to perform their duties, to see that the city spends its revenues economically, to prevent abuses of the pardoning power; to watch the city government," p432and especially to ferret out unworthy public servants, and see that they were punished.2 The latter's activities began in September of that year. Both societies appear to have had the mayor's approval. They were working towards ends which he also had in view. But as both were secret societies, no direct evidence of his connection with them is available. Their work was done so quietly that even in October, one of the local newspapers could express its belief that neither existed. By January, 1882, however, it was said with full justification that the efforts of these two extra-legal agencies had resulted in a great improvement in the administration of justice, and that the lawlessness which had aroused general apprehension six months previously, was suppressed.

Mayor Shakespeare's independence of mind showed itself in his treatment of the gambling situation. Gambling was one of the greatest evils in the city. Although forbidden by law, it seemed impossible to suppress it. The mayor was frankly in favor of a system of license. In this view he was supported by many persons. "Gambling houses ought, if possible, to be licensed," said the Picayune, editorially, "and made to yield a revenue to the city."3 An attempt at regulation was first made. Early in 1881 the gamblers were notified that any complaint regarding their establishments, would result in closing them. A few weeks later the city was both shocked and amused at the story of a young French nobleman who, while visiting the city, was lured into a disreputable resort and fleeced outrageously in a poker game. The mayor immediately ordered closed all gambling houses except within an area bounded by Camp, Chartres, St. Louis, Bourbon, Carondelet, and Gravier streets. He hesitated to suppress the resorts within this district. They comprised the largest and most fashionable in the city. It was then that he introduced what has since been known in the history of New Orleans as the "Shakespeare Plan." He could not license gambling; that was forbidden by the State Constitution. Neither was he willing to permit the police to continue to exploit the business, nor was he satisfied to ignore the laws, and let the evil spread unchecked. He therefore proposed to the leading gamblers that they pay him monthly a fixed sum, and, conditioned upon maintaining an "honest" game, he would then, as chief of police, see that the officers neither molested nor "grafted" upon them. They accepted this arrangement. "Of course, much may be said from the high moral standpoint against the principal of recognizing what nearly all people recognize as a vice, and one dangerous to the morals of a community," commented the Picayune. "More substantial objections can be urged against the acceptance of license money from those who follow this calling, on constitutional grounds. [. . .] But the statute book of the state has for a generation contained laws designed to suppress it, and nominally all democratic state and city administrations have refused to recognize it by license. The direful consequences of the republican scheme of placing all gambling establishments on the first floor are well-known. But on the other hand, there are practical considerations which must be regarded. As all government is compromise, the first object of the wise legislator or governor is to accomplish as much good as possible. He who sets too high a standard and will not be content with less, will accomplish nothing by way of reform. The broad fact stares us in the face that gambling p433never has been suppressed in this city, and there is not the slightest ground to expect that it ever will be, mandate of the constitution to the contrary notwithstanding."4

The mayor was interested in building an almshouse. Of such an institution the city stood confessedly in need. The city had no money with which to erect or to maintain this institution. The Touro funde was inadequate to do so properly. He therefore determined to apply to this purpose the money paid over by the gamblers. The revenue proved ample first to build, and then to maintain, a handsome institution. The first collections, made in May and June, 1881, gave $2,400 — ? $1,200 in each month. It is estimated that the annual collections totalled $30,000. Previous to this time, it is said, there were eighty-three important gambling establishments in New Orleans. The new system reduced them to sixteen. The "contributing" establishments were located where they were constantly under the supervision of a corps of private detectives which was maintained out of the fund, and who was required to see that the games were fairly conducted. The frequenters were always in plain sight. Most of the gambling houses were thus concentrated on Royal Street. The detectives, aided by the "contributing" proprietors, saw very effectually that no concealed gambling went on anywhere. Any attempt to start unauthorized games was promptly known and rigorously suppressed. All of the "disreputable" resorts disappeared. Finally, the vice was restricted to adults. The system was extra-legal, but satisfied the conditions; and a Grand Jury, which in September, 1881, investigated the entire matter, turned in a report in which the anti-gambling laws were termed "practically inefficient," and the mayor's course was commended.

The most important feature of the administration, however, was the enactment of a new charter. This was done by an act of the Legislature of 1882. Dissatisfaction with the existing charter survived after the fiasco of 1880. The agitation for a change was resumed in January, 1882, in anticipation of the meeting of the Legislature, four months later. Hostility to the basic law of the municipality was in part due to the fact that it was a relic of radical days, but had a real justification in its inherent defects and the irresponsible power which it conferred upon the officials. The worst feature was a lack of co-ordination among the departments, and the absence of one central authority. Each department was independent of the others. There was thus no check upon extravagance in any of them. The system was obviously devised to serve the purposes of the politicians. It was "an oligarchy, in every sense of the word."5 The mayor was without power to control his nominal subordinates. There was no way for the citizens to register a complaint, or to control the government; they could but endure as patiently as might be, until election day.

The status of city debt was another reason for urging a change in the charter. Under the existing law there had been a great increase in the debt, due to the wastefulness with which public revenues were spent. In addition to the debt of more than $15,000,000, there were standing against the city judgments amounting to more than $8,500,000, making a total of $24,329,837. Under a recent decision of the courts the property of p434the citizens was taxed nearly 17 mills on the dollar to pay interest on these judgment debts; which, added to the ten mills tax necessary to defray the ordinary expenses of government, made a burden almost impossible to support. "There are no improvements to show for the debt," wrote Governor McEnery, in his message at the opening of the legislative session of 1882; "no parks, no public roads, no public buildings. Were it not for the public spirit of private parties, the city would be in a deplorable situation. The city officials may have done all in their power, but with the present organization they have no chance to do much."

Still another argument which was advanced in support of the demand for a new charter was based upon the assumption that the Constitution of the state as adopted in 1879 recognized the inefficiency and defectiveness of the existing instrument, when it gave to the citizens "the right of appointing the several public officials who may be necessary for the administration of the police of said city, pursuant to the mode of election provided by the general assembly." This gave back to the city some of the "inalienable rights of which its citizens had been deprived." The failure to enact a charter in 1880 prevented this right from becoming operative, but it was clear that no such provision would have been inserted in the organic law of the state unless the framers thereof intended distinctly to cure an imperfection in the existing charter. Moreover, the right conferred on the State Legislature to cancel the existing charter was a further confession of the need for change.

Accordingly, an act containing a new charter for the city was introduced in the Legislature as soon as it assembled, in May, 1882. Opposition was made to this measure, and an alternative act was carried to the Legislature by a committee of citizens. But the New Orleans members refused to stand for it; other members did not feel that they could sponsor the bill, in view of the solid front of the city delegation, and nothing came of the movement. The so-called "legislative" charter, therefore, passed the house on May 26 by a vote of seventy-seven to nine, and was adopted in the senate with a few unimportant amendments a few days later.

Under this charter the legislative power was vested in a council of thirty members, who were required to be citizens of the state, and residents of the district from which they were chosen for not less than five years. The mayor was made the presiding officer of the council. This body was invested with all the power usual with such bodies, to pass ordinances regulating the health, order, and general maintenance of the city. It had, moreover, rather extensive rights regarding its own membership, and might exclude any member by a two-thirds vote, after five days' notice and an opportunity for him to be heard in his defense. It might also punish persons guilty of disrespectful conduct in its presence or that of its committees. One very important provision was, that no ordinance could be passed at the meeting at which it was introduced, but must lie over one week before going to final passage. The council was required to sit with open doors, and all resolutions, except those of a purely parliamentary nature, or for investigation, could be passed only with the assent of a majority of the members.

The executive department was to be composed of a mayor, a treasurer, a comptroller, a commissioner of public works, and a commissioner of police and public buildings. The duties of each of these officers were p435very carefully detailed. The mayor must not be less than thirty years of age, but the other officials might be as young as twenty-four. They were elected for a term of four years by the vote of all legally registered voters. An important stipulation was that in such elections no ballot should be rejected because it had been scratched, or on account of interlineations, or the substitution of other names than those printed thereon. The commissioners of election were to make returns to the president of the council, whose duty it was made to compile them in the council chamber, in the presence of any and all persons who might wish to witness the proceeding. In this way the new members of the council would be ascertained; and they were required to meet immediately, and canvass the returns for mayor and commissioners. The findings of the council were the only preliminary requisite to the installation of these officials.

The duties of the mayor were described in great detail by the new charter. He was required to see that all ordinances were properly executed; he was empowered to appoint all police officers, patrolmen and watchmen with the consent of the council; he had the right to suspend these appointees at his pleasure. He could attend the meetings of the council, preside at its meetings, participate in debate, and cast the deciding vote in case of a tie. He alone could make rules for the control of the police, although these rules had to receive the approval of two-thirds of the council. It was his duty to report to the council all officers and other city employees who might fail in the performance of their duty, and might, in his discretion, suspend such officials pending the action of the council. All ordinances passed by the council required his signature before going into force; or if he vetoed them, he should furnish his reasons for doing so to the council in writing. The council, of course, might pass ordinances over the veto, providing that two-thirds of the members voted for it. In consideration of these many and diverse labors, the mayor was to receive a salary of $3,500; he was not to receive any fees whatsoever, and was required monthly to render to the council a statement of any moneys paid into his office.

The comptroller was to exercise general control over the fiscal affairs of the corporation. He should prescribe the method of keeping books in every department of the city having need of such. He was required to examine and audit all claims in favor of or against the corporation. In his office should originate all accounts for the collection of revenue. Neither the treasurer nor any other official should receive any moneys except on his written order, and none should be paid out except by ordinance of the council and warrant of the comptroller. His salary was fixed at $3,500, and he was required to furnish a heavy bond.

The city treasurer was required to receive and keep in bank all assets belonging to the corporation; to make daily reports of the receipts; to pay bills on the warrant of the comptroller, and generally to perform the duties connected with similar offices everywhere. For his services he was to receive $3,500 per annum, and was required to furnish a bond of $50,000.

The commissioner of public works was given general supervision over all matters connected with the waterworks, railroads, canals, levees, weights and measures, the fire department, manufactures, housing, pavements, wharves, the drainage, and the general hygiene of the city, insofar p436as these matters were not specifically allotted to the Board of Health. His bond was put at $50,000, and his salary at $3,500.

The commissioner of police and public buildings had charge of the house of refuge, pounds, cemeteries, city lighting, markets, schools, slaughter houses, prisons, asylums, hospitals, etc., insofar as his functions did not conflict with those already assigned to the mayor. His salary was $3,000 per annum, and his bond was $25,000.

The council was also directed to elect a "city surveyor," who should serve for a term of four years, and receive a salary of $2,500. He was to furnish the council with all information of a technical nature which it might need, supervise the construction of public works, and make regular reports on the condition of the streets, drainage, etc. He might have the assistance of seven deputy surveyors, who, likewise, were elected by the council, and whose compensation was to be derived from fees connected with the surveys they were expected to make. These assistants were put under a bond of $2,000 each.

The council appointed also a city attorney, who served four years at a salary of $3,500 per annum. He was the legal adviser of the administration. He might designate the assistant counsel required from time to time by the council.

The council had the right to remove any of the minor city officials merely by passing a resolution of lack of confidence. It had also the right to impeach the mayor, commissioners, or city attorney, for malfeasance, gross neglect of duty, disability affecting fitness to perform their duties, etc. The charter contained elaborate provisions for the trial officials so impeached. Not only had the council the right to bring charges, as a whole; but any six members might bring them in, or even a group of twenty citizens might do so by petition.

The charter contained several lengthy sections on the subject of paving. Wherever a petition was presented to the council for the paving of a street, unless a majority of the property holders along that street signified their objection to the proposed improvement, the work might be ordered done at the expense of all the property holders proportionately, the city being compelled to pay only for the paving at the intersections and street crossings. The same conditions were to operate in case a petition were laid before the council for the use of some unusual form of pavement; also with regard to the widening or straightening of streets. It was, however, stipulated that no such petitions might be received in the months of July, August, or September. The council also enjoyed the right to order the pavement of any street at the expense of the city, and then indemnify itself through a local assessment on the abutting properties, in sums not to exceed the increment of value resulting from this improvement.

The council was invested with the right to organize the departments of the commissioners, and regulate the number of clerks employed in them, but the clerks themselves were to be appointed by the commissioners with the approval of the council.

An important provision in the charter repealed all existing laws relating to the drainage of the city, but required the council to take steps at the earliest possible moment, to adopt a plan for the resumption of this work. In this connection the right was granted to make local assessments in order to raise the money with which to execute this plan.

p437 The offices of justice of the peace in the Fifth, Sixth and Seventh districts were abolished, and four police courts substituted, the recorders of each to be elected by the voters at the same time as the other city officials. These officials should have jurisdiction as committing magistrates.

The council was required to meet weekly.

Section 63 dealt with the important subject of taxation. In December, and not oftener, the council was to impose a tax on all real and personal property. Once in each twelvemonth it was to prepare a budget of expected revenues. From this budget the council was specifically required to omit all revenues of uncertain amount, or from doubtful sources; the computation could be made only on a real and substantial basis.

The concluding paragraphs of the charter dealt with minor matters, but one important provision was that setting the day for the next election on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November, 1888.

The new charter was received, if not precisely with enthusiasm, at least with general approval in New Orleans. It at least provided what the community demanded, in the way of a form of government more representative than that which was displaced. The new council furnished "a legislature sufficiently marked and distinctive. [. . .] The mayor, the comptroller, and the commissioners [. . .] make up an executive and ministerial element sufficient to constitute a not wholly unbalanced system of government, in which the great and growing interests of the people of New Orleans can be reasonably well cared for." So ran the leading editorial in the Picayune. Specifically, the advantage of the new instrument was that it provided opportunities for free debate, which had not been the case under the previous charter; the executive's functions were curtailed, and it was felt that the people would have a more intimate control of the government, through the contact which each district maintained with its representative in the council. But most of all, it seemed to open the way to the success of an independent movement which might control the elections in the direction of reform. "What is wanted is a non-partisan effort on the part of the young men, a combined crusade of the substantial working people to place the best men in office, and thus check the professional politicians and force them to bring to the front candidates in whom we can all have confidence."6 This, apparently, was to be accomplished by re-organizing the ward clubs and concentrating every energy upon the election of the members of the council.

The Legislature of 1880 also signalized itself by passing an act removing the state capital from New Orleans to Baton Rouge. Baton Rouge had, once before, been the capital of Louisiana — ? in 1849; but in the turmoil of the Civil war, it had lost this honor. The seat of government was shifted in 1862 first to Opelousas, and then to Shreveport. In 1864, as we have seen, the capital was transferred to New Orleans once more. In 1879 the people of Baton Rouge offered to raise a large sum of money with which to repair the old state house there, in case the Constitutional Convention of that year agreed to restore the capital to that city. The proposition was well received. In the new constitution an article was inserted requiring the Legislature at its next session to p438enact the legislation necessary to effect the transfer. The last session of the Legislature ever held in New Orleans adjourned sine die January 4, 1882, and on the 1st of March following the state government was definitely established in the renovated buildings in Baton Rouge.

One other important incident of the Shakespeare administration must not be passed over in silence, although its detail need not here be given. This was the completion of the jetties at the mouth of the Mississippi River. The rapid increase in the size of ocean-going vessels which was a characteristic feature of the middle of the nineteenth century, profoundly affected the commerce of New Orleans. The bars and mud-lumps at the mouths of the Mississippi were of comparatively little importance as long as the size of the ships entering and leaving the river was small; but a time came when the larger vessels could do neither conveniently. In 1852 nearly forty instances were reported of vessels going aground there, and having to endure delays extending for a few days to several weeks.7 The danger from these obstructions seems to have been early understood. In 1721 Pauger, Bienville's engineer, recommended a method of disposing of them; and at various times between 1829 and 1851 the Government of the United States had investigated the matter, without, however, going beyond the preliminary surveys and reports. Such attempts as were made to keep the mouth of the river free to navigation, were not of a permanent character. In 1859 the Government contracted with Thomas McLellan, manager of the Crescent Towboat Company, of New Orleans, to keep open the channel through South West Pass. South West Pass had a nominal depth of — thirteen feet. For many years the commerce of New Orleans was hampered by costly towage, and by the resulting high freight rates, which at times rose to a penny ha'penny per pound for cotton, $10 per hogshead for sugar, and corresponding rates on other Louisiana products. There was much complaint from the business of the whole Mississippi Valley against these conditions. In 1868-69 the Government built two large propeller dredges at a cost of $700,000. They were operated for some years at an expense of $250,000 per annum. The method by which they were expected to improve the channel was by stirring up the mud with the propeller and throwing it to the surface by means of a deflector, so that the current might carry it away. After three years of constant use the dredges were withdrawn, and a board of army engineers decided that the result obtained did not warrant the expense. They had succeeded in getting an uncertain channel of — about eighteen feet through which a vessel of that draft might pass if she followed immediately after the dredge. In the meantime conditions were going from bad to worse. In 1873 James B. Eads, C. E., appeared on the scene. After a careful examination of the passes he declared that, "the solution of the problem of improving the navigation between the river and the gulf, will never be satisfactorily accomplished except by jetties." In February, 1874, he made his famous, "no cure, no pay," proposition to Congress, offering to make and maintain a channel — 28 feet deep between the South West Pass and the Gulf of Mexico, for $10,000,000, at the entire risk of himself and his associates. Not a dollar was to be paid by the Government until a depth of — twenty feet had been secured, when he was to receive $1,000,000, and afterward $1,000,000 for each additional two feet, or a p439total of $5,000,000 when twenty-eight feet had been obtained. The remaining $5,000,000 were to be paid in annual installments of $500,000, conditional on the permanence of the channel during the ten years. This novel proposition appealed strongly to the Congress of that day. This offer, although fair and liberal, aroused the most active hostility of the Government engineers. For a civil engineer to be allowed to design and construct the most important public work ever undertaken was not to be tolerated, and at once was begun a controversy which agitated, not New Orleans only, but many other important centers of population and commerce.here adds '+BadF+'only'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();"> An ancient plan for the construction of a canal from the river to the gulf, first proposed in 1832, was resuscitated, and brought forward to defeat the jetties. The merchants and business men of New Orleans, the majority of whom knew nothing of the respective merits of canal or jetties, were assured that "jetties would be very difficult to construct, and impossible to maintain," and if they wanted salvation for their commerce they must support the movement for the construction of the Fort St. Philip Canal, and they lent their support so effectually, that a bill for the construction of the canal was presented and actually passed by the house of representatives, as a substitute for the jetty bill. Fortunately, however, it was defeated in the senate.

After much discussion, pro and con, the jetty bill, somewhat modified and made to apply to the South Pass, became a law. But that did not end the controversy; far from it. The army engineers could not forgive Mr. Eads for his encroachment upon their "sphere of influence," and did not cease their efforts to discredit and defeat his work. The jetties would be eaten by worms, undermined by the current, could not be made to withstand the force of the sea, and worst of all, they would be useless if built, as the bar at the river's mouth would advance in front of them continually. This bar advance was variously estimated at — from 1,200 feet to nearly half a mile per annum. By these adverse reports, officially made, public confidence in Mr. Eads and the jetties was seriously impaired, making it extremely difficult to raise the means for carrying on his work, the success of which depended upon rapid and continuous construction. In the dark days of 1877 with pay rolls two months in arrears and many bills due, he was near to defeat. But Eads never lost confidence in his great idea. Three months before beginning the work, Mr. Eads, in an address delivered at St. Louis, said: "I therefore undertake the work with a faith based upon the ever-constant ordinances of God Himself, and so certain as He will spare my life and faculties for two years more, I will give to the Mississippi River, through His grace and by the application of His laws, a deep, open, safe and permanent outlet to the sea." Buoyed up by his firm faith, Eads remained undaunted in the face of all difficulties, those of nature as well as those invented by man.

Before entering the gulf the Mississippi divides into three principal channels or "passes." In the middle, or South Pass, Eads constructed two walls, one on either side of the proposed channel, the East one having a length of — 11,800 feet; the West one, of — 7,800 feet. The jetty lines were established by driving piles. The other chief constructive materials were willow mattresses, stone, palmetto cribs, and concrete blocks. The mattresses were towed into position, fastened to the piles, and loaded with stone until they sank upon the river bed or upon other mattresses. The placing of a single mattress was always followed by a p440deepening of the channel somewhere. Upon the foundations thus secured, a continuous embankment of concrete was erected, the dimensions of which varied, but averaging by 1.05 m in width',WIDTH,110)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 12 feet in height by 3 in width, and extending on the east side of the river a distance of — 3,800 feet, and on the west bank, of — 2,800 feet. The concrete was molded in immense blocks, which were cemented together after being placed in position, thus forming a vast monolithic construction of great resisting power.

On July 10, 1879, Eads was able to announce the approaching completion of his great work. In August, 1880, the depth through the jetties was — thirty-two feet. The task was done. In 1880 it was computed that the saving in freight on products shipped from New Orleans was $5,000,000. The wonderful development of the port since that date is the best evidence that can be cited of the value of the jetties to the commerce of the nation.

The Author’s Notes

1 "Report on the Social Statistics of Cities," compiled by George E. Waring, Jr., Part II, 268-295.

2 Picayune, August 10, 1881.

3 April 25, 1881.

4 Picayune, May 13, 1881.

5 Picayune, May 26, 1882.

6 Picayune, June 23, 1882.

7 Cable, "Creoles of Louisiana," 264.

p441 Chapter XXVIII

Behan and Guillotte

The first election under the new charter took place on November 7, 1882. There were two candidates for mayor — ? William J. Behan, nominated by the regular democrats, and A. W. Bosworth, named by the Independent Citizens' Association. Behan was in Europe when the democratic nominating convention met, but hurried home to take part in the campaign. He was recommended to the leaders of the party by the fact that he had taken a prominent part in the battle of September 14, 1874.has '+BadF+'1864'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();"> He was born in New Orleans in 1842, and received his education in part in Louisiana, and in part at the Western Military Institute, in Tennessee. This military training stood him in good stead during the Civil war, in which he served as an artillery officer in the Confederate army. He was the youngest officer in that arm of the service in General Lee's command. He took part in the battles of Manassas, the Seven Days, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Chancellorville, Gettysburg, and Appomattox. At Gettysburg he was slightly wounded. At Appomattox a detachment of the Washington Artillery under his command captured a field piece from the enemy and would have fired it, but for the appearance of a staff officer with the news that Lee had surrendered. This was probably the last incident of the battle. On returning to New Orleans Behan engaged in business. He was a merchant, manufacturer and sugar planter by turns. At the time when he was nominated for mayor, he was the junior partner in the well-known grocery house of Zuberbeir & Behan. Although an active citizen he had previously held no office except that of major-general of the state militia, a post to which he was appointed in 1877.

Bosworth was a native of Maine, where he was born in 1816. He had resided in New Orleans since 1845. During the Civil war he, too, had served with distinction in the Confederate army. He was lieutenant-colonel of the Crescent Regiment. He was present at the battle of Shiloh. He served under Gen. "Dick" Taylor in all the campaigns of Louisiana. At the close of the war he was in command of Mouton's Brigade, with the rank of colonel. In civil life he was an ice merchant. In his time there were no factories in New Orleans for the manufacture of artificial ice; this material was brought from the far north by ship, and stored in large buildings specially constructed for the purpose along the river front, where it could be disposed of at high prices. In this business Bosworth had made a large fortune. His nomination for mayor came as a result of a movement of protest against the regular democratic convention, and the control of that body by ward leaders. The Independent Citizens' Association, however, was hastily and therefore imperfectly organized. This fact doomed it to defeat.

Although the republican party still existed in New Orleans, it made no attempt to name a candidate for any of the municipal offices at this time.

General Behan's campaign was under the management of two veterans of many such contests — ? James D. Houston and Maj. E. A. Burke. The campaign lasted only a few weeks. Only a small vote was polled at the p442election. Behan received 14,897 votes, as against Bosworth's 5346.1 The result was accepted without protest. Behan was inducted into office on November 20, and addressed himself to the solution of several difficult problems, with which it was necessary to deal immediately.

Mayor W. J. Behan

The greater part of General Behan's administration was occupied with the detail of the re-organization of the city government necessitated by the enactment of the new charter. His success in this complicated task was generally admired. On coming to the City Hall the new mayor found the city's finances in great confusion. In addition to the large bonded indebtedness, the adjustment of which was in process under the direction of the Board of Liquidation, there was a heavy floating indebtedness contracted to meet the ordinary expenses of the government. On the first day that General Behan spent in the City Hall, a representative of the gas company called on him with a demand for the immediate payment of the arrears due by the city for gas furnished for the use of the municipality. Failure to pay this bill would, it was pointed out, be followed by cutting off the lights, and plunging the streets into darkness. This matter was arranged only when the mayor agreed personally to see that the gas company's account would be settled at the earliest possible p443moment. Subsequently, an arrangement was made by which the arrearages were spread over the appropriations for lighting for the ensuing year — ? a procedure which was, possibly, unauthorized in law, but which the necessity of the city rendered imperative. Further embarrassments resulted from the litigation in which the city was involved over the bonded debt. In these cases a series of judgments had been handed down by the courts which the city had to satisfy. To do this it was compelled to find funds; which could be done only by raising the taxes, to such an extent that the rate rose to 3.17 percent , probably the heaviest which the people had ever to support. But this was inevitable. The magnitude of the financial burden which the corporation at this time was required to bear may be inferred from the single fact that in the Gaines case, an adverse decision was rendered which compelled the city to pay $800,000. The natural result of these operations was a depreciation of the city securities; money could be obtained only at high rates of interest, and contractors would agree to undertake work for the municipality only when they had been assured of special guarantees to insure the payment of their bills.

Under these circumstances the new mayor could do nothing beyond instituting the strictest economies. It was exceedingly creditable that he was able to put the ordinary routine of the administration upon a cash basis. This was of great benefit to certain classes of city employees, especially the police and the school teachers. But his policy of retrenchment brought Mayor Behan into collision first with the brokers who profited from the necessity of the city employees, and then with the city council, which resented his refusal to appoint to office persons whose claims to consideration were based solely upon party service, or whose assistance was not absolutely essential. Edward Booth, a well-known wholesale hat-dealer, was a member of the city council. He was chairman of the Finance Committee. Otto Thoman was chairman of the Budget Committee, and Mat D. Lagan, afterwards a member of the United States Congress,a was president pro tempore of the council. These three were men of great ability and force of character. They loyally supported Behan in the council, and were the members upon whom the latter relied to get through the legislation requisite to make effectual the economies essential in the critical situation in which the city found itself. Under the new charter the heads of the chief departments of the city government were, as we have seen, the city treasurer, the comptroller, and the commissioner of police and public buildings. These offices were filled, respectively, by B. T. Walshe, J. V. Guillotte, and John Fitzpatrick. Walshe was a distinguished Confederate soldier. He enjoyed the respect of the entire community. Guillotte was a ward-leader. He had previously filled the posts of assessor and of administrator of public buildings and waterworks, the latter under Mayor Shakespeare. Fitzpatrick was a man of real administrative ability. Later he became mayor of the city. None of these officials, however, found himself in sympathy with the mayor's policies.

The differences between the mayor and the leaders of his party came to a head in the second year of the administration when the office of chief of police fell vacant. The name of M. J. Shehan, the then recorder of the Fourth City Court, was urged upon Behan by both Houston and Burke. The mayor, however, was anxious to fill the position with a man not identified in any way with local political organizations. He expressed p444his willingness to appoint any person of that description whom the party leaders would agree upon. Burke and Houston, however, insisted upon their nominee. Behan, who was a man of great resolution, merely replied that he would wait twenty-four hours for further recommendations, and if at the end of that period none were forthcoming, would proceed to appoint a man of his own choosing. As no alternate name was suggested he commissioned, the following day, R. B. Rowley, who was not affiliate in any way with the "machine." This controversy had important bearings upon the alignment of the parties at the next municipal election.

Mayor Behan also became involved in a controversy with the city treasurer. They differed over the interpretation of the provisions in the city charter with regard to the preparation of the budget. The charter had been hurried through the State Legislature in the closing days of the session. It had been hastily and carelessly written, and was full of inconsistencies which not even the ingenuity of the city attorney could reconcile. In providing for an exact budget of anticipated expenses it stipulated that this should be drawn up at a time when the possible revenues of the city could not possibly be known. Thoman and his committee, therefore, after vainly endeavoring to adhere in detail to the requirements of the charter, compromised by writing a budget which conformed to the general spirit of the law. When, however, the city pay-rolls were sent in under this budget to the city treasurer, he declined to pay them, on the ground that the budget was illegal, and that there was in the treasury no fund with which the warrants could be met. Behan and his friends took the ground that the functions of the city treasurer were purely clerical; that he had no right to question the legality of warrants drawn by properly constituted officials of the city government, but that he should pay them when presented, and leave the matter of their legality to be determined by the parties at interest in the courts. Walshe, however, persisted in his refusal, and the mayor thereupon suspended him from office. Upon his further refusal to vacate the treasurer's office, Behan sent his secretary, Clem L. Walker, with a file of police, to remove him. The matter was subsequently ventilated in the city council, and Walshe made a satisfactory explanation, which led to his reinstatement at the end of four or five days.

In the meantime, rather than see the city employees go unpaid, Mayor Behan took the unusual step of providing out of his own resources the funds necessary for that purpose. He arranged with one of the local banks to furnish $100,000 on his note, which sum was turned over to Secretary Walker, who paid the rolls. Walker took up the vouchers of the city employees as presented, and subsequently, when the whole matter had been passed upon favorably to the mayor in the courts, these were presented to the city treasury, and the amount advanced by Behan was repaid.2

As the administration drew to an end, it was clear that the mayor could not count upon the support of the democratic organization, unless he would consent greatly to modify his position. It was felt, however, that a renomination was due to him for the reason that his administration had lasted only two years, whereas, under the new charter, the incoming mayor would serve four years. The leaders of the party, p445therefore, offered him the nomination, but coupled with conditions which Mayor Behan felt he must refuse. These conditions related to the appointment to public office of "organization" candidates. Behan felt that to accept the dictation of party "bosses" in this matter would virtually tie his hands in respect to the policies of retrenchment and reform already inaugurated. He therefore declined the proffered honor. The party convention met on March 24, 1884, and nominated J. Valsin Guillotte for mayor, I. W. Patton for city treasurer, J. N. Hardy for comptroller; John Fitzpatrick for commissioner of public works, and Patrick Meallie for commissioner of police and public buildings, besides a full list of councilmen and other minor officials.

A popular demand at once arose for the renomination of Mayor Behan. A group of twenty-five prominent citizens headed an independent movement which supported him. Among these men were John Phelps, J. W. Labouisse, C. Harrison Parker, J. Henry Lafaye, A. Brittin, E. T. Manning, G. L. Townsend, A. S. Maginnis, Carl Kohn, C. H. Allen, and other men of equally high standing in the community. At a meeting in the Masonic Hall on March 24, a full municipal ticket was put in nomination. For treasurer, B. D. Wood was named; for comptroller, T. J. Woodward; for commissioner of public works, W. E. McDermott; for commissioner of police and public buildings, H. J. Rivet. Thirty councilmen and the usual list of small officials were also nominated. The movement took the name of The Citizens' Democratic Parochial and Municipal Party. But actually, the name was all there was to the party; there was no time in which to effect an organization, and without organization, there was no chance of victory over the thoroughly-disciplined forces of the enemy.

The struggle which followed, though brief, was exceedingly bitter. The issue was clearly drawn between "machine" and "anti-machine" government. Unquestionably, the bulk of the voting population wished to see at the head of the city government a business man, as distinguished from a professional politician. Up to the campaign of 1884 the party leaders had been willing to make this concession. The patronage controlled by the mayor was small; the administratorships, shrievalties, and commissionships were much more desirable, from the point of view of the professional politician, not only on account of their salaries or fees, which usually exceeded largely the emoluments of the mayoralty, but because they controlled large numbers of appointments. But by now the party machinery had been so perfectly adjusted that it was possible for a little group of ward-leaders to control the nominating conventions, in spite of the fact that they themselves were actually in a minority. In this way it had been possible to force the nomination of Guillotte in the face of a strong adverse public opinion.

Up to the campaign of 1884, then, there had been in New Orleans a "ring," properly so-called. That word had been freely used in the press on previous occasions to stigmatize the opposition. As early as 1878 it appeared as a term to describe the "People's Democratic Association." At that time it was said that there were two "rings," the state and city, which worked together. But, as a matter of fact, although in that election, the People's Democratic Association had made a concession to the state "ring" by nominating its candidate for administrator of public improvements, the method used was not typical of the "machine." Collins had been an excellent official; his nomination was p446fully justified by his record, and there was no public opposition to his selection. It remained to the Guillotte-Behan campaign to introduce the "steam-roller" procedure which was to be characteristic of democratic nominations from that time on. The organization which now felt itself strong enough to override contemptuously the wishes of the people, can be traced back to the early '70s. It grew up as a result of the hard necessities of reconstruction days. In their contest with the negroes and "carpet-baggers," the whites were compelled to resort to many dubious expedients. One of these was the compact organizing of each ward in the city, in order to make sure of the delivery of its vote when needed. This organization centered around a "mother" club, the president of which soon became the "leader" or ward. At first the position went to the man who, by dint of personal courage, brute strength, or lack of principle, was able to seize it. As long as he could be depended on to stand with the party opposed to the radical regime, he could count upon the support of the men who were directing the great fight in state and city. Once in power, he cemented his position by exploiting his personal popularity. He made himself useful to his constituency. When his supporters were in need, they were trained to appeal to him, with the assurance that assistance, pecuniary or otherwise, would be forthcoming. In return for these favors, a blind obedience to orders was exacted in the elections. It was a system which remorselessly capitalized good fellowship.

But as the danger of radical control diminished this organization proved useful for other purposes than those for which it had been originally formed. In time the ward-presidents, by virtue of their control of the vote, acquired control of the parish committee. They themselves were not usually members of the committee, but the two delegates who represented each ward were only their agents and representatives. The inevitable combination of the stronger of these leaders ultimately threw the control of the party into the hands of a small group of men, whose power became absolute. This group was, properly speaking, the "ring." The first ring was composed of Alcée Gauthreaux, criminal sheriff under Mayor Patton; J. D. Houston, and E. A. Burke. The defalcation of Gauthreaux, which was the great political scandal of the early '80s, eliminated him from the combination. Power was then divided between Houston and Burke. It was they who attempted to dictate to Behan the appointment of the chief of police; it was they who now felt sufficiently confident of the efficiency of their organization to commit it to the support of Guillotte. Thus the tool which had been forged for the use of the best element in the population in the fight for the recovery of white supremacy in Louisiana, was now turned against them.

The objection to the "ring" candidates in this campaign, and in many subsequent ones, was not so much to them as individuals as to them as representatives of the system. The feeling which inspired the anti-ring movements now and thereafter was the fear that popular government was imperiled. Here, in fact, was a species of government operating within the nominal government. Office-holders were the instruments of powerful persons who had no actual connection with the city government; the administration might be utilized with an eye single to the permanence of that control. On the other hand, the "ring" justified its existence by pointing to the danger of a recrudescence of republicanism. p447Unless there was a highly efficient, ably captained organization perpetually ready to repel the old enemies of the white race, would there not be a renewal of those terrible scenes which had so long disgraced and impoverished the city? In the Guillotte-Behan campaign this argument was utilized with great effectiveness. Unquestionably, it had effect upon the mass of the people, who were still suffering from the misgovernment of the previous decade, and who were disposed to tolerate anything except a return of the old conditions.

The accusation that Behan's candidacy connected with republicanism obtained a certain plausibility from the fact that the Republican State Central Committee endorsed his candidacy, and various republican ward organizations — ? there were still such in existence, designed to counteract the democratic "mother" clubs — ? passed resolutions favorable to him. These endorsements were dictated not by any desire to see Behan elected, but by the hope of promoting dissention in the democratic ranks. G. H. Braughan, speaking at the St. Charles Theater, exposed this motive, when he expressed regret that the Louisiana democracy would allow itself to be disrupted at a time when the national republican party was plotting hopefully to carry some of the Southern states. Braughan insinuated that the citizens' parish democracy was acting in collusion with them. On another occasion another "regular" spokesman intimated that Pinchback was stirring up the negroes in Behan's behalf.3 These charges were repulsed by Behan's organ, the Picayune, which in a strong editorial pointed out that the question of democrat or republican had no place in the campaign; that such endorsement as the republicans had made of Behan had been given on their own initiative; and that no party "except a machine provided with ample facilities for manufacturing a fictitious majority," could afford to reject the support of "voters who come asking no questions and making no demands." Moreover, continued the Picayune, by way of countercheck quarrelsome, it was generally understood that "the regulars had made efforts to get republican support through influential persons at the Customhouse" — ? that building then being the headquarters of the republican party in New Orleans.4

The Citizens' Democratic Association made specific allegations as to the municipal mismanagement and inefficiency to be expected if the "machine" candidates were elected. "Unless a determined stand is taken at the forthcoming election," read an appeal to the public issued by the party managers on April 18, "we shall have fastened upon us an administration which from its very weakness and incapacity will more than neutralize the most strenuous efforts of merchants and people for the advancement of New Orleans. The democratic ticket, so called, lately promulgated for your suffrages, shows so clearly the dominance of bossism, such a disregard for merit and integrity as to the nominees, and such sacrifice of every consideration of the public weal to the advancement of the political fortunates of a few leaders, that no reform, no good results, can be expected from it, if placed in power. [. . .] The p448simple fact is, that under ring rule our city government has been a failure. Murder runs riot in our midst, and the hand of justice is paralyzed by influence and corruption. Our streets are a mass of reeking filth, and our public school system, which in former years was pointed to with pride as the best in any city in the Union, retains but a shadow of its former excellence. [. . .] These are not political questions. The matter of reform is neither one of democracy nor of republicanism. It involves exclusively business questions — ? economical and faithful administration of our financial affairs, as in any business corporation, and vigorous enforcement of the laws for the protection of life and property without fear or favor."5

There can be no doubt that this sharp indictment of the existing state of affairs in the city was justified. But how far was the blame due to the so-called "ring" members of the administration, and just how much of it was attributable to Mayor Behan? There was here an opening for an effective reply to the citizens' party address. The democratic-conservative organization — ? as the regulars continued to call themselves — ? was not slow to seize upon this opportunity. The following day, over the signature of the president of the committee, appeared a statement in which the foregoing charges were categorically denied. "The small coterie, self-constituted and unrepresentative, which gave birth to the 'citizens' democratic parochial and municipal ticket,' " it began, "has thought it meet and proper to inaugurate a campaign of vituperation and abuse and unpardonable slander. We traverse their bill of indictment, and demand that proofs be furnished upon which they have presumed to arraign candidates of a great political party. The regular ticket was not made in secret conclave, behind doors closed against even the representatives of the press, nor a list of candidates selected to further the individual interests and voice the particular preferences of a self-appointed committee." The statement went on to invite the public to examine the list of members of the convention which had nominated the regular ticket and determine whether the men therein were not representative of every class. "No name," it continued, "is connected with public peculation or tainted with dishonor." The ticket represented no "entrenched monopolies," nor did it lean to the republican party. Why, asked the writer, why say that the administration has been a failure? "If failure to pay public debts for honest bills was meant, then such failure is freely admitted, but responsibility therefor is disclaimed. Give the credit or the shame to General Behan. He had the appointment and control of the police force, and upon him must rest the responsibility; if the streets reeked, whose duty was it to see that they were cleaned? When did the mayor complain of the negligence or incapacity of the commissioner of police and public buildings? What can be said in vituperation against the present municipal administration which, if deserved at all, will not bear with crushing weight against the very gentleman whose great tact and readiness as a parliamentarian so fit him to preside over the deliberations of the common council, and whose rare intelligence, education and accomplishments make him so worthy an executive for the great commercial metropolis of the South, that out of a whole city full of the great, pure and disinterested the parish democracy could p449find no more appropriate candidate to place at the head of their ticket?"6

The election took place on April 22. On the previous day the democratic-conservative parish committee published a set of instructions ostensibly for the guidance of their commissioners on duty at the polls. This document stated that "information had been received" that "the citizens' parish democracy would strive to cause tumult at the polls and attempt by the exercise of force on the part of inspectors and special police officers to overawe the officers charged with the conduct of the election." The real purport of this document was not clear till the day of election was well advanced. According to the Times-Democrat — ? which supported Guillotte — ? the day passed "quietly." Guillotte received 18,278 votes, and Behan 6,512.7 By afternoon the citizens' democracy was alleging wholesale frauds. On the morning of the election between 800 and 1,000 specially appointed deputy sheriffs were sent to the polling places. They took possession of the booths and in many cases ejected the commissioners of the Behan party. In one instance at least, in the Tenth Ward, an ejected commissioner appealed to the police, and a detail was sent to procure his readmission to his place of duty, but without success. In the Second Ward a commissioner was ejected, appealed to the police, but had to wait so long for the arrival of the officers that he left in disgust before anything was done on his behalf. Only two of the Behan candidates for the council, Sliger and Farrell, by their courageous insistence upon proper behavior at the polls in the precincts in which they were running, succeeded in obtaining a victory. In the Ninth Ward the regular democratic henchmen undertook to tally the votes as cast, and were detected in the act of reading off the names incorrectly, substituting their own candidates where the parish democracy's nominees had actually been voted for.

At 6 P.M. the polls were closed. The task of counting the votes then began. Earlier in the day the leaders of the citizens' democracy had published their fear that at this juncture an attempt would be made to drive away their watchers for an interval sufficiently long to enable the boxes to be stuffed with fraudulent ballots. This was actually done in several precincts. When the returns began to come in, it was found in several instances that they bore obvious evidence of having been tampered with. The names of voters were supposed to be reported in the order in which they had voted; the reports were in alphabetical order. In one case the alphabets were repeated time after time. In another case the list was arranged alphabetically in pairs, as though the voters had presented themselves so at the precincts. In still another place the name of one individual was written down as voting twice. In several lists appeared the names of persons known to be absent from the city, and some known to be dead. It was evident that these lists had been mechanically copied from the registration office books and did not in any way represent what had actually transpired during the day at the polling places.8

Mayor J. Valsin Guillotte

The evidences of fraud were so glaring that Behan, ignoring his own candidacy, and acting as chief magistrate of the city, felt obliged to issue a statement to the citizens. In it he said that, although the parish democracy p450had been denied by the supervisors of election a full set of election officials, as authorized by law, it had been hoped that the election would be conducted with at least a pretense of fairness. The exclusion of the officials from the polls was "equivalent to a declaration of a determination to suppress a fair vote and a fair count, and so obstruct the detection of fraud in the balloting." The deputy sheriffs who had been so active in expelling the parish democratic agents were "by no law clothed with any authority to interfere." Their conduct was "such as early in the day to indicate that a real election by the people was altogether hopeless, and resulted only in a partial vote being cast." In closing Behan characterized the whole proceeding as an "enormity" and a disgrace to the city.

The Picayune said editorially on the next day: "The election was a mockery. The popular will was nullified, the popular voice was stifled and free citizens were robbed of their dearest rights. [. . .] The people cast the ballots but the ring counted them." The editor closed with the following words addressed to the people of the city: "You must act as becomes men. Whatever is done, let the people call at once a mass meeting and deliberate on the proper course in the face of so formidable an evil. Then let the people rise in their might, and show p451that it is a crime most grave to defraud them of their liberty and dearest hopes."9 In fact, it was at first the intention of the Behan partisans to resort to arms, but calmer counsels soon prevailed, and a few days later we find the same paper urging that the matter be taken into the courts. Behan addressed a letter to Guillotte protesting against his assumption of office, and a short time after the new administration had been installed at the city hall, renewed his protest in a lengthy communication, in which all the various illegalities of the election were described. Guillotte treated these protests with indifference, replying only that Mayor Behan could find a remedy, if he had one, in the courts of justice. But, inasmuch as any litigation, if initiated, might easily be protracted over the whole of Guillotte's term and therefore even if ultimately decided in Behan's favor, such victory would be barren, the retiring mayor's legal counsellors advised him not to push the matter further; and in fact Guillotte was left in undisturbed possession of the position.10

Guillotte was New Orleans' thirty-eighth, or twenty-second elected, mayor. He was born in Jefferson Parish, June 29, 1850. When he was five years old the family removed to New Orleans. They settled in the Ninth Ward. With that section of the city Guillotte was identified thereafter down to his death, in July, 1917. He began life as a clerk, and seems to have received a good training along that line. His remarkable skill as a penman is always spoken of by those who remember him at this time. He first came into prominence in connection with the White League. He commanded one of the companies which took part in the battle of September 14, 1874. His services on that occasion were never afterwards forgotten. They were awarded first with the post of minute clerk in the Civil District Court, under Judge Rightor. He was then made clerk of the Sixth District Court. He was elected administrator of police and public buildings under Shakespeare. During the Behan administration he was, as we have seen, city comptroller. His popularity with certain classes of the population of the city was great and lasting. After completing his term as mayor he was admitted to the bar by examination before the State Supreme Court and practiced law for several years. He was elected a member of the State Senate during the Foster and the Sanders administrations. He was appointed United States marshal, but resigned this position to become assistant secretary of the police department, in which capacity he was serving when he died.11

The four years from 1884 to 1889 saw a general decline in the efficiency of the city government. The responsibility for this condition can probably be attributed to no one person — ? to the mayor not more than to others, since under the charter the powers of the city's chief magistrate were limited. It was the result of the "system" which now dominated all departments of the administration. Under the inspiration of the ward leaders, the heads of the various bureaus selected practically all the city appointees. These did their work carelessly, when they did it at all. As a result the streets were badly lighted; the scavengering was so inefficient as to endanger public health;12 the liquor business p452flourished as never before.b Except in the case of a few of the most important thoroughfares, paving was neglected. The police department was permeated by political influences. The man placed at the head of the force proved unsuited to that responsible position. He was easily influenced, incapable of maintaining discipline among the men, and seems to have possessed no clear conception of the nature of his duties. For example, he did not hesitate to set free on parole prisoners committed in the recorders' courts for trial on serious charges in the higher courts.13 He was several times suspended and was finally superseded in a reorganization of the force, in February, 1886. The chief of detectives became involved in a series of disgraceful affairs, and was finally convicted of forging a marriage certificate and contracting a fraudulent marriage. The rank and file of the force numbered scarcely 200 men, of whom fully one-eighth were "specials," who performed no work and in many cases did not even wear the uniform but drew salaries from the city aggregating $20,000 annually. "What sort of administration," exclaimed the Picayune, indignantly, "are we to expect from such wastage of the limited resources available for this important department of the city government?"14

A series of remarkable murders shocked the community, not only on account of their atrocity, but because the men involved were conspicuous in local political affairs. Of these the most sensational was the Murphy murder. The degree to which political influence had intruded upon the administration of justice was shown at the trial of the persons implicated in this crime, by the almost open efforts which were made to bribe or intimidate the jury. The murder was plotted by a group of three or four men, among them Recorder Ford of the lower city court. Ford had been settled on by the "organization" as its next candidate for mayor of the city. Murphy, the victim, held a small post in the Department of Public Works. Ford was convicted, largely through the efforts of Lionel Adams, who had recently been appointed district attorney, and who in the discharge of his duty found himself compelled to use his extraordinary talents against a man who had formerly been a friend. The execution of the sentence in Ford's case, as in those of his accomplices, was delayed for months by the activity of their political friends, who labored assiduously to obtain pardons or at least reprieves. A petition was even circulated calling upon the governor to reprieve the condemned men indefinitely, with the express intention of frustrating the purpose of the courts. The better element in the community, though scandalized at the effrontery of this behavior, was powerless to interfere.15 When the guilty men were hanged it was in a comatose condition, poison having been brought to them in the jail, which they swallowed on the morning of the execution. Ford was practically dead when brought to the scaffold.

The system originated by Mayor Shakespeare for dealing with the gambling evil was virtually abandoned. The gambling houses continued to pay tribute to the city, but they did not get the sort of "protection" to which they deemed themselves entitled, and to which they had been accustomed during the two preceding administrations. The money, instead p453of being used for the maintenance of the Shakespeare Almshouse, was diverted to other purposes, chiefly political. Out of over $20,000 collected in 1885 only $4,875 ever reached the institution for which it was originally intended. The remainder was expended in paying for the funeral of a councilman who had died in office; for "courtesies" shown visitors to the exposition then being held in New Orleans; for sending a delegation to St. Louis; for cabs used by the police during a strike; for telegrams; for fees for lawyers employed to defend accused policemen, etc. Even the citizens who opposed gambling and doubted the wisdom of Shakespeare's course when the agreement with the gamblers was first reached, were convinced that his plan was preferable to the modification of it now in vogue. An effort was made to revive the Shakespeare plan by taking the matter into the courts, but it failed when the district attorney ruled that, gambling being illegal, no agreement with the gamblers to sanction the practice could be supported by the authorities.16

The matter of the gamblers' fund was finally ventilated in the press. Then the grand jury took it up. An investigation failed to reveal any criminal intent on the part of those responsible for the administration of the money. The grand jury was, apparently, hopeless as to the eradication of gambling from the city, and shared the impression very general throughout the community that all that could be hoped for was some sort of supervision and regulation of its practice. It therefore recommended a system of inspection and fees which virtually identified the business with the city government. The "keno" games were to pay $200 per month; all other games $100 per month. There were to be special agents representing the Almshouse Board who would see that the payments were promptly made. The mayor and the police were jointly to see that all gambling establishments which did not punctually pay their "contributions" were suppressed.17 Fortunately, nothing was done to make effective the extraordinary arrangement proposed in this unique document. A later grand jury, in March, 1887, took stronger grounds. "The money," it said, had been used "as a sort of contingent or secret service fund." Believing that the authorities had no authority to aid and abet gambling, the jury brought in indictments against a number of persons engaged in the business. It failed to take similar action regarding certain city officials only because, as its report said, its legal advisers had informed it that gambling was a misdemeanor, and an official could not be indicted for compounding a misdemeanor. The indictment of the gamblers was followed by the abandonment of the "Shakespeare plan." The gamblers, obviously, would not pay if they were to be prosecuted. The last payments were made in February, 1887.

The friends of the administration, however, did not suffer it to be attacked in silence. They pointed out that many of the actions now criticized followed precedents in previous administrations which had not aroused any condemnation. The gamblers' fund had not always been rigorously applied to the support of the Almshouse. For example, when the Boston lancers visited New Orleans, some years before, money had been taken from the fund to meet the expenses which arose in connection therewith. The same had occurred in the case of the visit of President Barrios of Guatemala and of the Mexican minister, Señor González. p454At a time when the rear section of the city had been menaced with overflow, $8,000 had been diverted from this fund to pay for coal for the drainage machines. It was asked with considerable pertinence why such uses of the fund had been pardonable on previous occasions, but censurable at the present moment? A further excuse why the fund had recently been applied to uses not connected with the Almshouse was found in the fact that the city council had made an appropriation for the support of that institution, and that this institution, to the amount of the appropriation, at least, did not need the income from the gamblers' fund. Objection had been made to the manner in which the records connected with the expenditure of the fund had been kept; but it appeared that there had never been any very stringent rules on this subject.18 It is perhaps unnecessary to comment upon these arguments here. As a matter of fact, the whole question was finally allowed to drop. The cases against the gamblers were tried, and some were properly fined, but under the circumstances the best way out of an awkward situation was to ignore it, and this was ultimately followed. The story of the Shakespeare plan, however, constitutes one of the most curious chapters in the municipal history of New Orleans.

In view of the prevailing conditions it could not be expected that the finances of the city could prosper. The bonded debt was slowly being brought into manageable shape through the patriotic exertions of the Board of Liquidation. But the floating debts showed rapid and disquieting increases. Although the assessed value of the city grew yearly, until in 1888 it was $119,361,801, the tax rate did not fall below 2.02 percent . The city's income was injudiciously expended, and the deficit grew from $88,397.52 at the end of 1884 to $134,452.13 in 1885; $192,150.23 in 1886, and $352,171.95 at the close of 1887. Nevertheless, certain classes of city employes went, in many instances, unpaid. Contractors selling materials to the city were unable to get the money due them. The city was actually able to pay its way only about eight months in the year. The rest of the time accounts were met in notes and certificates, which were vended about the streets at ruinous discounts. The Budget Committee made its estimates at the beginning of each fiscal year; the budget of expenditures was balanced by a budget of anticipated revenues by the simple expedient of swelling each item of possible income until the totals corresponded. The result was, naturally, a very wide difference between the anticipated revenue and that actually collected.19

As early as December, 1885, a grand jury, reporting on the state of the city, felt compelled to use very severe language. It found the city's affairs "in bad shape." The city government was "fearfully dominated by ring rule." The city police was "a wretched affair, inefficient, insufficient, effete." "With hoodlumism rampant through the city by day and burglars plying their avocation throughout the night, the city is in a deplorable condition, and every citizen's house is liable to be entered at any hour of the day or night, his family insulted, and his house robbed, unless there is a male protector on the premises ready and armed for resistance." There does not seem to have been much improvement in these conditions till the end of 1888. There were, however, some constructive measures adopted during these years, when the city government p455seems to have declined to its lowest point of efficiency. It was at this time that the first steps were taken to improve the Upper City Park, now known as Audubon Park. It was placed under the control of a board, with J. Ward Gurley as president, which set to work earnestly and intelligently, with very scanty means, to beautify the place. In 1884 Royal Street was lighted permanently by electricity — ? the first street in the city to enjoy that advantage, and the experiment proved so satisfactory that in January, 1886, the lighting of the streets in the center of New Orleans generally was changed from gas to the new illuminant. In 1884 St. Charles Avenue was paved with asphalt as far as Louisiana Avenue.

Towards the close of this period the city council failed to meet for weeks at a time through the absence of a quorum. The mayor was frequently absent from the hall, hunting or fishing — ? sports of which he was inordinately fond. During this vacations D. N. Kilpatrick, president pro tempore of the council, acted as mayor. The general decline in the efficiency of the government did much to create a prejudice against the aldermanic system. Out of this grew up a sentiment favorable to the commission form of government, which ultimately led to radical changes in the municipal charter.20

The dissatisfaction with the administration took shape as early as May, 1885, in the organization of a "Citizens' Committee of One Hundred." The constitution of this organization, published in the New Orleans newspapers on the 25th, was signed by many of the most prominent persons in the community. It is prefaced by a statement of the existent abuses in the municipal government, which, according to the committee, "requires a thorough reform." It was pointed out that public office should be "administered in the interests of the whole people, and not in the interests of those alone who entertain or pretend to entertain any particular political position. The incumbents of office should at least be law-abiding citizens known for a sober, upright and trustworthy life. [. . .] No office should be conferred as a reward for party service." With regard to the administration of justice the document said: "Its abuses in the past have not only astonished and shocked our people, but have excited the criticisms of the whole country." Referring to the public schools, the committee touched upon a time-honored abuse when it suggested that "appointments should be made solely for merit." The need for a better public spirit was stressed: "It has been a reproach to our city that it has been too much divided into classes." The objects which the committee had in view were "to procure the purity of the ballot, secure the prosecution of those who have attempted to misuse it, secure the nomination and election of proper citizens as officers, oppose objectionable candidates and support the good; advocate and promote public service based on merit; a non-partisan administration of the public schools, and work for a fair assessment." A. H. Brown was made president of the association, S. H. Trufant secretary, and among its leading members were A. Brittin, E. A. White and E. H. Farrar.

This committee made several efforts to better the municipal situation, but was thwarted everywhere by the power of the "machine" which it p456attacked. Its first efforts were to prevent the appropriation by the council of $5,000 to pay the expenses of a large delegation to Philadelphia to bring back to the exposition the Liberty Bell, which "was a mere junketing trip." In January, 1886, it attacked the legality of a contract which the city proposed to make with the Waterworks Company. This corporation had a contract with the city whereby the municipal buildings were supplied with water free of charge in consideration of the exemption of the company from taxation. This arrangement it was proposed to change and require the city to pay for its water and the company to pay taxes. It was estimated that the taxes would amount to $11,000 annually and the city water bill to $68,000. The matter was brought to trial, and a decision handed down on January 18 in favor of the city. On April 9 the committee filed a suit to enjoin the city from entering into a contract with private parties by which they were empowered to collect the taxes on a percentage basis. It was alleged that the contractor would make not less than $25,000 on the basis of the arrangement, whereas the city possessed already officials to whom it paid salaries who were charged with the performance of this service. One of the local papers referred to the proposed contract as "ill-advised and scandalous,"21 but that did not deter its promoters from attempting to carry it out. A similar attempt was made to prevent the city from turning over the collection of delinquent taxes to private parties. A suit was also brought to prevent the city from leasing to private parties the police telephone and signal service. The failure of the committee to secure from the courts the injunctions which it sued for, and the realization that it could not effect anything worth while, caused it ultimately to fall into dissuetude.

The place of the Committee of One Hundred was taken by the Law and Order League, organized in November, 1886. The membership of this new association was recruited from all parties and all classes. The preamble to its constitution announced the same purposes and objects as those which the Committee of One Hundred had proposed to itself. But like its predecessor the Law and Order League found its efforts balked at every turn. Neither was able to accomplish much. But the importance of these two movements should not be estimated merely by what they were able, or not able, to accomplish. Aside from the fact that they showed the persistence in the city, in the midst of the general political corruption and incompetence, of a healthy moral feeling and of resolute courage and the determination to procure reform, they are significant, for out of these organizations arose a third, the Young Men's Democratic Association, which was destined to have a very great effect in bringing about a betterment of the exceedingly grave situation in which New Orleans found itself in 1888.

The Author’s Notes

1 Campbell, "Manual of the City of New Orleans," 34.

2 Statements to the author of W. J. Behan, Otto Thoman and C. L. Walker.

3 This accusation was contained in an editorial in the Times Democrat, April 18, 1884. This paper was edited by Burke. Pinchback,has '+BadF+'Pinchbeck'+CloseF+'',WIDTH,160)" onMouseOut="nd();"> in a letter published on April 20, denied the charge. The report was based upon an account of an affray which had occurred a few days before in the Fourth Ward. Pinchback stated that the negroes involved were not partisans of the Parish Democracy, but of the "regular" organization.

4 April 19, 1884.

5 Picayune, April 18, 1884. Signed by John Phelps and thirty other prominent citizens.

6 Picayune, April 18, 1884.

7 Campbell, Manual, 35.

8 Picayune, April 23, May 2, 1884.

9 April 23, 1884.

10 Statement of General Behan to author.

11 Times-Picayune, July 25, 1917.

12 Picayune, July 18, 1885.

13 Picayune, January 15, August 11, 1885.

14 April 13, 1886.

15 Picayune, February 14, 1885; May 20, 1886.

16 Picayune, January 28, 1886.

17 Picayune, January 25, 1886.

18 Picayune, June 21, 1887.

19 Statement of A. Brittin to author.

20 Statement of H. J. Seiferth to author. Mr. Seiferth was on the staff of the Picayune all through this eventful period, and reported the proceedings of the city government for his paper during the Guillotte administration.

21 Picayune, April 14, 1886.

p457 Chapter XXIX

The World's Cotton Centennial Exposition

During Mayor Guillotte's administration plans for a great exposition in New Orleans, which began to take form towards the close of Mayor Behan's term, were realized. The exposition, which, in every respect but the financial one, was a success, had important implications for New Orleans. It advertised to the world the fact that the city was now over the troubles which for nearly a quarter of a century had given it a sinister reputation. It had, moreover, the effect of drawing the attention of the people of New Orleans to the upper portion of the city as a desirable place of residence. Immediately after the exposition a movement began to build up this vast area, with the result that New Orleans gained very largely in population and in attractiveness.

The story of the World's Exposition and Cotton Centennial dates back to the year 1880, when a letter written by Edward Atkinson, the political economist, appeared in the New York Herald, urging the celebration of the centennial of the cotton industry in the United States by an exhibition in New York City. The year 1784 saw the first appearance of cotton in international trade, when a shipment of six bags of cotton, amounting to about one bale, was made from Charleston, S. C., to a foreign port.

The project sketched by Atkinson was taken up by Georgia, and a Cotton Exhibition was held at Atlanta in 1881, followed by a larger one at Louisville, in 1883. The cotton planters of the extreme South felt, however, that New Orleans was the logical place in which to hold an exhibition intended to feature the culture and manufacture of cotton and the machinery used in its treatment. In addition, E. A. Burke, editor of the New Orleans Times-Democrat and treasurer of the State of Louisiana, strongly advocated the project, not only of holding an exhibition of cotton, but one in which the Southern States and their foreign neighbors should play the most important part, the other states of the Union and the nations of the earth in general being also invited. Burke had already devoted much labor to stimulate the industrial and commercial life of the Gulf States and to foster trade relations with the tropical regions of America, and had dispatched correspondents to Mexico and Central American republics and had fitted out an expedition which explored Southern Florida.

As a result of the agitation stirred up by Atkinson's letter of August, 1880, therefore, an Act of Congress was passed February 10, 1883, which placed the Government in the attitude of forming a partnership with the National Cotton Planters' Association to create the exposition. The World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition was thus sanctioned and encouraged by the National Government. Commissioners and alternate commissioners for the several states in the union and foreign representatives as well were to be appointed by the President. A governing body of thirteen directors was provided, six of whom were named by the President on the recommendation of the association and seven by him on that of a majority of the subscribers in the city in which it might be located. This matter of location was left to the board. p458It was first proposed to award it to the city which should make the highest bid toward the expenses of the project; it was later decided to give it to the city which should subscribe the sum of $500,000. There was no competition for the honor. A half million dollars was a large sum in those days, and in addition, public opinion had already selected New Orleans as the most appropriate place for an exhibition of the kind. This city was not only the natural outlet for Southern trade, but it was also the national gateway for commerce some day to arise between the United States and South America. New Orleans having met the provision that the exposition city should guarantee the necessary financial support, the Exhibition Company was organized under Act of Congress.

The next step was to raise the requisite funds. F. C. Morehead, commissioner general; Maj. E. A. Burke and W. B. Schmidt, a public-spirited New Orleans merchant, were appointed a committee to solicit subscriptions. The Times-Democrat was the first to subscribe — ? pledging itself for $5,000. The people of New Orleans, the railroads, the banks, the Cotton Exchange and other corporations, all subscribed until the sum of $225,000 was obtained. Only one subscription came from the North, that of Potter Palmer, for the sum of $1,000. The City of New Orleans pledged itself for $100,000 to be expended in the erection of the Horticultural Hall, which was to be a permanent structure and become the property of the city after the close of the exposition.

The amount of $325,000 was all that seemed obtainable at this stage. The directors offered Burke the management, with the title of director-general, and a salary of $25,000 a year. Burke refused, feeling that the duties of his position as editor of the Times-Democrat precluded the possibility of carrying other responsibilities. The directors returned, saying that no one else in the South was competent and that they would have to go North and engage an exhibition expert if Burke did not undertake this work. He finally accepted the responsibility, but accepted a salary of only $10,000 a year, which should be invested in exhibition stock, this stock to be presented later to the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Louisiana.

Burke, once in command, proceeded to expand the idea of a merely local or even national exhibition into one which should embrace the entire world. With less than the requisite amount in sight, he began the erection of a building to cost $325,000. His plans met with much opposition; nevertheless have forged resolutely ahead. Morehead was appointed to travel and interest state governments, manufacturing firms and foreign countries. Burke went to Washington in May, 1884, and succeeded in having a bill in Congress passed loaning $1,000,000, to be paid from the receipts of the exposition, if there were any surplus over expenses. The sum of $100,000 was also granted to the exposition fund by the Louisiana Legislature, for Congress had tied up its loan by a restrictive clause making the fund available only when $500,000 had been raised from other sources. Finally by August, 1884, a total of one million and a half was in sight. Of this amount $5,000 was to be given to each state and territory to be expended under the direction of its governor by a commission nominated by him and appointed by the President of the United States. These State exhibits thus came to be the strongest feature of the entire exhibition. In this respect, the New Orleans Exposition surpassed the Philadelphia Centennial, although the latter had cost five millions. The space allotted in advance for these state exhibits was soon found p459to be inadequate for the elaborate displays which resulted from the impetus given to this feature by the five thousand dollar appropriation, and it became necessary to erect a second building as large as the first.

The officers appointed to prepare the buildings and collect exhibits were: E. A. Burke, director-general and chief executive officer; F. C. Morehead, commissioner general; G. M. Torgerson, supervisor and architect; F. N. Ogden, chief superintendent; S. H. Gilman, consulting engineer; Parker Earle, chief of the department of horticulture; George B. Loring, chief of the department of agriculture; B. K. Bruce, chief of the department of the exhibit of the negroes in the United States; Samuel Mullen, chief of the department of installation; Charles L. Fitch, chief of the department of transportation; B. T. Walshe, chief of the department of information and accommodation; Thomas Donaldson, chief of the department of ores, minerals and woods; John Eaton, chief of the department of education; William H. H. Judson, chief of the department of printing and publishing; C. W. Dabney, Jr., chief of the department of government, and Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, chief of the department of women's work. Edmund Richardson of Mississippi, the largest cotton planter in the United States and the world (except the Khedive of Egypt), was made president. The Board of Managers aroused public interest by appointing a commission to visit the various parts of the United States and several foreign countries. Representatives from all parts of the world were sent to New Orleans as a result of this commission's work.

The Act of Congress provided that the exposition be held in 1884; consequently, although most of the exhibits were in a very incomplete state, the opening was set for December 16. On this date the streets of New Orleans were decorated gaily. A military parade preceded the start of the official party for the exposition grounds and an escort of several military companies attended this party, which included the governor of Louisiana, the mayor of New Orleans, a number of representatives from other states and countries, members of the United States Cabinet and officials of the exposition. The opening ceremonies took place in the Music Hall, in the center of the Main Building, an auditorium capable of seating 11,000 persons and affording stage accommodation for 600 musicians. The opening prayer was offered by Rev. T. DeWitt Talmage of Brooklyn, one of the most noted divines of the day; the opening address was made by Director-General Burke, who turned over the buildings to the Board of Managers; the response, by Edmund Richardson, president of the Board of Managers; a telegraphic communication to the President of the United States was read, informing him of the readiness of the exposition; the President's telegraphic reply followed, declaring the exposition formally opened, and the engines in the machinery section were then started by an electric key, touched by the President at the White House in Washington. A congratulatory address by the mayor of New Orleans and the governor of Louisiana then followed; a poem by Mary Ashley Townsend, a gifted New Orleans writer, was read, followed by music by the Mexican Band and Currier's Band of Cincinnati. Dispatches of congratulation were received from various quarters. The President, though unable to be present and formally open the exposition, was nevertheless in personal communication with New Orleans by special arrangement. Electric communication was effected between the East Room of the White House and the Main Building p460of the exposition, and, as has been said, at the appointed hour the signal was sounded there in the presence of a gathering which included a distinguished company, in addition to the President and commissioners of both houses of Congress. Each step in the proceedings at New Orleans was announced by telegraph, and the address of the president of the Board of Managers was transmitted word for word. Mr. Arthur then read his response before the company, and it was immediately transmitted to New Orleans. He next touched the electric key, as already mentioned, and thus gave the signal for starting the machinery in the Main Building.

The site chosen for the exposition was an unimproved tract of land — 245 acres in extent, about four and a half miles from Canal Street, the principal shopping street of New Orleans. This tract lay along the river front and was part of a larger area occupied formerly by the United States for military purposes. It had been acquired by the city to be used as a park, but up to this time it had remained undeveloped. Magnificent avenues of live oak trees, probably a century old — ? relics of one or more large plantations of an earlier period — ? trees standing like hoary sentinels draped with gray Spanish moss — ? were its only adornment. There was much to be done in the way of transforming this vast, undeveloped expanse of land into grounds suitable for a world's exposition. In due time, however, grass plots were laid out, trees of a more rapid growth and shrubs were planted and tropical and semi-tropical plants were set out, while fountains, bridges and electric lights lent the aid of art to the natural beauties already described. To the south of the main building a garden of semi-tropical plants included groves of orange, banana, lemon, mesquite, maguey and the flora of Louisiana, Florida, California, Mexico and Central Mexico. In front of the Mexican Building was a separate garden of plants characteristic of Mexico, including various forms of cactus, with a fountain in the center. The water power for the exposition grounds and buildings was furnished from the river by means of two compound duplex Worthington pumps, with a capacity of — 4,000,000 gallons per diem. — Five miles of pipe were laid to distribute it. — One thousand feet of pipe passed through the Main Building alone, where fifty-six fire hydrants were located. The pressure was supplied from a stand and 107 cm in diameter',WIDTH,130)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 100 feet high and 42 inches in diameter.

Above this stand pipe a huge electric light of 100,000 candlepower rose, sending its rays to a great distance. Five other tall lights, placed on towers — 125 feet high and giving out 36,000 candlepower were also provided for the illumination of the grounds by night. Fifty additional Jenny arc lights were placed at various points.

The principal buildings were the Main Building, the Government Building, the Horticultural Hall and the Art Building. The Mexican Building, erected by the Mexican Government as headquarters for its detachment of cavalry and infantry, as also for members of the Mexican Band and the representatives of the Mexican Government, was also an object of interest, as well as the separate octagon building erected near the Main Building, used for the display of Mexican minerals. A number of minor structures for restaurants and public accommodation and for special private exhibitions were distributed at intervals between the larger buildings.

The Main Building was situated near the center of the enclosure, its front facing the east and its southern end towards the river. Its area, p461? thirty-three acres, was the largest till this time ever covered by any exhibition structure. It was a wooden building and 276 meters wide',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 1,378 feet long and 905 feet wide, erected in a series of trussed sections divided by rows of tall pillars, covered by a continuous roof, consisting mainly of glass. The Music Hall was placed in the center, a huge space being reserved as auditorium, with seats for 11,000 persons and a stage for 600 musicians, backed by a gigantic organ specially constructed for this exposition. This Music Hall was separated from the surrounding space by rows of pillars, surmounted by open Gothic arches, thus affording an undisturbed view over the whole interior, which was surrounded by spacious galleries — 23 feet high, reached by elevators and stairways.

The exterior was exceedingly simple, its long lines being broken by numberless windows and square towers surmounting the entrances at the middle and at the two ends of the main front. In the center of the east front a high bell tower rose over the main entrance, provided with a set of chimes. From the top of this tower a splendid view of the country around could be obtained. An allegorical group in bronze was placed above this entrance, representing scenes in the aboriginal and modern life of the country, while in the niches on either side were placed statues, one of Columbus, the other of Washington.

Central Building, Cotton Centennial Exposition, New Orleans, 1884

About one-third of the width of this building was occupied by machinery. At the southern end exhibitions of mills and factories and actual operation were accommodated in an extension and 174 meters long',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 120 feet wide and 570 feet long. A long building, devoted to saw mills, stretched at right angles to this extension, as far as the river front.

The spaces in the Main Building, while not marked off by partitions, were broken by aisles of an aggregate length of — six miles, laid off in rectangles, with letters and numbers on pillars designating the several limits. The main front on the east side was occupied by offices connected with the management and administration of the exposition. The first longitudinal aisle separating these from the rest of the interior was — 20 feet wide, and extended the entire length of the building. Here were displayed raw and manufactured products, ores, minerals and woods. A space twice as wide, inside of this exhibit, and parallel to it, was devoted to textile fabrics, clothing, etc. Another space, equally wide, was set apart for the exhibits of alimentary products, while next to this, in a space — 24 feet wide, were shown educational and literary exhibits.

Across the southern end of the building, extending as far as the machinery section, were displayed the general exhibits of merchandise and p462products of industry and skill, while the same space at the northern end was filled with agricultural machinery and implements, from the elementary tools required to break the soil to the most complicated instruments used in the final preparation of its products for use.

The central area on both sides of the Music Hall was used for foreign displays contributed by the following countries: Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, U. S. Colombia,comma missing?)',WIDTH,100)" onMouseOut="nd();"> Venezuela, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, San Salvador, Jamaica, Belize, Brazil, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Great Britain, France, Portugal, Spain, Italy, Austria, Hungary, Russia, Belgium, Germany, Japan, Siam, China, Turkey and Asia Minor. Of the foreign exhibits that sent by Mexico was the largest covering an area of 2',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 16,000 square feet. Central America made a more complete display than ever before at a world's fair, but the exhibits from the West Indies and South America, with the exception of Jamaica, Brazil and Venezuela, were not extensive.

In the galleries on the east front and across the ends of the building were shown special exhibits of manufacturers, etc.

The machinery section covered a space of — 300 feet in width in the Main Building and with the extension occupied in all an area of 2',WIDTH,70)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 471,800 square feet. A broad railway separated the boiler house and the repair shop from the Main Building. Twenty batteries of boilers supplied the steam, which was transmitted through double riveted steel piping, and 9.1 meters across',WIDTH,130)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 700 feet long and 30 feet across. Across the middle of the machinery section was situated the main engine room, by 15 meters wide',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 300 feet long by 50 feet wide. The aggregate power was supplied by boilers of 5,200 horsepower and by twenty-four separate engines of 4,500 horsepower. — Ten thousand feet of shafting were included in this exhibit, while forty dynamos of the Edison, Brush and the Louisiana Electric Company were displayed and operated. Practically every phase of manufacturing and mining and the application of mechanical power to the development of modern industry was shown in this exhibit.

In the Factories and Mills Extension the treatment of the main products of the South, cotton, sugar cane and rice, were shown. The process of sugar making was exhibited with remarkable fidelity and attention to detail. Forty saw mills were also operated in these Factories and Mills Extension.

To the northwest of the Main Building a space set apart for the live stock extended — 2,080 feet in one direction by 780 feet in the other. Four buildings were erected to accommodate the horses and two for the cattle. Half-mile tracks and open areas were laid out for the proper display of the stock. A total of $125,000 was offered in prizes for the best display in this department.

The second building in size was the Government Building. This was designed for exhibits of the United States Government and the several states and was similar in general style and mode of construction to the Main Building, covering, however, very much less space, its dimensions being and 172 meters wide',WIDTH,130)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 885 feet long and 565 feet wide. It was placed to the north of the Main Building, its west side, in which was the main entrance, lying nearly in line with the eastern side of the former. Its exterior walls were — 43 feet high, with square towers rising here and there, the most imposing of which surmounted the middle and ends of the sides. As in the larger building, the huge interior space was unbroken by partitions and was surrounded by a continuous gallery — 40 feet wide.

p463 The Horticultural Hall was the building third in size. This was constructed of iron and glass, as it was intended as a permanent structure to remain after the close of the exposition. It was and . . . 31 meters wide',WIDTH,140)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 600 feet long and in the main section 100 feet wide, but a central transept was extended to the width of — 194 feet, with a glass-roofed tower — 90 feet high rising at the intersection above a large fountain.

The Art Building was situated nearly in front of the Main Building, and, like it, was constructed of iron and glass, the light coming altogether from the roof. This was and 31 meters wide',WIDTH,130)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 250 feet long and 100 feet wide. A massive Doric portico adorned the front, while the rotunda, — 50 feet across, designed for the statuary display, occupied the center of the structure, with four galleries — 100 feet long and 50 feet wide opening out from it.

In the Government Building a broad section across the entire width of the building was occupied by the display of the United States Government. An appropriation of $300,000 was made by Congress for this purpose. The east end of this section was occupied by the offices of the administration, and the exhibits were arranged thence across the building in this fashion: The Department of the Interior, an area of 2',WIDTH,60)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 22,670 square feet; the Smithsonian Institute, an area of 2',WIDTH,60)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 19,965 square feet; the Agricultural Department, an area of 2',WIDTH,60)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 10,780 square feet; the War Department, 2',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 7,014 square feet; the Naval Department, 2',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 6,815 square feet; the Treasury Department, 2',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 2,030 square feet; the Department of Justice, 2',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 968 square feet; the Postoffice Department, 2',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 5,876 square feet; the State Department, 2',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 3,300 square feet.

In the hothouse of the Horticultural Hall, a space — 250 by 25 feet, in the southeastern corner of that building, a profusion of tropical plants were grown. Premiums amounting to $32,000 were offered for the finest displays and specimens of fruits and plants.

The agricultural exhibit was under the direction of Dr. George B. Loring, United States commissioner of agriculture, and under the immediate supervision of Hon. George Y. Johnson of Kansas. In this exhibit were included several divisions in which premiums were offered, such as fat stock, horses, mules and donkeys; dogs, poultry and pet stock; cattle; dairy products; sheep and goats; swine; farm and garden products; farm and machinery utensils; machinery for the production of agricultural products; humane inventions and buildings. The dairy exhibit occupied 2,

of which 930 m2 . . .',WIDTH,135)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 60,000 square feet, of which 10,000 were refrigerated. More than 10,000 packages of butter and 5,000 of cheese were displayed in this section. This enormous refrigerating plant was one of the novel features of the exposition. Besides the dairy products already referred to, fruits, fish and flowers were preserved here and five tons of ice were manufactured daily.

Another special exhibit was that of women's work. This was under the management of Mrs. Julia Ward Howe of Boston, chief commissioner of the department. Mrs. Howe was assisted by an efficient staff of prominent women from each state. The sum of $50,000 was appropriated to this department by the exposition management. A space by 12.2 meters wide',WIDTH,130)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 710 feet long by 40 feet wide was assigned to this in the west gallery of the Government Building. In most cases, a separate section was devoted to the exhibit of each state, but in the cases of Texas and Wisconsin and a few others this exhibit was included in the general exhibit from the state on the main floor. As a matter of course, here were shown all branches of handwork and many useful inventions. Works of a high p464degree of art and design, as well as literary merit, also figured. It was considered, on the whole, the most complete representation of the achievements of women ever exhibited.

Another special exhibit which demands mention was that of the work of the colored race. This was under the direction of the Hon. Blanche K. Bruce of Mississippi, chief commissioner of this department. The sum of $50,000 was set apart for this exhibit by the management, as for the women's exhibit. It was matter of comment at the time, however, that this display did not in any sense represent the achievements of the negro race in its purity, for in practically every instance of distinguished merit the exhibitor was found to be a descendant of a superior race. Even the individual in charge of the display was an octoroon, whose blue eyes and yellow hair were misleading in the extreme as a representative of the colored race. The Government Building afforded space for this exhibit also, the north end of the gallery having been assigned for this purpose.

In the east and south galleries of the Government Building were grouped collective exhibitions of educational appliances, methods and matter, in addition to the educational features of the state exhibits.

It was a disappointment to the management that Europe sent little in the way of exhibits, other than might be found in the display of any important or extensive shop. Russia sent a few handsome furs, some expensive tables of malachite and lapis lazuli, some droskys, several specimens of sumptuous Moscow fabrics of gold, green and crimson for wall hangings and a few genre bronzes. Belgium sent examples of her entire field of manufactures — ? iron, cotton, woolen and glass, besides specimens of the map-making work of her Geographical Society. France sent a really notable display of her educational work, covering the whole field of education in France, from the crèche for infants to the work of the national school of decorative arts. The characteristic French love of system was conspicuous throughout the display, while marked artistic feeling and an indefinable touch of taste in the work of the pupil was everywhere apparent, evincing an instruction carried beyond mere textbook information and demonstrating a method of teaching by things rather than by rote.

Venetian glass was displayed in great quantities, and the methods of blowing glass were shown in detail. Bohemian glass was also exhibited to a considerable extent. Viennese bent-wood furniture illustrated the commercial achievements of this country. Spain sent very little by way of private enterprise and nothing at all officially.

Guatemala, Honduras and British Honduras exhibited their natural products, especially their native woods, such as hard, handsome furniture woods, before unknown to commerce, besides their well-known mahogany, rosewood and redwood. Jamaica sent sugar, rum, coffee, wood, fibers and fruits, besides a case of work from the Woman's Self-Help Society, whose president was Lady Musgrave, daughter of David Dudley Field of New York City. Brazil sent only coffee.

Japan sent an educational exhibit which illustrated strikingly the revolution in life and thought which the new western ideas had wrought in Japan. Two of the great commercial companies of Japan sent mercantile exhibits of porcelain and other wares, on the order of those on display in New York City. The tea pagoda, at which Heno tea was generously dispensed, by way of advertisement, was a social rallying place p465for sightseers at all times of the afternoon. Siam sent a small display of cotton fabrics. China also exhibited cotton fabrics, and, in fact, cotton in every form imaginable, even to life-sized figures costumed in fabrics woven therefrom. While the display included nothing else but cotton in all its phases of development and use, it was, in its own way, the best exhibit in the entire exposition. A catalogue accompanied the exhibit in Chinese and English, the preface of which comprised a monograph on the cultivation and manufacture of cotton which was so thorough and instructive as to constitute the very last word on the subject. Indeed, the catalogue itself was so complete in every detail that it was said to "put to the blush all the catalogue-making of the self-styled advanced nations of Europe and America." The central object of the exhibit was a yellow-roofed pagoda, on one of the screens at the entrance of which was inscribed the legend: "As from far beyond the clouds in spring, the moon with liquid effulgence shines, so the lustre of a proper observance of what is right is reflected upon our country and our literature, causing both to flourish."

The arrangement of the floor plan of the buildings as planned and executed by Samuel Mullen, chief of installation, has already been commented on. All the aisles of the exhibitors' spaces were based on a unit of — four feet square, allotments being made in multiples of this space. The aisles were kept free and extended unbroken from end to end, except in the machinery spaces, where groups of engines obstructed them, and in the case of the Music Hall in the center of the Main Building, which formed a distinct architectural feature. As a result there was no strife on the part of competitors for places, and no charges of partiality could be brought against the management. A systematic scheme of display was also made possible in this way. Another of Mr. Mullen's ideas was not to place similar exhibits together, but to separate them within the space allotted to the class, and so produce an effect of variety. Recognition of Mr. Mullen's ability and of the general satisfaction given by his work was shown in a very pretty ceremony which was celebrated on January 21, 1885, by the presentation to him of a complete set of the Encyclopedia Britannica.

The New Orleans Exposition was not equal, on the whole, to the Centennial in Philadelphia, especially in regard to brilliancy of effect and variety of interest and foreign displays. The state buildings were neither so numerous, nor were there so many foreign government buildings. On the other hand, the exhibit from the National Museum and the other exhibits in the Government Building, including the departmental exhibits and the array of the products and educational features of the forty-four states and territories were exceptionally fine, while the display in the Main Building from America as a whole was really more impressive than that at the Philadelphia exhibition, although the number of exhibitors was not so great.

As far as magnitude is concerned, however, the exposition in New Orleans ranked not only with that in Philadelphia but also with that in Paris, in 1878, as shown by the following figures: Philadelphia (1876), Main Building, — 20.11 acres; Paris (1878), Main Building, — 54 acres; New Orleans (1885), Main Building, — 31.3 acres; Philadelphia (all buildings), — 71.5 acres; Paris (all buildings), — 100 acres; New Orleans (all buildings), — 76 acres.

p466 The remainder of the story of the exposition can be briefly told. On May 13 Burke resigned his post as director-general, pleading the demands of his business, which precluded the possibility of longer carrying the burden of the great enterprise. S. H. Buck was on May 19 chosen to succeed him. Already a project was bruited about the city to prolong the exposition into another year. A meeting was held at the St. Charles Hotel on May 29, at which a large number of exhibitors and the representatives of some twenty American cities were present. These pledged their co-operation. Another meeting was held on May 31, under the presidency of Isidore Newman, at which plans were formally presented for the North, Central and South American Exposition, which, it was expected, would be able to acquire the equipment of the World's Exposition and carry on the enterprise successfully for an additional period of four or five months. S. B. McConnico, who was a leading spirit in the proposed enterprise, reported having secured the assurances of representatives of forty-one states and territories that they would be represented. On this basis an appeal was made to the public to contribute towards the expenses of the undertaking.

The last day of the exposition was Sunday, June 1, but in view of the sacred character of the day the closing ceremonies were deferred to Monday. They took place under the oak trees and included prayer by the Rev. A. J. Witherspoon and addresses by Col. J. B. Mead, commissioner from Vermont; Capt. H. Dudley Coleman, representing the exhibitors; Eduardo Zareta, commissioner from the Republic of Mexico; Oliver Gibbs, commissioner from Minnesota; E. M. Hudson, on behalf of the Board of Management, of which he was a member; B. D. Wood, representing the citizens of New Orleans; C. J. Barrow, commissioner from Louisiana, and Major Burke. Col. Edmund Richardson, who presided, made the closing address in his capacity as president of the company.

The work of dismantling the exposition was already under way. In the Machinery Hall, first of the buildings to be stripped, the noise of the hammers of the workmen taking down the exhibits resounded during the whole of the closing exercises.

In spite of the earnest efforts of the patriotic citizens who hoped to be able to make a success of what was popularly called the "American Exposition," the receipts from the popular subscription were unsatisfactory. The earnest work of J. C. Morris, president of one of the largest local banks, wrought wonders in building up the fund necessary to justify the enterprise. On July 13, when the plant and equipment of the late exposition were offered at public auction by N. J. Hoey, the auctioneer, the enterprise had taken such shape that the purchase of this material was justified. A. N. Cummings, representing the new company, bought it in for $175,000. Only part of this sum was paid in cash. Some weeks previously the United States had disposed of the material left over for its exhibits by auction for $1,300. This sale was effected by Ben Onorato, another well-known local auctioneer. The small sum then realized was all that the government ever recovered out of the large investment which it had made at New Orleans.

The American Exposition opened on November 10, 1885, and ran till March 31, 1886. It encountered difficulties from the start. The weather was very bad. It was clear that the opening should have been postponed till the spring, when with more favorable weather a larger p467attendance might have been obtained. In January a mass meeting was called at the Washington Artillery Hall to raise funds and arrange transportation facilities. A debt of $250,000 had been accumulated, and there did not seem much prospect that receipts from admissions at the exposition would suffice to meet it. S. H. Buck, who had been appointed director-general, exerted himself valiantly. A ladies' committee, headed by Mrs. D. A. Given, was formed to co-operate and is reported to have done "glorious" work. Finally an appeal was made to the city council, but the financial difficulties of the city were already serious and it was impossible for the administration to offer any relief.

There had been several changes in the administration of the exposition. In July Buck was appointed postmaster of the city, and resigned from his post as director-general to accept that appointment. He was succeeded on September 1 by J. W. Glenn, who had till then been serving as chief of installation. On November 21, however, Glenn resigned and Buck returned to the laborious and important post which he had recently vacated. He was able to announce early in the following February that the exposition was complete. The Main Building was "nearly" filled with private exhibits; the Government Building was in attractive shape, and several new departments had been installed, of which specially notable was the "Colonial Hall," filled with relics of New Orleans' splendid past, collected by the Creole ladies of the city. A few days later he suddenly resigned and B. D. Wood was chosen to take his place.

Early in the year 1886 the old Exposition Company brought suit against the American Exposition Company for unpaid balance due it, and on April 9 a decision was handed down in favor of the plaintiff. The assets of the company were sold at auction, in two installments. The second and last sale took place on May 17, which may be looked upon as the last date in the history of the enterprise. The Government Building, which was then offered, was bought in by a dealer in second-hand building material for $4,100. The Main Building brought $9,050. An article in the Picayune, which chronicled the closing scenes of the exposition, served as its epitaph of the enterprise, pointing out with melancholy eloquence that the collapse of the American signed the death warrant of any other such enterprise thereafter forever in New Orleans. Yet the exposition was a failure only in the financial sense. It worked an immense educational benefit to the South, and its value in building up New Orleans can never be estimated in mere totals of dollars and cents.1

The Author’s Notes

1 New Orleans Picayune, June, 1885 - May, 1886, passim.

p468 Chapter XXX

The Y. M. D. A.

The election of 1888 was one of the most important ever held in New Orleans. Ever since the return of the democrats to power there had been in existence a state ring. Its first efforts had been to abbreviate Nicholls' term of office. Thereafter its labors had been chiefly directed to bring about the exclusion from power of the better element in the party. To that end it had co-operated with the professional politicians in New Orleans whenever the need of their support was felt. Out of this alliance had arisen a city ring, leaning upon the state ring for support. Thus almost every political movement in state or city had ramifications that extended into unexpected places and occasioned the most unexpected results. After the defeat of General Ogden's candidacy for the gubernatorial nomination, in 1884, the ward leaders in New Orleans had come together and made common cause against the reform movement headed by Behan, with the result that the citizens' ticket was defeated, as we have seen, by "gross irregularities and criminal violation of the law."1 Four years later, when the contest over the state nominations came to an end with the second election of General Nicholls, city politics were in a state of chaos. Naturally the supporters of General Nicholls felt that they were under some obligation to the men in New Orleans who had exerted their influence to insure the success of their candidate. But these men were members of the city ring, and it was generally understood that their support of Nicholls had as ulterior object the election of their own ticket, on the assumption that Nicholls' name would be powerful enough to carry through any ticket which it headed, municipal as well as state. For this reason Nicholls' lieutenants, feeling that the material interests of the city were paramount, in spite of any sentiments of gratitude in the premises, were reluctant to commit themselves to the support of any candidate or policy which appeared to threaten the prosperity of New Orleans.

In this situation the younger element in the local democracy organized itself into what is known in history as the Young Men's Democratic League, with W. S. Parkerson as president and John M. Parker as secretary. It refrained from participating in the primaries of 1888, contenting itself with waiting to see what the regulars would do. The primaries were held on March 22 and "passed off quietly," according to the Picayune, which, nevertheless, in the same issue, chronicled numerous instances of what it termed "pugilistic encounters" and worse. In the Tenth Ward "some of the voters were driven away from the polls through fear of being injured if they voted the wrong ticket; others left with black eyes and bloody noses"; while at 4 P.M. a pistol shot in front of the polling place caused a stampede, "but no one was injured." Shooting scrapes also occurred at the corner of Magazine and St. Andrew streets, where a dozen men were involved, and also in the Eleventh Ward. "In both of these wards the toughs made themselves felt and were not backward in showing their weapons and brandishing them in the air." p469In many other wards fist fights took place, "but nothing of a serious nature" was discovered by the serious-minded reporter who investigated the matter.2 These incidents were as harbingers of what might be anticipated on election day.

The democratic nominating convention met in Odd Fellows' Hall on March 24 and was called to order by its youthful chairman, B. C. Shields. "The various factions of the party seemed to get along in harmony," was the Picayune's description on the following morning. The delegates were very evenly divided between the Nicholls and the McEnery factions, and the nominations for the general parish offices were arranged on that basis, but insofar as the city officials were concerned it was soon apparent that the city "ring" controlled the delegates and would pay no attention to any opposition. The convention therefore named R. C. Davey for mayor, G. W. Flynn for comptroller, Herman Meister for city treasurer, Peter Farrell for commissioner of public works and C. Taylor Gauche for commissioner of police and public buildings. Davey was one of the "Big Four," the little group of individuals who were reputed to control absolutely the regular democratic organization. The other three were John Fitzpatrick, Patrick Meallie and Tom Duffy. Davey was from the Second Ward. At the time he was nominated for mayor he was serving as recorder of the First District. He was not a lawyer by education, but was a shrewd, experienced man and with a remarkable talent for making and keeping friends and a large fund of sound common sense — ? which is, after all, the real essence of law — ? had been able to fill his judicial role acceptably.

The Picayune, which assumed an attitude of more or less independence, commended the major nominations. But when it considered the councilmanic nominations, put forth by the convention, it expressed strong disapproval. "They are not calculated to afford any guarantees that the cause of good government in this city will be promoted by their election," it observed, editorially, on the following day. These nominations were made by the wards individually, and the councilmen were chosen each in his own bailiwick, but it was inevitable that the city at large should estimate the character of the ticket from a scrutiny of these purely local candidates. The dissatisfaction of this one influential newspaper only faintly reflected the opinion of the mass of the people.

The feeling of indignation which greeted the ring nominations found vent at a great mass meeting called by the Young Men's Democratic League at Washington Artillery Hall on March 28. Parkerson presided and stirring speeches were made denouncing the ticket. "Whereas," ran the resolutions adopted at the close of this meeting, "the administration of New Orleans has fallen into the hands of men who have used their power to serve their personal and selfish ends, in total disregard of the financial and labor interests of the community [. . .] and put out a ticket which is an insult to the intelligence of this community and a menace to its progress and prosperity," action must necessarily be taken to avert the impending calamity.3 A complete city ticket was thereupon presented to the excited throng in attendance and ratified amidst scenes of wild enthusiasm.

At the head of the ticket was the respected name of ex-Mayor J. A. Shakespeare. Since leaving the mayoralty four years before he had p470figured in public life only as a member of the Board of Health and of the Shakespeare Almshouse Board and of the Board of Commissioners of the Charity Hospital. For comptroller Otto Thoman was named. Mr. Thoman was a prominent citizen of German descent, who had attracted attention in the Behan administration as a member of the council and as chairman of its Budget Committee. Thomas Agnew, who was nominated for one of the commissionerships, was president of the Screwman's Association and of the Trades Assembly and stood well with the laboring classes. James N. Harry was nominated for city treasurer. He had held this position in the preceding administration and given general satisfaction. The honored name of Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard, illustrious in the Civil war, and always a talisman in city affairs, lent strength to the ticket.

The other nominations for the more important position were equally good, but the Picayune criticised the names put up for the council. In a long editorial that paper gave as its verdict that there was small chance of the Young Men's Democratic Association's success. "A general fight against the whole ticket" named by the regulars "can accomplish little," wrote the sapient editor. "There are good men on the regular ticket whom no combination can possibly defeat. The ticket, as a whole, we believe to be stronger than any which can possibly be put up against it."4 Opposition to the Young Men's Democratic Association, however, was based upon something deeper than mere individual preferences. There was a feeling that the democracy was engaged in a state-wide contest for supremacy, and that to insure the re-election of Nicholls and the permanent discomfiture of the opposite party, it was necessary for him to have a majority of many thousands in the city. The republican party was alive in the country districts and it was feared by many cautious voters, like the Picayune's editor, that any division in the ranks of the democracy would furnish an opportunity for its effective revival in the city. This was not the case, as the event demonstrated.

The campaign committee of the Young Men's Democratic Association was composed of Ashton Phelps, J. M. Parker, H. Dickson Bruns, E. T. Manning, J. H. Lafaye, T. G. Hardie, W. R. Lyman, and other equally well-known citizens. The statement of principles which they drew up is interesting as affording, inferentially, a picture of the conditions in the city against which the association was battling. The platform declared for clean streets, good pavements, and "the best of levee and drainage facilities, to save the city from the overflows which made lakes of lands in the rear of the city, and brought desolation to the residents of those sections." This was in allusion to the overflow caused by the high-water in the Mississippi River in February, 1888. It pledged itself "to strike from the payrolls political deadheads, and to give employment to those who can and are willing to work [. . .] to have the police force purged and remodeled and so fairly paid that proper men may be induced to serve." It advocated good schools and competent teachers, the honest collection of taxes — ? "collected closely but fairly and without oppression." It promised that the public funds should be so appropriated that the city warrants would rise to par. It insisted that the taxes should be used to give protection to life and property, in a city "where real estate shall be worth owning, and where for every store there shall be a p471satisfied tenant or a contented landlord, and where for twelve months in the year those seeking employment may find it at remunerative wages or salaries. [. . .] Vice and corruption should be suppressed and all legitimate enterprises fostered and encouraged [. . .] the polls so guarded that good citizens shall be afforded every opportunity to cast their votes, and [. . .] they will be protected from any indignity or molestation while doing so." Finally, the platform promised that the association would be represented in every polling-place by commissioners who would be men of known integrity and would give them all protection in the discharge of their duties. In this document, no doubt, some allowance must be made for the exaggeration inevitable to a heated political campaign, but even with this reservation, it affords a startling picture of the community, where these things — ? for the most part the primitive possessions of a republican society — ? were so far lacking as to be the subject of itemized demand by a new political party.

The insistence of the Picayune on the necessity of revision led the leaders of the Regular Democracy to attempt in April to make such alterations in the ticket as would make it acceptable to this influential paper. Several of the councilmanic nominees withdrew, and by April the Picayune was able to announce that eight "good men and true" had been found to take their places. But the ticket was still unsuitable. Subsequent efforts to modify it seem to have been unavailing.

On April 15 the republican state and parish convention met and endorsed the Young Men's Democratic Association ticket. This action was, however, only taken under pressure. Warmoth, who was nominated for governor, announced that unless the endorsement was forthcoming, he would withdraw his name. However, the republicans ran true to form in other respects, nominating state senators and members of the Legislature in each of the city districts. Thus was injected a third element into a political situation already sufficiently complex. The convention was exceedingly unruly; it only completed its work after an extra force of police had been sent to the meeting-place on a riot call.

Early in April Mayor Guillotte announced himself an adherent of the Young Men's Democratic Association, and, in fact, did yeoman's work for the ticket during the remainder of the campaign. On the 15th an effort was made to get the regulars and the young men's association to agree not to send bodies of armed men to the polls on election day, and that both would assist in procuring the arrest of all persons carrying weapons that day. The negotiations failed. The association recognized the proposals for what they were — ? traps; and would agree to no arrangement except to post their forces not nearer than one block from the polls.5 This failure was equivalent to a declaration of war. It meant that the Young Men's Democratic Association was arming, and preparing to see that the election was fairly conducted, if need be at the point of the bayonet.

The election took place on April 18. "New Orleans is to be congratulated upon the fact that the election was attended by scarcely any violence or serious disturbance of the peace," commented the Picayune on the next day. The Nicholls state ticket carried the city by large majorities, and as one of the newspapers said, jubilantly, "the old state ring is smashed." As far as the city ticket was concerned, the Young Men's p472Democratic Association candidates were successful everywhere by a heavy vote. Shakespeare received 23,288 votes, as against Davey with 15,645. Thoman ran ahead of the ticket. He received 25,715 votes as against Flynn, with 12,205. Beauregard received 23,039 votes, and his opponent, Farrell, 15,570. In fact, the only majorities scored by the ring were in the Second and Eighth wards. Every attempt was made to intimidate voters. "The almost countless questionable devices and election legerdemain," said the Times-Democrat, in its account of the election, "so familiar and so often practiced by the ring, were utterly and woefully futile on Tuesday last. In the First and some other wards, certain notorious hoodlums were reported as lurking around the vicinity of the polling precincts, armed and anxious for an affray."6 They did not, however, venture to provoke trouble, in view of the fact that armed squads of Young Men's Democratic Association men were posted not far away. From time to time during the day detachments of men were dispatched from the Young Men's Democratic Association headquarters at the Continental Guards armory, to help bring in the ballot-boxes from the various precincts where the henchmen of the ring might otherwise have caused trouble. In the Twelfth Ward, for example, a man who had been indicted a few years before for ballot-box stuffing, made himself conspicuous by kicking the box out of the carriage in which he and it were being conveyed to the City Hall. In several instances ring officials neglected to sign the returns, hoping in this way to complicate the count; and, in others, they absented themselves from the polls towards the end of the day, carrying off the keys, with the same reprehensible object. A ring leader, who was a candidate for an important position, had an organized shot-gun brigade stationed at a short distance from one of the polls, but the presence of thirty-six well-drilled Y. M. D. A. men, under John M. Parker, prevented him from using it to interfere with the voters. In only one case was a citizen actually attacked, and that was in the Second Ward, where T. S. Nobles was set upon and badly beaten when he presented himself at the booth to cast his vote. Nobles was subsequently lionized by the victorious party. As a victim of ring mispractices, he was made the recipient of a handsome testimonial from the Produce Exchange, in recognition of his services and sufferings on this memorable day.

The ballot boxes were brought in from many points under protection of the Y. M. D. A. forces, armed with rifles, and preceded by bands of music. The boxes from the Second Ward were thus escorted by forty men carrying Winchesters. They were delivered at the Criminal Court, where another division of the citizen army awaited in the clerk's office, to see that they were not tampered with there. It was understood that armed representatives of the Young Men's Democratic Association would remain on hand until the last ballot had been tallied and the totals promulgated. The resolute demeanor of the citizens effectually cowed the ring emissaries, and the result was really never in doubt. Even the reluctant Picayune, on the next day, "saluting the Y. M. D. A.'s triumph," said that the association had "vastly improved upon the present city government. [. . .] The regulars have only themselves to thank for defeat. If they had not embarrassed their friends by making absolutely unsupportable nominations, they might have been more fortunate. The p473good men they did nominate were crushed under the weight of their bad nominations."7

The new administration was inducted into office on April 26. The members of the just-elected government assembled at the Denegre Building on Carondelet Street, and in a solid column, headed by Mayor Shakespeare, marched to the City Hall. They were warmly cheered along the route, especially in front of the exchanges, the members of which had been especially in promoting what, in effect, was a revolution. A great crowd followed in their wake, and swarmed into the City Hall. The new officials were welcomed by Mayor Guillotte, and with the briefest and simplest of ceremonies, in the council chamber, were installed in office. Shakespeare had no message ready, and his inaugural address was very short, consisting only of a few words pointing out that the administration took office with no pledges or trammels of any sort.

The four years over which Shakespeare's second term extended were important years in New Orleans. The chief achievements of the administration were: the purchase of a site and the adoption of plans for a new criminal court house and jail, the new drainage act, the organization of the Orleans Levee Board, the establishment of the paid fire department, the re-organization of the police force, and the reduction of the tax rate. The first business which it had to perform was, however, to bring some kind of order into the sadly tangled finances. This was done by immediately curtailing the expenditures on behalf of schools, charities, police, and public improvements. Four months later the budget was revised downward. Mayor Shakespeare was doubtful of the expediency of this course, fearing the confusion which it might cause; but at the end of the fiscal year, its wisdom was abundantly evident, when all accounts were paid, excepting a few connected with the payrolls of the previous administration, regarding the legality of which there was some question. Money to cover these claims was, nevertheless, lodged in the banks to satisfy them in case they were affirmed by the courts, into which the matter was taken in a series of suits, in part instituted by the claimants, in part by the municipality. At the same time the mayor was authorized to borrow money from the local banks to meet the city's obligations in the months of April, May and June. Earlier in the year the city was able to count upon a revenue from the license collections, and later, when the taxes upon real estate and personal property came in; but in the interval there were not sufficient funds to defray the ordinary expenses of government. The small rate of interest paid on this loan, which ran for a period of only ninety days, was afterwards offset by the interest collected on delinquent taxes. In this way the city was put at once upon a cash basis. In March, 1890, the comptroller, Mr. Thoman, was able to announce that during the previous year the city not only had paid all of its obligations, but had a surplus of $30,000, in spite of the exceptional expenses incurred as a result of a destructive storm which visited the city in August, 1888. The financial operations connected with the maturing and refunding of the city's six percent bonds were attended to by the Board of Liquidation, and form one of the most brilliant episodes in the history of municipal finance. The tax-rate was reduced to 2.02 percent on an assessment of $129,638,500.8

p474 The plans for the new court house and jail were drawn by M. A. Orlopp. A site was purchased on Tulane Avenue, and an appropriation of $350,000 was made, but the work was not really begun until later, during the following administration, which saw it carried to a successful conclusion.

In May, 1888, largely through the exertions of Councilman Brittin, chairman of the budget committee, an act was submitted to the State Legislature to levy a small tax specifically for drainage purposes. This act was drawn up by Messrs. Fenner, Howe, and Morgan, representing the best legal talent in the city, and Maj. B. M. Harrod, one of its ablest engineers. For their important services on this occasion none of these consented to receive a fee. This act passed the state senate, but failed in the house. In 1890 an unusually high stage of water in the Mississippi River caused extensive crevasses in various parts of the state and much alarm in New Orleans. This sentiment verged on panic when, one night, a strong wind backed the water up against the temporary embankments of sacked earth which had been hastily erected along the river-front, and drove the water over into Canal and other important streets in the center of the business quarter, until it reached a depth of — over eighteen inches and invaded some of the largest shops in the retail district. At this appropriate moment the act was revived. Judge Howe visited Baton Rouge and was instrumental in procuring also the passage of a bill levying a tax of two mills expressly for the purpose of drainage. With the proceeds of this tax the Melpomene Canal was culverted from Camp Street as far as Claiborne and other outfalls were deepened or reopened.

The organization of the Orleans Levee Board, which took place about the same time, and was largely the result of the unprecedentedly high water in the Mississippi in 1890, had important beneficial effects upon the city. The act under which it was instituted, in general terms, divided the state into levee districts and erected a levee board in each. Previously the levees had been in the care of the state engineers exclusively; but with the growth of the levee system it became impossible for their small staff to handle all of the work, and the boards were created to meet the obvious need. Each board maintained its own corps of engineers, but also relied upon the state engineers for technical advice. The Legislature authorized the governor to appoint the members; and Felix J. Dreyfous was made president of the Orleans board. Mr. Dreyfous was an attorney of high standing, a man of fine character, unflinching integrity, and great ability. Under his direction the board set to work at once to extend and strengthen the levees around the city.

The establishment of the paid fire-department likewise marked the beginning of a new era in New Orleans. Hitherto, the business of fire protection had been handled by volunteers. The city had for many years had a contract annually renewed with the Firemen's Charitable Association, by which that organization undertook this important business, at a cost to the city of $125,000. The association in its turn contracted with a large number — ? some thirty — ? of separate volunteer societies, which did the actual work. These societies received proportionate parts of the city payment; if they owned a steam engine, for instance, they received $4,000, and less was paid where inferior equipment was employed. The money went to buy apparatus, keep up the engine house, and pay the salaries of the engineer, stoker and two drivers — ? this in the p475case of a fully organized steam company. The remainder of the personnel served without compensation. There was never any question of the efficiency of the men, who took great pride in their companies. The leading citizens belonged and usually participated actively in the work of fighting fires. There are frequent instances of substantial citizens killed or injured while heroically discharging their duty as firemen. The other principal revenue of these organizations was derived from dues and fines. But the city was growing large; it was felt that this system was inadequate; the insurance agencies favored a paid organization, and a still stronger argument against the old system was that the firemen had got into politics, and their companies were strongholds of ring influence.9

On March 22, 1889, Councilman Clark introduced in the council an ordinance providing that the Fireman's Charitable Association should be paid as usual for the month of February. The amount involved was somewhat less than $14,000. Mayor Shakespeare vetoed the ordinance on the grounds that the association had not complied with its contract with the city, in that it had not maintained an adequate installation at various points, especially at Milneburg. Although relatively a small matter, Shakespeare contended that the city's money should not be paid out under any circumstances without the corporation obtaining an adequate return. The local papers generally supported the mayor's position, but pointed out that the firemen deserved well of the city, having done valiant service in many critical situations, in spite of inadequate water supply and often impassable streets. The city, however, sued the association for $142,745, alleging failure to comply with contractual obligations, entailing the payment by the municipality of that sum without a corresponding service having been rendered. It was specially asserted that the association was under agreement to maintain 124 men on its rolls, whereas it had never had more than seventy.

These events influenced very largely the decision to suppress the volunteer department. On July 23, 1891, the ordinance authorizing the change to the paid system was adopted. A board of fire commissioners was organized in October under an act passed by the State Legislature. The mayor appointed the first commissioners, with J. H. DeGrange as president and A. A. Rowley as secretary. He himself was a member of the board under the law. The process of acquiring the equipment of the volunteer companies was slow and complicated, but an agreement was reached on October 19 of that year, and on December 15 the transfer was completed. The city paid $118,160 for the material taken over by the city, and the sum of $247,000 was appropriated to meet the expenses of the new system during the ensuing year.10 There remained a good deal of detail to be settled before the acquisition of the apparatus was completed; this carried over into the next administration.

Mayor Shakespeare was a man of fine intelligence and splendid constructive ideas. He gave the city the best administration it had enjoyed in a generation. He accomplished much, and would have accomplished much more, but for the opposition of the council, where a coalition was formed towards the end of his administration which systematically and persistently overrode his veto on many of the most important matters of reform advocated by him. The effect was to discredit the administration p476with many persons, although not the mayor, whose sterling honesty and genuine enthusiasm for reform were never under suspicion. Unquestionably, the revulsion in public opinion which resulted from the action of the council helped materially in bringing about the election of the regular ticket in 1892.

Shakespeare, like most men of strong character, was somewhat set in his ideas. He was also prone to insist upon his prerogative as mayor. These qualities sometimes influenced unfavorably his relations with other departments of the city government; as, for example, in his relations with the Police Board. Towards the close of the Guillotte administration the State Legislature passed an act creating a Police Board, and thus relieving the mayor of the extensive powers which he had hitherto enjoyed as head of the force. Mayor Shakespeare disapproved of this arrangement, being, as he himself said, opposed to boards on principle. He contested the constitutionality of the act, but the courts decided against him, on the ground that the state, being the power from which the basic law of the city emanated, had the right to change it at pleasure. The act, however, left the mayor ex-officio a member and presiding officer of the board. A board was appointed by the governor of the state, with J. C. Denis as vice-president and Messrs. Demourelle, Drolla and Borne among the other members. There was, otherwise, practically no change in the force.

The situation did not cause the best of feeling between the mayor and the commissioners; and when in June, 1889, during the absence of the mayor, Vice-President Denis called a meeting of the board at Mr. Drolla's office, the former strenuously objected, alleging that he only was invested with the privilege of issuing such calls. At the next meeting he protested against the adoption of the minutes of this anterior convocation, and on his refusal to put a motion to approve them, Mr. Denis did so, and the record was approved. The matter was then taken into the city council, where Councilman Clark introduced an ordinance charging the board with usurpation of the mayor's prerogative, and this charge being sustained, the commissioners were removed and a new board appointed. The unseated commissioners appealed to the courts, and in the following January were re-seated. The squabble, which led to nothing, is interesting chiefly for the light which it sheds upon one trait in the mayor's character, reacted unfavorably upon the discipline of the force.

In spite of the difficulties over the finances inherited by this administration from the preceding regime, considerable public work was begun and finished between 1888 and 1892. Much paving was done, chiefly with gravel and chert, asphalt being then little known. Coliseum was the first street paved with gravel; Foucher followed, and a number of other important up-town thoroughfares were also paved, which previously had been mere dirt roads. Many of the paving contracts were handled by Maurice J. Hart, an enterprising citizen, whose activities extended over into the following administration, who was also interested in the local street-car companies, and whose initiative was responsible for the building of the Coliseum street-car line, and for the first experiments ever made in New Orleans with electricity as a motor agent for street cars. Electricity, however, was not regularly introduced till 1894, when it was adopted by the St. Charles street car line. The electric light was another improvement which made its appearance in New Orleans in Shakespear's p477time. The first lights were located on Magazine and Dryades streets; in the area bounded by Canal, Rampart, Poydras, and Canal; and along Royal Street, three to the square, between Customhouse and Bienville streets, the latter installed through the efforts of private parties, who personally solicited subscriptions for this purpose. By November, 1888, it was proudly boasted that there were in the city — twenty-five miles of direct wires, and twelve machines at a central plant for the production of current. Early in 1892 the council decided that the new lighting should be used generally throughout the city, and directed the comptroller to advertise for bids for a ten-year contract for that purpose. Mayor Shakespeare vetoed the ordinance, but it was passed over his veto in February. A bid from a responsible company was accepted by the council, but the ordinance on this subject was vetoed, and on April 12, just before the administration went out of office, it was passed in spite of Shakespeare's disapproval.

During Shakespeare's administration Jefferson Davis, ex-president of the Confederacy, died and was given a magnificent public funeral. Mr. Davis passed away on the night of December 6, 1889, in the mansion at the corner of First and Camp streets. The body lay in state at the City Hall, where thousands of people filed past the coffin to look their last upon the man who had presided over the destinies of the Confederacy during the whole of its brief existence. The body was subsequently interred in Metairie cemetery, and a few years later transferred to Richmond, Virginia, where it now lies.

The higher life of the community manifested itself during these eventful years in various important ways. The Howard Library, given to the city by Mrs. Annie Howard Parrott, in memory of her father, Charles T. Howard, was opened on March 4, 1889. William Beer was made the librarian and set himself with remarkable industry and great skill to build up a first-class institution; an endeavor which, after years of earnest and self-sacrificing labor, was brilliantly successful. The Louisiana Historical Society was organized in March, 1889, to collect and preserve relics of the Southern Confederacy. In January, 1891, this organization occupied an annex to the Howard Library, erected for its use through the liberality of members of the Howard family. Through the generosity of Mrs. J. H. Harris, a beautiful chapel was erected beside Christ Church, on St. Charles Avenue; and in July, 1890, the H. Sophie Newcomb Memorial College for young women, the foundation of another generous woman, Mrs. J. L. Newcomb, opened the doors of a magnificent building bought for its use on Washington Avenue.

The most sensational episode during the Shakespeare administration was the assassination of the chief of police, D. C. Hennessy, the arrest and trial of a number of Italians charged with the crime, and the execution of eleven Mafiosi at the hands of a mob.

On the night of October 15, 1890, the Police Board held its regular weekly meeting. As customary, the chief of police was present. A few minutes before the board adjourned, he withdrew, went to his office, and about 11 o'clock started home. He was accompanied by a friend, Captain O'Connor, of the Boylan Agency, as far as the corner of Rampart and Girod. Thence Hennessy started home, walking at a rapid pace towards Basin. As he hurried on, a boy ran by, whistled, and disappeared. Almost instantly thereafter, from a building near the corner of Girod and Basin streets, and from the shed in front thereof, a volley of slugs p478and buckshot was discharged at the solitary man. Hennessy received six wounds, four of them unimportant, one serious, and the last mortal. Bleeding, wounded to death, he yet managed to keep his feet, and drawing his revolver returned the fire. One of the murderers, bolder than the rest, jumped into the brightly-lighted street, and fired, and ran. Hennessy endeavored to reach the corner. He was followed by his assailants along the opposite sidewalk, firing as they advanced with sawed-off shot-guns, the favorite weapon of the Mafia. The sound of shooting brought a Boylan officer to the scene, but before he could render any assistance, he was shot through the ear, compelled to fly in order to save his own life.

Hennessy made his way to the residence of Mrs. Henry Gillis, on Basin Street, where he was found by the ambulance surgeons, and whence he was brought to Charity Hospital. Three men, who, so far as known, were the actual murderers, were seen to leave the spot, hurrying down Girod to Franklin, where they were lost in the darkness. The neighborhood where the crime was committed was densely populated, but the street was apparently deserted at this particular moment. However, the fusilade drew several persons to the scene, who were later able to identify the assassins with entire accuracy.

Hennessy was a native of New Orleans. His father had served in the Union army during the Civil war, and afterwards was a member of the city police force. One day in the latter part of 1871 he was invited into a saloon by an acquaintance, Arthur Guerin, and while Hennessy was drinking, his companion, without a word of warning, shot and killed him. This was the first assassination in the Hennessy family, all the prominent members of which were destined to meet the same fate. Mrs. Hennessy took her young son to the then chief of police, General Badger, and asked that the youth be given employment. He was made messenger to the chief. Fate had projected him into the profession for which his aptitudes intended him. Such was his activity, intelligence, and devotion p479to duty, that the rapidity of his promotion was out of proportion to his years. He was soon a detective, then aide to the chief, and regarded as the leading authority on all matters relating to Italian crime and criminals in the country.

In the early part of June, 1881, Hennessy, then aide to Chief of Police T. N. Boylan, arrested at the entrance of Jackson Square the notorious Italian bandit, Esposito. Esposito had terrorized the vicinity of Palermo. From boyhood he had been a criminal. In his maturity he was a mountain desperado, plundering, burning, and murdering. Captured by the Italian police after a desperate battle, in which his band of brigands was destroyed, he escaped from custody, and fled to America.a The press teemed with stories of his terrible exploits in Italy, and he was sought throughout the world, but his whereabouts remained unknown until Hennessy put him under arrest. The capture was the result of a clever piece of detective work. Under the name of Raddozo, the ex-bandit had entered the oyster trade in New Orleans. He owned a lugger which he audaciously named Leone, in honor of a fellow-brigand. With this as a clue Hennessy tracked him down, and was awarded by a positive identification.

Esposito had established in New Orleans a sort of society, or group of semi-criminal followers, known as the Mafia. It reproduced here all the characteristics of the Sicilian society of that name, but appears to have had no other connection therewith. The members now attempted to bribe Hennessy to bring about the release of his captive, and it is said offered first $30,000, then $50,000, and finally any sum that he cared to name to consent to swear that Esposito was not Esposito, but the oyster fisherman, Raddozo. Hennessy refused the bribe, was successful in getting his charge to New York, whence he was extradited by the United States officials to Italy, and punished.

Hennessy was elected chief of police in 1889 preliminary to a campaign to rid the city of gamblers. But he continued active in his interest in local Italian crimes, and figured prominently in the investigation of such notorious murders as the Uttomvo case, in January, 1889, and the Mattaine case, in the following month, both deeds which were obviously the work of the Mafia. He next interested himself in the Caruso-Provenzano shooting case. This shooting grew out of quarrels between local fruit-handling firms, and involved Italian citizens of considerable wealth and prominence. Hennessy was considered a friend of the Provenzanos. He sent for all the parties implicated, and warned them that no further such incidents must occur; otherwise he would prosecute them all; while as for the Mafia, that he was determined to break up. The feud, however, was continued, and in May, 1890, several Italians belonging to one of the warring factions were waylaid and fired on at the corner of Esplanade and Claiborne avenues. At the trial which followed Hennessy announced his intention of going on the stand and exposing the workings of the Italian secret societies. After that, it is said, Hennessy's death was determined upon.11

Hennessy's death the day after he was shot, brought directly before the community the whole matter of the Italian societies. Several members of the city council went to Mayor Shakespeare, and requested him p480to call a special meeting of the city council to consider the subject. At this meeting, which took place that afternoon, the mayor stated that he had been warned that an attempt would be made upon his life.12 The police had already begun to arrest suspects. In all nineteen men were taken into custody — ? eleven on charges of murder or shooting with intent to murder; and the remainder, as accessories. On November 20 indictments were returned against all of these, and on March 1, 1891, nine of them were brought to court, and the trial, one of the most sensational in the annals of local criminal jurisprudence, began. The state made out a good case against all of the accused except one, named Incardona, and another, named Matranga. The case against the former was abandoned by the state, and the judge ordered the jury to bring in a verdict of acquittal with regard to the latter. But of the remainder, the majority were identified as having been connected with the murder in one way or the other; particularly Scoffidi, Marchesi, Monasterio, and Politez, who were pointed out as the men who actually did the deed. When, therefore, at the end of two intensely interesting weeks, the trial ended in a disagreement as to Scoffidi, Politez and Monasterio, and an acquittal for the other six defendants, popular indignation ran high. It was felt that a grave miscarriage of justice had occurred, and that, unless something were done to punish the guilty, even extra-judicially, the danger of further crime on the part of the low-class Sicilians of the city was great and immediate. Feeling on the subject was stimulated by rumors that the jury had been tampered with.13

That afternoon a meeting of prominent citizens was held in the law-offices of W. S. Parkerson. Another meeting assembled at 9 P.M. in a hall on Royal Street. At these gatherings it was decided to call a mass-meeting for the following Saturday, at Clay statue, in Canal Street, and secure the endorsement of the people of a movement looking to the punishment of the guilty. A call to that effect, signed by sixty of the best-known names in the city, appeared in the newspapers the following morning; and on Saturday, at 10 o'clock, an immense concourse of armed men assembled at the designated point. Parkerson, who made one of the principal addresses, expressed the prevailing sentiment. "When the law is powerless," he said, "the rights delegated by the people are relegated back to them, and they are justified in doing that which the courts have failed to do. The people of America are defied by the infamous Mafia. What protection or security is there left for us, when the very head of our police department is assassinated by an organized band? Shall their assassins be turned loose on the community?" Walter Denegre following and J. C. Wickliffe, who also spoke, said: "If such actions as the acquittal of these assassins are to be tolerated; if nothing is done to forcibly portray the disapproval by the public of this infamous verdict, no man can expect to carry his life safe in the face of organized assassination;" and he demanded that the crowd follow him and his associates to the prison, there to execute the accused Italians.

Parish Prison

Twenty minutes later Parkerson, Denegre, Wickliffe, and others, followed by a large party of men armed with rifles and shotguns, appeared before the parish prison, on Orleans Street, corner of Treme. A demand for the keys was refused by the prison captain, Lem Davis; but the door p481of his apartment was immediately battered down, a wave of armed men inundated the interior of the building, and the authorities found it folly to offer any resistance. The prisoners, however, had been freed from their cells; some succeeded in hiding themselves and either passed unnoticed in the excitement, or were not among those for whom the mob was seeking. Of the remainder, two were dragged into the street and hanged; seven were shot in the yard of the women's prison, whither they had fled for safety; and three others were shot to death in an iron-grated gallery on the uppermost story of the building. In all, eleven perished — ? Politez, Bagnetto, Macheca, Scaffidi, Marchese, Comitz, Romero, Caruso, Traima, Geraci, and Monasterio. The young Marchese, supposed to be the boy who gave the fatal signal on the night of the murder, was not harmed. Incardona likewise was not molested. Among those slain were five who had not been put on trial. It was the original intention to bring each man out before the crowd, give him a sort of trial, and execute him with some appearance of legal formality; but the way in which the victims were discovered, one after the other, made this impossible.14

The affair did not end here. Although the citizens, satisfied with their work, dispersed promptly, and there was no further disorder in the city, the Italian government, through the foreign minister, Marquis Rudinì, immediately took action to bring the matter before the Department of State, in Washington. The Italian minister, Baron Fava, requested that the competent authorities in Louisiana be made to realize it was their duty to take special care of the lives of Italian citizens, and that the leaders of the mob be brought speedily to justice. The manner in which the demand was made was unfortunate, but was natural enough under the circumstances, in the excitement and indignation the event occasioned in Italy. Although the questions involved were not presented in a way to promote calm discussion, Secretary Blaine took the matter up with Governor Nicholls, on March 15, expressed the President's regret at the incident, and asked co-operation in protecting all other Italians from dangers.15 The governor replied that the disturbances were over, that they had never been directed against the accused as Italians, but wholly as individuals; and that the matter was under the investigation by the grand jury.16

The Italian government insisted upon a promise that reparation would be made, and, failing to get assurances to that effect, removed its minister from Washington. This step led to the withdrawal of the American ambassador from Rome. Blaine subsequently informed the Italian chargé d'affaires that the United States recognized, in principle, the justice of a claim for indemnity for injury suffered by the subjects of a friendly power, but did not imply that compensation was due in the case under discussion; nor could the United States in such a grave matter consent to be unduly hurried. Only when the President had before him all the facts could a decision be reached.17

On May 5, 1891, the grand jury in New Orleans reported. It held that the evidence showed that the Mafia actually had existed in New Orleans, and that Hennessy had been done to death by its agents. The p482lynching of the accused Italians was justified, and no indictments were returned against the leaders of the mob.18 This stopped all further legal proceedings, inasmuch as the United States courts were without authority to interfere.

The subject was referred to by President Harrison in his message of December 9, 1891, where he expressed regret that the lynching had taken place, and pointed out that it was not due to any special animosity against the Italian people, but through fury over the murder of a city official.19 The Government of the United States, however, in April, 1892, paid an indemnity to the Italian government of 125,000 francs. In making the payment Blaine explained to the Italian chargé that while the injury had not been inflicted by the United States, the National Government felt constrained to make the payment "as a solemn duty." In his message in December President Harrison alluded to this satisfactory termination of the incident, which led to the prompt resumption of friendly relations between the two countries.20

The Author’s Notes

1 Picayune, April 18, 1888.

2 Picayune, March 25, 1888.

3 Times-Democrat, March 29, 1888.

4 Picayune, March 29, 1888.

5 Times-Democrat, April 16, 1888.

6 Times-Democrat, April 20, 1888.

7 Picayune, April 19, 1888.

8 Campbell, "Manual of the City of New Orleans," 1901, p36.

9 Statement of Otto Thoman to author.

10 Campbell, "Handbook of the City Council, 1908," p18.

11 George Van Dervort, in Picayune, March 29, 1891. Van Dervort was Hennessey's private secretary and intimate friend.

12 Times-Democrat, October 19, 1890.

13 Picayune, March 14, 1891.

14 Picayune, March 15, 1891.

15 Blaine's dispatch was published in the Picayune for the following day.

16 Delta, March 22, 1891.

17 Moore, "Encyclopaedia of International Law," VI, 837-839.

18 Picayune, May 6, 1891.

19 Richardson, "Letters and Papers of the Presidents," IX, 182.

20 Moore, "Encyclopaedia of International Law," VI, 340. Richardson, "Messages and Papers," IX, 316.

p483 Chapter XXXI

The Lottery

The gubernatorial campaign of 1892 turned upon the question, whether or no the charter of the Louisiana State Lottery should be renewed. As this institution was domiciled in New Orleans, and, in one way or another, entered into almost every phase of life in the community, the city had a vital interest in the result. During the quarter century of its existence, the lottery entrenched itself in local business life, in politics, and to some extent in society. It is probably not going too far to say that at the moment at which we have now arrived, no important undertaking in New Orleans could be financed without the assistance of one of the little group of capitalists connected with the lottery. For a long time its money and its lobbyists had played an important, and sometimes a decisive part, in state elections, and, less frequently, in city elections also. Finally, the existence of a chartered form of gambling had a corrupting effect upon the life of the community and tended to break down habits of industry, and to build up a lawless spirit which was in no small degree responsible for long train of disorders which constitute the burden of so many pages in this volume.

It must be confessed that the Louisiana State Lottery Company was not responsible for introducing into Louisiana the idea of licensed gambling. From the early days of the nineteenth century the State Legislature had wrestled with the problem of gambling, and with regard especially to New Orleans, had tried repeatedly the experiment of putting it under governmental control and supervision. The earliest lottery of which we have record in Louisiana was one held by the rector, wardens, and vestrymen of Christ Church, to raise a fund of $10,000 for religious purposes. The act incorporating this enterprise was passed March 6, 1810. In 1814 a lottery was organized to raise funds for the improvement of navigation in Bayou Boeuf. The incorporators were George Matthews, Henry Clements, William Miller, Levy Wells, and Leonard Compton, all responsible and, presumably, patriotic citizens. In 1819 the State Medical Society was authorized to raise $10,000 by means of a lottery, with which to purchase instruments and a library. In 1822 a lottery of which the proceeds were to be used to improve Bayou Lafourche was incorporated by Alfred Hennen, Agricola Fusilier, Peter Regnier, and John Wilkinson. Another for the benefit of the "Chafalaya," had among its promoters Auguste Louallier, James Still, J. M. Dubaillon, Luke LeSassier, and William Haslet. At that time the First Presbyterian Church had incurred a debt of $30,000, and no better way offered to clear it off than to hold a lottery, permission for which was obtained from the State Legislature. The Grand Lodge of Masons built a Masonic Hall in New Orleans in 1827 on the money raised by a lottery. In the same year lotteries were authorized for the extension of the public roads in Iberville parish and for the benefit of the College of Louisiana, which was in need of $4,000 for new buildings. At the same time a state lottery was proposed which, it was expected, would bring into the depleted state coffers the sum of $200,000 annually. This enterprise was promoted by Henry L. Ranyon but does not seem to have materialized. And, p484merely to close a list which might be considerably extended, a lottery may be mentioned which was engineered by the regents of the New Orleans schools, to raise a fund for the erection of a central high school and some primary school houses.1 Louisiana was not the only state which favored lotteries as a means of procuring cash for benevolent, religious and educational purposes. Later on, after the Civil war, for example, foreign lotteries, among which may be mentioned the Havana, the Royal Saxon, and the Hamburg, vended their tickets in Louisiana. There were also lotteries of which the headquarters were in the adjoining states of Alabama, Georgia and Kentucky. The magnitude of their sales in Louisiana suggested the possibility of a local lottery company, and thus led the way to the establishment of the colossal enterprise, the fate of which was determined in the campaign of 1892.2

There was, however, never lacking in Louisiana a public sentiment adverse to the lottery idea. As early as 1826 Governor Johnson, in a message to the State Legislature, had commented upon the number of lotteries that had been organized in the state. "It may deserve inquiry," he wrote, "whether it is expedient to resort for any object whatever to a mode of raising money so uncertain in its results, and so extravagantly expensive when effectual." In 1833 a bill was carried through the Legislature forbidding lotteries in Louisiana under heavy penalties. Although this law received the governor's signature, it does not seem to have been enforced. In 1841 similar legislation was enacted, but with correspondingly little effect.3 The anti-lottery sentiment in the community, however, gathered strength with the growth of education and of experience, and it is extremely doubtful if the Louisiana State Lottery could ever have obtained its charter, except for the moral and political confusion of the reconstruction epoch. By exploring these exceptional conditions, however, it was successful, in the face of the disapproval of the wisest and most enlightened part of the population, both of city and of state.

In 1863 the agent in New Orleans of the Alabama Lottery Company was a man named Johnson. The very large business done by Johnson attracted the attention of C. T. Howard and John A. Morris, who at that time owned one of the finest stock-farms in the State of Texas, and had also important connections with New York, where, many years later, he built the famous race-course at Morris Park. Morris and Howard interested Ben Wood, C. H. Murray, and other New Yorkers in the idea of a lottery in Louisiana, and in 1868 applied to the carpet-bag Legislature for a charter. The conditions under which the grant was made were afterwards severely criticized.4 Then the people acquiesced, it is true, but some justification can be found for their attitude in the fact that the Civil war had left them sorely impoverished, and that the spoliation perpetrated by the carpet-baggers had reduced the state to extremes. Thus, when the lottery company offered to pay an annuity of $40,000 to the Charity Hospital in p485New Orleans, it was openly defended by many persons. The company's charter fixed its capital at $1,000,000. It was to enjoy a monopoly of the lottery business in the state for a period of twenty-five years.

None of the original promoters of the scheme, however, had any practical experience in the lottery business and the result was virtual failure. No money was made, although an estimated $100,000 was invested in the venture. The company was on the verge of quitting, in fact had decided to quit, when a man who had been working for the concern in a minor capacity sought an audience with the management. This man was Dr. M. A. Dauphin, an Austrian physician of very weak body but of very shrewd mind. He told his employers that he could make the lottery pay, if they would put $50,000 more into it as working capital to be used as he might direct.

There was some hesitation on the part of the lottery managers, but they finally decided to give Doctor Dauphin a chance. The feeble-bodied, but nimble-witted, Austrian physician revised the plan on which the company had been running. He brought to bear all the information regarding lotteries which he had brought with him to America from Europe. From the day Doctor Dauphin assumed direction of affairs the Louisiana State Lottery became a gold mine for its owners. How much of the authorized capital stock ever was issued was never known to the outside world, as the concern was and, until the United States Government dealt p486it its death blow, always remained a close corporation. It is known, however, that under the direction of Doctor Dauphin the shares of a par value of $100 rose from $35 in 1879 to $1,200 in 1890 — ? so that the market value of its stock in the latter year was more than double the whole banking capital of the state. Through the mismanagement of later years this stock declined to as low as $7 a share, at which price the widow of the real originator of the scheme sold a large block to a New Orleans banker, who thereafter was prominently identified with the affairs of the company. It is not believed that more than $500,000 ever was paid into the treasury in the form of actual cash for stock. The promoters of the enterprise built up the original capital, and accumulated an enormous reserve, while declaring dividends of from eighty to 170 percent per annum, and that, too, out of only one-half of the net earnings, the other half belonging to Morris and Howard.

For ten years the lottery company maintained itself, against constant legislative assault, by the skillful use of its large political influence and abundant funds. In 1879, however, the Legislature repealed the charter. This result was brought about by the narrow margin of two votes in the senate. The company promptly took the matter into the courts, where Judge E. C. Billings, United States district judge, practically annulled the action of the Legislature, in a decision which held that the act of 1868 was in the nature of a contract, and could not be abrogated without the consent of all parties. The soundness of this decision was questioned at the time on the ground that the charter, if a contract, was an immoral one, and as such indefensible under the Constitution of the United States. There was, moreover, a decision of the United States Supreme Court which seemed to run directly contrary to Judge Billings' views.5 The lottery company, therefore, did not feel safe. It felt the need of more definite legal safeguards. If the lottery company could induce the delegates to insert into the fundamental law of the state a provision defining its status, then it would thereafter be safe from the danger of legislative interference with its business.

Accordingly, when the convention met, the lottery agents brought the matter before the members. They supported their arguments with Billings' decision, with promises to give up the company's monopoly, to retire from politics, and to allow a provision to be incorporated into the constitution prohibiting all lotteries after January 1, 1895. Among the delegates were several distinguished attorneys who owed their seats to the influence exerted on their behalf by the lottery or its henchmen. The whole convention was surrounded "by a strong lobby of purchased respectability."6 Under the circumstances the operation was powerless to prevent the insertion into the new constitution of an article re-instating the repealed charter, without its monopolistic feature; permitting the Legislature to charter other lotteries; and providing that after January 1, 1895, all lotteries whatsoever should be prohibited in Louisiana. This provision was regarded generally as a compromise. Rather than defeat the constitution in which it was embedded, the people adopted it, in the belief that, in a few years, the whole lottery evil would be extinguished beyond the possibility of resurrection.

p487 The concessions which the lottery people had made were merely apparent. The renounced monopoly was, in effect, retained by the company, which, through the immense political influence commanded by its wealth, prevented every Legislature elected after 1880 from granting any additional lottery charters. To this end the prejudice of good men against the multiplication of such charters was also industriously exploited.

The business of the lottery company increased with amazing rapidity. The charter gave it a monopoly not only of the lottery business but of the "policy" business in New Orleans. This policy privilege was of enormous value but in the end proved the undoing of the lottery company. Policy, in substantially the same form as it was played in Chicago up to the citizens' association crusade of 1905, had existed in New Orleans for years, as it existed in all cities where any considerable proportion of the population was negro.

Under the new, constitutionally ratified charter the Louisiana company organized the policy game in a way that gave it a tremendous impetus. Before long the city was policy mad. Visitors to New Orleans in the '80s, remember well the open policy booths in the main business streets of the city and the lines and crowds of negroes and whites that thronged the "book," seeking to bet their nickels and dimes on the innumerable combinations of figures which superstition or fancy dictated. There were policy booths in front of laundries, bar-rooms, groceries and markets. There were instances where as much as $5,000 was paid for a stand if the location were favorable enough, which might not be more than — four feet square of space, with a small table and chair. More than a hundred policy shops existed in New Orleans. The profits from the policy game, in which there were two drawings daily, were large enough to pay all the expenses of the lottery proper, in which the drawing was monthly, leaving the profits from the national business, over the payments of prizes, clear gain.

The Louisiana State Lottery, in its monthly drawing scheme, started by issuing a ticket which sold for 25 cents and by offering a capital prize of $3,750. It was allowed to issue only 100,000 numbers. The immense popularity of the new scheme soon made it necessary for the company to devise a plan under which it would be able to increase the volume of the business to meet the demand for the tickets.

The first change was to a 50-cent and a $7,500 prize. Successively, as the business grew and the demand for tickets increased, the prices for whole tickets and capital prizes were established as follows: $15,000 for a $1 ticket, $30,000 for a $2 ticket, $75,000 for a $5 ticket, $150,000 for a $10 ticket, $300,000 for a $20 ticket, and, finally, the extraordinary capital prize of $600,000 for a $40 ticket. This last-named, almost fabulous, prize was awarded semi-annually. There is no record that the $600,000 prize ever was drawn in a lump sum by a person holding the whole $40 ticket, but the time is still remembered when a New Orleans barber won and was promptly paid $300,000 which he won on a whole $20 ticket. The aggregate schemes of monthly and semi-annual drawings reached the sum of $28,000,000 annually. The aggregate of the daily drawings came to about $20,000,000 more.

In formulating his original plan the shrewd Doctor Dauphin had considered well the fact that the lottery company must depend for its ultimate success on a belief on the part of the public that the drawings of the p488company were, in fact, pure chance and that all prizes would be paid without quibble to the holders of "lucky numbers." He knew that the concern could prosper only as the public had confidence in it. It must be remembered that in these early days of the lottery the buying of a lottery ticket was scarcely considered gambling. Of course the official sanction given the concern by the state had much to do with differentiating the purchase of lottery tickets from other forms of gambling in a sentimental aspect. Virtually no prejudice had to be overcome, therefore, and the main object to accomplish was to convince the public that the scheme was "square." While the name of Morris went far toward accomplishing this, Doctor Dauphin hit on the plan of placing the drawings under the supervision of men whose very endorsement would be a guarantee to the public that the lottery was as honestly conducted as possible.

It was in this way that Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard and Gen. Jubal A. Early were brought into the scheme. The former lived in New Orleans and the latter in Virginia. Both were men of much popularity in the North, and in the South they were popular idols. Their distinguished services for the confederacy in the Civil war placed them in positions in the public mind little below that which had been occupied by Gen. Robert E. Lee. Financially both of these distinguished soldiers were in straightened circumstances. The Louisiana Lottery Company offered each one of them $30,000 a year to act as commissioner for the company and to supervise the drawings. This was as far as the connection of either with the company went. Not more than two days' work per month was required of them.

Office of Louisiana State Lottery

In the early days of the lottery the public drawings were held in the various New Orleans theaters but later the company erected a building for administrative purposes in St. Charles Street, at the corner of Union, and in this building a hall for the drawings was provided. Beauregard and early were in complete charge of the drawings. The plan of the drawings was this:

On 100,000 slips of paper — an inch wide and six inches long were printed that many numbers. The numbers were in large type. Each of these 100,000 slips was rolled tightly with the number on the inside, and the roll was inserted in a case consisting of a section of small rubber hose — about an inch long. These 100,000 tubes were then dumped in a hollow wheel — about five feet in diameter and two feet thick.

The wheel was made of two glass discs joined at the periphery with a thin wooden band as wide as the wheel. In this band was arranged a slide which could be opened and a hand inserted into the hollow wheel. On the stage near this "number wheel" stood a similarly constructed wheel one-third the size. In all, the scheme called for a giving of 3,434 prizes at each drawing; and the smaller, or "prize wheel," contained that many of the small rubber tubes — ? the "prize tubes," — ? minus the number of "terminal" and "approximation" prizes. In each one of these tubes was a slip of paper containing figures representing a prize.

Thus equipped, the commissioners were ready to begin the drawing. For spectacular effect two boys from the local asylum for the blind were chosen to draw the tubes from the wheels. A robust negro turned the cranks, mixing the rubber tubes in the wheels thoroughly. Then one of the blind boys drew a tube from the big wheel. A man selected by the commissioners for the purpose extracted the rolled slip from the tube, held it up before the audience and announced the number. At the same p489time the other blind boy drew a tube from the prize wheel and the announcer called out the sum marked on this slip. This prize, then, was drawn by the number drawn from the other wheel at the same time. The drawing required hours and usually was witnessed by a large audience.

After it was over Beauregard and Early placed the rubber tubes into sacks, sealed the sacks, placed them in vaults to which they only had the combination and sealed these vaults with paper strips fastened by wax seals impressed with seal rings which they wore. Once each year new slips were substituted.

So honestly were the features advertised providing for insuring an honest drawing that the public soon became convinced that there was no chance for jugglery, and so long as the company existed, the buyers purchased tickets in the utmost confidence that if they did not win it was not because of unfair drawings. The idea of purchasing the name of some distinguished Confederate officer proved so valuable that after the deaths of both Beauregard and Early the services of Gen. W. L. Cabell of Texas were secured. General Cabell was known to the South as "Old Tige," by virtue of his fierce fighting record in the Civil war. He was a West Point graduate and was at one time the commander-in-chief of the trans-Mississippi division of the United Confederate Veterans. The war left him poor, and, as it did many others, unqualified to a great extent for the struggles of civic life. The lottery company secured his services as commissioner for $6,000 in the beginning of his service with it, although this amount was probably increased later on. General Cabell was eventually involved in the prosecutions instituted by the Government to suppress the lottery.

The death of John A. Morris brought Doctor Dauphin into the presidency of the company and he held this position until he in turn died. Under his administration the affairs of the scheme prospered amazingly. The next president was C. T. Howard. It was under Howard that the lottery company received its widest publicity. On every occasion for charity or volunteer funds for public purposes the lottery company promptly appeared with a big subscription. In this way it came to be regarded as a public benefactor by many people in the State of Louisiana. The Mississippi River in those days not infrequently overflowed the levees and wrought havoc on hundreds of farms, and on all such occasions, with the unlimited funds of the lottery at its disposal, its officers chartered steamboats, loaded them with supplies and went to the rescue of the flood sufferers.

Of course these things were done for advertising purposes solely, but at the same time they served to place the Louisiana lottery in a position by itself among the gambling schemes of the country. These open-handed charities on the part of the management unquestionably served to make the authorities lenient toward the Louisiana company in later years.

After the day of Howard the presidents of the company were Paul Conrad, E. J. Demarest and W. J. Demarest, the latter's brother. Conrad had little or no executive ability, and in the palmy days of the lottery made no plans to tide the concern over the troublous times which he must have known awaited it. E. J. Demarest, the succeeding president, had been an employe of the company. He stepped out when he thought he saw trouble ahead and placed his brother in the position of buffer p490between the company and the Government. The name of W. J. Demarest was signed to the last tickets issued by the lottery in 1907.

The degree to which the power of the lottery company was felt in New Orleans may be inferred from an experience which befell Col. A. K. McClure, the famous editor of the Philadelphia Times. McClure was instrumental in procuring the passage by the Pennsylvania Legislature of a bill prohibiting the publication of lottery advertising in newspapers in that state. The lottery company sued the Times for libel, but the case was thrown out of court when only a part of the argument had been heard, on the ground that lottery dealing was an outlaw occupation in Pennsylvania, and could claim no protection from criticism under the laws of the state or the nation. Unfortunately for McClure, he ventured to visit New Orleans in 1885, where different views regarding the lottery enterprise existed. He was met at the station by a deputy marshal, who served him with a writ sued out by President Dauphin, charging libel, and asking damages of $100,000. "I confess," says McClure, in his reminiscences of the event, "that I was somewhat disturbed because I knew of the almost limitless power of the lottery company, extending even to courts and juries, and when I arrived at the St. Charles Hotel, of which my old friend Colonel Rivers was host, I told him of the writ that was served upon me, and asked him where I could find an able and honest lawyer who was entirely independent of the lottery. He said frankly: 'We are all in it here, and I hardly know how to advise you; but there is one man that you can trust, and that man is Governor Nicholls.' The governor came into the hotel during the evening, and he exhibited great interest in the case. He said [. . .] that he did not see how it was possible for me to escape without paying a round sum in damages to the lottery company; that the sentiment of the community was with the lottery; that the officials of the city, executive and judicial, were generally in sympathy with them, and that it would be impossible to get a jury that would not resolve all doubts in their favor; and he finally concluded that I should get an adjustment of the matter on the best basis I could."

McClure engaged a prominent New Orleans attorney to represent him. This gentleman, though a staunch opponent of the lottery company, the franchise of which he had opposed as a member of the constitutional convention of 1880, told him frankly that there seemed to be no possible means of escape from judgment, as the judges, the marshal who drew the jurors, and the community generally were in sympathy with the Louisiana lottery, which was lavish in its benevolent gifts to charity and to the public. "I said that I desired to get the case to the Supreme Court of the United States, where I was satisfied the charter could be overthrown, but his answer was that they would never permit such an appeal, that there was appeal only in cases of judgment of $5,000 or more, and that a verdict would be found against me something under $5,000."

This suit against McClure was ably fought, and ended, finally, in a compromise, the proposal for which emanated from the attorneys for the lottery company. The affair, however, did as much as any other one thing aside from the growing prejudice against what was regarded throughout the country as a gigantic evil, to cause its final overthrow. Two laws had been enacted by Congress to restrain the use of the mails for lottery purposes; but they were practically inoperative; and the fact p491that the president of the lottery company had brought an action against the postmaster general, claiming $100,000 damages for restraining his use of the mails, gave additional reason why there should be more decisive legislation against this growing evil. Benjamin Harris Brewster was then attorney-general. McClure and some of his friends persuaded him to carry the lottery affair into the United States Supreme Court, on the ground that the lottery company was interfering with the administration of the laws and vexing the officers of the Government with damage suits. They insisted that there should be a speedy and final judgment as to the rights of the company under its franchise. Nothing came of this motion, but it served to bring before the public and before Congress the fact that the lottery company presumed to dominate the press of the country, as in the matter of the Times suit, and the government itself, as in the case of the action brought against the attorney-general.7

New Orleans was by no means the only city heavily involved in the lottery business. Aside from the revenues from the daily policy drawings, which came only in part from New Orleans, the heaviest sales of tickets reported from any one locality were from Chicago. James, commonly known as "Doc" Moore, was the Chicago agent for many years, succeeding his father in that capacity. The sales at one time were as high as $85,000 a month in this city; and when the end came in 1907 the Government agents on the case claimed that Moore's sales were $60,000 a month. This Chicago agency of the lottery company had been worth not less than $50,000 a year net for a third of a century. It was a business that attracted little attention because of there being but one drawing a month and the investments of the class of people who bought lottery tickets were made very inconspicuously.

Strangely enough, Boston bought more Louisiana lottery tickets than any other city of its size in the country, the monthly sales in that city being about $50,000. New York bought about as heavily. All the other large cities were good markets for the contests and the local agents made large sums of money. In fact, the lottery company claimed that 93 percent of its revenue was drawn from sources outside of Louisiana.

It is doubtful if the lottery would have been tolerated in the United States as long as it was, had it not been for the reputation of "squareness" established by the Louisiana company. Regardless of what the theory of the operation of the law may be, it remains a fact that in dealing with gamblers the authorities are disposed to treat the "square" gambler with more leniency than they do a "crooked" gambler, or "sure-thing man." This rule operated to the benefit and long life of the Louisiana company. Thousands of Government officials bought the tickets monthly. In one case a Texas judge announced from the bench in a lottery trial that he did not consider a "square" lottery a bad thing, and proceeded to draw from his vest pocket a ticket which he had just bought. Before the Government began its fight on the Louisiana company a winning ticket was known to be as good as a certified check, and express companies and many banks cashed them.

The charter of the lottery company was to expire on January 1, 1894. It was improbable that so profitable a business would be abandoned p492without a struggle. Therefore, as that date approached, the lottery question was debated with increasing warmth. The lottery was, of course, supported by those who benefited from it, directly or indirectly. But there was also an honest difference of opinion over the propriety of continuing its charter. Many advocated it in the belief that the financial situation of the state was such as to render absolutely necessary the revenue which the company would be counted on to offer. Others opposed it on the ground that for the state to be known as the patron of such an institution would keep away capital and discourage emigration. The corrupting effects of the lottery on the population, moreover, offered a sound basis of criticism. Particularly upon the servant class and upon the young was the influence of the enterprise open to question. For these reasons early in 1890 a movement sprang into existence to fight the attempt to renew the charter which it was understood the company was preparing to make. A meeting was held in New Orleans in February, at which the Anti-Lottery League was organized. This association conducted a systematic canvass against the lottery, beginning with a series of meetings in New Orleans, and then extending its efforts to other parts of the state.

The lottery company, on its side, used every means in its power to control the members elected to the State Legislature of that year. It was successful in securing the election of a friendly majority in the House, but in the Senate, in spite of every exertion, its majority was very insecure. Consequently, in the resulting contest at the state capital interest centered in the latter chamber. On April 17, just a month before the opening of the session, John A. Morris, on behalf of the company, published a letter announcing its intention to apply for an extension of its franchise, and proposing to pay $500,000 per annum for a monopoly to run twenty-five years. The Legislature met on May 12, and the following day Mr. Morris increased his offer to $1,000,000 per annum. Governor Nicholls, who was then at the head of the state administration, was a man of uncompromising integrity. It was well known that he opposed the lottery and would fight it to the last. He had already made this clear by refusing to accept the offer of $100,000 made by the company earlier in the year to be used to protect the state from inundation as a result of the unprecedented high water in the Mississippi, which made February, 1890 forever memorable. A disastrous series of "crevasses" inundated a large part of the most fertile section of the state. Now the governor, in his annual message to the Legislature, left no doubt as to his position. He made a strong argument against any legislation favorable to lotteries, and announced his intention to veto any such acts.

The lottery bill was promptly introduced in both houses. In the Senate the debate opened on May 21. The leader of the anti-lottery forces there was Murphy J. Foster of St. Mary. The effrontery of the methods taken to force the measure through was shown by the fact that a resolution was passed to have the Senate meet in the sick room of a member known to favor the lottery, in order that the two-thirds majority required by statute might be completed by having him vote as he lay on his deathbed. In fact, the scandal became so great that resolutions were introduced making charges that members had been bribed, or that attempts to bribe them had been made, and calling for an investigation. In the House these resolutions were indefinitely postponed; p493in the Senate they were referred to a special committee, which eventually reported them without action, and they were pigeonholed. The only effect which resulted from this effort on the part of the anti-lottery people to ventilate the methods of the lottery lobby was the passage of a law which punished with fine and imprisonment persons bribing or attempting to bribe public officials or voters as well as the person receiving the bribe. One member, it is true, was arrested on a charge of receiving a bribe, but the prosecution had no case and he was promptly set at liberty.

Early in the session the lottery agents inaugurated a scheme of compromise with their opponents. Numerous conferences were held, at one of which the proposition was broached to refer the whole matter in controversy to the voters, and let them pass upon it at a special election. If that election resulted favorably to the lottery, then, it was proposed, the anti-lotterites should drop all opposition in the Legislature to the enactment of the pending lottery legislation. This scheme was debated for some time, but finally dropped.

The lottery bill was in the form of a proposal to amend the state constitution, but included other, though allied, matter. In substance, it prescribed the manner which should be followed in submitting to the people the amendment therein set forth. Ordinarily, these subjects should have been divided, but the exigencies of the situation made it undesirable, from the lottery point of view, to force the fighting on two measures, the defeat of either one of which would prove fatal to the project. But in combining the bills, ground was given for raising a constitutional question that, as a matter of fact, very nearly resulted disastrously. The state constitution provided that a bill proposing an amendment should pass each house by a two-thirds majority, after having been read on three separate days; that such amendment with the ayes and noes thereon be inscribed upon the official journal; and that the secretary of state should cause it to be published in certain newspapers. Then it should go before the people. But did the basic law require that such acts go before the governor, like all other legislation, and receive his approbation? Nothing to that effect was said in the constitution, but from the general tenor of the instrument that was legitimately to be inferred. This was the point on which the lottery legislation finally turned.

The bill passed the House on June 25 by a vote of 66 to 29. It stipulated that the lottery company should pay $1,000,000 per annum to the state, divided as follows: $350,000 for levee work, $350,000 for schools, $50,000 for pensions to Confederate veterans, $100,000 towards a drainage system for the City of New Orleans, and the remainder to go to charities hitherto supported exclusively by the state. While the measure was under debate in the lower chamber a man named Newgass had submitted a proposal to pay the state $1,250,000 per annum for the identical privileges sought by the lottery corporation. The applicant also offered to provide an adequate bond to guarantee the faithful performance of his contractual obligations. Morris countered the Newgass proposition by offering to lend the state $2,000,000 without interest — ? $1,000,000 in 1890 and $1,000,000 in 1891 — ? to be used for levees. On the ground that the latter tender more than offset the advantages derivable from the Newgass offer, the House rejected the latter. The Senate, however, on taking up the bill, amended it to raise the annual payment to an amount equal to that offered by Newgass, the additional $250,000 to be applied p494to the general fund of the state. It also inserted a provision requiring a bond. In this form it passed the act on July 1 by a vote of 24 to 12. On the following day the House adopted the bill as amended by the Senate. It was then sent up to the governor, who promptly returned it with his veto. With it Nicholls sent a message flaming with indignation. "So far as a claim for the necessity of the present measure is sought to be predicated upon the poverty of Louisiana," he wrote, "I, as its governor, pronounce it totally without justification or warrant." He would not sign the bill, because he would not permit one of his hands "to aid in degrading what the other was lost in seeking to uphold" — ? the honor of his native state.8

On July 8 the House passed the bill over the governor's veto. In the Senate, however, the lottery company could not count on enough votes to insure similar action. But could it be shown that legislation of this type did not require the governor's approval, then the bill might be considered before the people. All that would remain would be to have the secretary of state promulgate it. A resolution was therefore hurried through the Senate along those lines. The bill was returned to the House, which reconsidered the vote by which it had been passed over the veto, and ordered the act sent to the secretary of state for promulgation. But that official refused. He set up various reasons for declining to act. He affirmed that the act as passed was void because it had not been read in full on three separate days, as required in case of all amendments to the constitution, and that alterations in the printed journals of both houses had been made without authority with the intent to create the impression that the bill had been so read, when as a matter of fact it had been read by title merely. Secretary Mason also claimed that he was obliged by his oath of office to investigate such facts and exercise his discretion as to action in the premises. He also stressed the fact that the bill contained matter other than the proposed amendment, and that even if the amendment itself did not require the governor's signature, the rest was subject to the veto.9

The next step, of course, was to take the matter into the courts. On December 15 Morris filed in the District Court of East Baton Rouge a petition for a mandamus to compel the secretary of state to make publication. The hearing was set for the following January, and on the 19th of that month Judge Buckner handed down a decision in favor of the defendant. An appeal was immediately taken to the Supreme Court of the state, which, on April 27, in a long opinion, reversed the decision of the lower court. The chief justice, Bermudez, and Justices McEnery and Watkins decided that the amendment was of a character such as need not be submitted to the governor, that having once passed each house of the Legislature by a two-thirds vote, there was no option but for the secretary of state to publish and lay it before the people. They held that the journals were proof of the facts which they related, and that the amendment was not void because of the extraneous matter contained therein. Justices Fenner and Breaux dissented, the former on the ground that Articles 73 and 75 of the state constitution provided that all acts going through the Legislature must be submitted to the p495governor, and the latter, that the act contained provisions which were, in effect, appropriations, and as such could not be incorporated into an act proposing a constitutional amendment.

The lottery question now became a political issue. If an amendment to the state constitution was to be voted on, it would go before the voters at the election of April, 1892. At that election a full slate ticket would be elected. Thus, immediately, the matter of the lottery charter became complicated with various local and party considerations. It was obvious that whichever faction captured the democratic gubernatorial nomination would determine the fate of the lottery company. Both sides made preparations for a desperate fight. The anti-lottery campaign opened at a great mass meeting in New Orleans, at the Grand Opera House at which Rev. B. M. Palmer made an address which was one of the turning points in the struggle. The effect of this single oration was electrical. There are many who believe that it really decided the issue of the campaign. But, whether it did or not, it must be counted as a factor which affected notably the final result.10 The pro-lottery campaign was launched at NatchitochesNACK-?-tush.',WIDTH,190)" onMouseOut="nd();"> on August 20.

The political situation was complicated by the fact that at this time the agricultural interests of the state had enlisted in the Farmers' Alliance. This organization had swept over the country and promised to become a power in local as well as national politics. The leader of the organization in Louisiana was Thomas Scott Adams of West Feliciana. Adams was ambitious to become governor of the state and had the support of the party for that office. The Farmers' Alliance was understood to be opposed to the lottery. It was obvious that under the circumstances a fusion of the anti-lottery and the alliance factions was desirable. Feelers put out early in the summer by the former met with an encouraging response. Then conference committees were named by both sides. The chairman of the alliance committee was A. D. Lafargue. The chairman of that anti-lottery committee was J. D. Hill, and the members were G. W. Bolton, R. S. Perry, John Vance and James Moise. The first conference was held at Alexandria. It became apparent there that the alliance was determined to reserve for itself the right of naming the gubernatorial candidate. Only on that consideration was any fusion of the parties possible. Unfortunately, the anti-lottery people had already committed themselves to the candidacy of Murphy J. Foster, whose course in the Senate, while the lottery bill was under consideration, made him the logical choice for that position. A deadlock resulted. In August, however, the conferences were renewed at Lafayette. Something had to be done, as it was understood that the lottery people were contemplating making proposals to the alliance and might possibly be induced to effect a combination with them, in which case the anti-lottery case was lost. It was then that Hill took on himself the responsibility of formulating an agreement under which the state offices were to be apportioned between the two factions, the alliance to name the governor, the anti-lottery party to name the lieutenant-governor, and so on, alternately, through the entire list of state officials. This agreement his committee refused to sanction, but consented to allow him to submit it to the Lafargue committee. It proved satisfactory in all respects, except that a clause was inserted providing that the anti-lottery group should undertake p496the entire financial responsibility for the campaign. That night Hill submitted the proposition to Foster and to Donaldson Caffery. The latter was a leading member of the party. Foster subsequently appointed him United States senator. They came to Lafayette in response to a telegram from Hill. After discussing the matter far into the night, Foster gave his approval. Caffery did the same, but reluctantly, and then only on the ground that Foster was the person primarily concerned and therefore entitled to make the decision.

A peculiar condition resulted. The anti-lottery people, claiming to be democrats, were pledged to nominate a Farmers' Alliance candidate. Yet they proposed to avail themselves of their party affiliations to elect delegates to the democratic state nominating convention, which was due to meet in December. On the other hand, the regular democratic organization favored the candidacy of Samuel D. McEnery. McEnery was one of the members of the State Supreme Court who had decided the suit of Morris vs. Mason a few months before. This recommended him to the lottery people. The peculiar alignment of factions made McEnery appear as the lottery candidate. At the primaries a few weeks later a vote for him was regarded as a vote for the lottery, while a vote for Adams was understood to be one against the lottery. It is not clear how McEnery was induced to accept the candidacy. He had previously allowed it to be understood that he was opposed to the lottery. Probably an appeal was made to his sense of party loyalty. That he was actuated only by the most honorable motives was conceded even by his opponents. Some months later, Foster, then governor, recognizing his exceptional personal qualities, reappointed him to the State Supreme Court. At the primaries McEnery carried every ward in New Orleans. But the parishes — ? as the country districts of Louisiana are called — ? sent up a number of anti-lottery delegates, and there were numerous contesting delegations. Before the convention opened an effort was made to harmonize the warring factions, but no basis of agreement having been reached by December 15, the anti-lottery people determined to take no part in the convention and to put out an independent ticket.

The program agreed upon between the alliance and the anti-lottery parties was, that each nominating convention should assemble at the same moment, organize separately and proceed independently to make the nominations apportioned to it. They met on December 16, the Farmers' Alliance in the hall of the House of Representatives in the State Capitol in Baton Rouge, and the anti-lottery delegates in the Senate chamber in the same building. The former was called to order by Hiram P. Lott of West Carroll. The latter were called to order by Chairman Lanier of the regular democratic state central committee. The anti-lottery people, with Lanier's support and 372 delegates out of a total of 686 members of the state central committee, set up a claim to be the real regular democratic organization. The McEnery faction, however, denied this contention, met on the morning of the 16th, deposed Lanier from the chairmanship and elected ex-Governor R. C. Wickliffe in his place.

In the meantime the leaders of the alliance and of the anti-lottery people had been in consultation. The candidacy of Adams had gradually become impossible. It was feared that the rank and file of the anti-lottery faction, as loyal democrats, would refuse to support an alliance candidate, but would, in preference, cast their ballots for a lottery candidate p497provided he was put before them with the approval of the regular democratic organization. Adams himself had been brought to realize the impossibility of his election. He had agreed that, when tendered the compliment of a nomination, he would decline it in the interest of harmony and party success. On December 16, when the conventions met, the name of Adams was put before the alliance gathering and nominated amidst scenes of great enthusiasm. It was then brought before the anti-lottery convention and endorsed, according to the program. The time had now come for Adams to announce his refusal of the honor. He refused to do so. He said that he had consulted his friends and they were unwilling for him to withdraw. This was unquestionably true. Many members of the alliance wanted him and made every effort to induce him to remain at the head of the ticket. Much time and persuasion was required to bring him back into line, and it was only after Parlange and Hill had escorted him down to the office of Governor Nicholls, which was situated in the capitol, that he was induced, very reluctantly, to write out his withdrawal. Even so, the alliance convention persisted in his support. He was renominated. It was necessary for Adams to appear personally in the rostrum in the anti-lottery convention and ask that this re-nomination be not endorsed before the fact of his withdrawal was accepted by all parties. Then the candidacy of Foster was sprung in the alliance convention, and his nomination went through without serious opposition. In the anti-lottery group, of course, this nomination was endorsed as soon as it was presented.11

The remainder of the ticket was quickly made up. Parlange was nominated for lieutenant governor; John Pickett, for treasurer; W. W. Heard, for auditor; M. J. Cunningham, for attorney-general; A. D. Lafargue, superintendent of education. The office of secretary of state, which was then the best paying position in the state administration, was given to Adams, but did not altogether console him for the prize that he had lost. He never ceased to feel that he had been very badly used. The anti-lottery convention also adopted a long platform. Regarding lotteries, it read: "Such means of raising revenue are at variance with the civilization of the century, in opposition to and subversive of all democratic principle. Demanding equal rights for all and special privileges for none, we affirm our uncompromising hostility to the entire principle of lottery gambling." The proposed lottery amendment was specifically reprobated. "No democratic platform should be adopted which does not condemn and denounce all lotteries until they shall have ceased to exist in Louisiana, nor should any democrat vote for any state, legislative or judicial officer who is not unalterably opposed to lotteries and pledged to promote the passage of laws which will secure their suppression."12

At the same time, in Pike's Hall, only a stone's throw from the state capitol in Baton Rouge, where the foregoing events were being enacted, the McEnery convention was in session. H. C. Knobloch of Lafourche was its permanent chairman. It completed its work on December 18 by nominating McEnery for governor; R. C. Wickliffe for lieutenant governor; L. F. Mason for secretary of state; Gabriel Montegut for treasurer; O. B. Steele for auditor; E. W. Sutherlin for attorney-general, p498and J. V. Calhoun for superintendent of education. The platform denounced "the revolutionary acts of those [. . .] who without cause or provocation refused to take their seats or participate in its [the convention's] deliberations, as they were appointed to do, but on the contrary organized a separate convention and placed in nomination a ticket which had none of the authority and regularity of the democratic nomination with which to go before the people, and can only be classed as an independent or third party ticket." Regarding the lottery nothing specific appeared in this document, but a resolution was embodied directing that all honorable efforts be made to bring about an agreement between the two wings of the party.13

Believing that in the dissentions of the democrats an opportunity offered for them, the republicans also nominated a state ticket. But they split over the gubernatorial nomination. The Leonard faction put out a ticket headed by their leader, and the Warmoth faction did the same, with the difference, however, that J. E. Breaux of Pointe Coupee was chosen as their nominee for governor. These factions continued in active opposition to one another till October, when the withdrawal of the Warmoth faction left the party in the hands of the Leonard people. The platform adopted by the latter group declared against the lottery. In pledging support to the anti-lottery movement, this document defined the party as "opposed to any measure having for its object the legalizing of any form of gambling."

On January 23, 1892, the McEnery party requested Nicholls, as governor, to guarantee a free ballot and a fair count at the approaching election. This request was renewed a week later. To it the governor finally responded by promising to select himself the officers who would be responsible for the purity and peace of the election. This was followed by an effort to harmonize the party. McEnery took the first steps in that direction. He proposed that the candidates on both sides withdraw, that a new convention be elected and that a new ticket be nominated. This proposition was made formally by the McEnery executive committee to the anti-lottery committee. Foster and Parlange immediately placed their resignations in the hands of their representatives. On February 17, however, the committee, after mature deliberation, decided to reject the proposal. In its place counter proposals were made, to the effect that a new ticket be chosen, the offices to be divided equally between the two factions and the Farmers' Alliance, the state central committee to be reorganized and all ballots to be printed "against" the lottery amendment. This, it was thought, was as far as the committee could go in the way of compromise, in view, first, of its commitments to the alliance, and, secondly, of the moral issue involved. Of course the proposal was unacceptable to the McEnery committee. But the effort at compromise continued on both sides. Conference committees were appointed, and on the 20th it was agreed that both Foster and McEnery should submit their pretensions to a primary of the white voters of the state, the result of which should be binding upon all factions. This primary, it was decided, should be held under the auspices of a committee of seven, composed of three representatives each from the McEnery and the Foster parties, and Col. John S. Young of Caddo as chairman. Among the other members were F. C. Zacharie and James Moise, who were chosen p499by the Fosterites, and John Fitzpatrick and Charles Butler by the McEneryites. Fitzpatrick's position on what was in effect the lottery side was curious. He had been one of the most consistent opponents of the lottery legislation in the Legislature of 1878, when the original franchise was granted. But his feeling of party loyalty was sincere and profound. He was a type of many other men who stood staunchly by the regular democratic nominee, in spite of their conviction as to the essential immorality of the lottery proposition.

The primaries took place on March 22. The returns were delivered to the supervisory committee at the St. Charles Hotel in New Orleans. The count began on March 28. It consumed a long time. The committee found that it had undertaken a difficult and delicate task. Meanwhile, the excitement among the people was very great. The New Orleans newspapers, all of which, with the exception of the Delta, supported McEnery, printed statements which seemed to indicate that Young was impressed with the certainty of McEnery's success. When, therefore, on April 4, the committee rejected certain polls in the Sixth, Eighth and Ninth wards of New Orleans, on the ground of fraud, the wildest indignation prevailed amongst the members of the lottery party. As a matter of fact, fraud had been confessed by the election officials of both sides in these precincts. It is difficult to see what other course was open to the committee.14 The vote in the committee was, however, a strictly party one, and Young was called on to decide between the two groups. He voted in favor of rejecting the polls. Thereupon the McEnery members of the committee withdrew. The feeling in New Orleans was so great that an indignation meeting was held in the lower part of the city to protest against the action of the committee, and was attended by an immense number of lottery supporters. The seceding committeemen proceeded to tabulate the returns according to their theory of the situation. On April 5 both parties to the dispute announced the result. The Fosterite committeemen promulgated the following totals: Foster, 43,602; McEnery, 43,053. The McEnery figures were: McEnery, 45,547; Foster, 42,728. This gave Foster, on his own returns, a majority of but 549. The McEnery partisans therefore felt that it was good policy, as well as a matter of principle, to keep their ticket in the field. They accordingly repudiated the results of the primary. Both sides issued long statements; public feeling rose to fever heat; there was talk of revolution, and all parties waited with anxiety the final test of strength.

The election took place on April 19. Foster and the ticket which he headed received 79,388 votes. McEnery and his ticket obtained only 47,037 votes. The republican ticket was voted by no less than 25,459 persons. There were also in the field an independent republican ticket which received 12,359 votes; a people's party ticket, which was voted by 9,792 voters. In all a total of 178,298 votes were cast, of which Foster received a plurality, but not, as it appears, a majority. There were, in addition to the proposed lottery amendment, several other amendments to the state constitution on which the people were called on to pass. One relating to the city debt was approved, but all the rest were lost.15

The result, as far as concerned the lottery company, was decisive. Its business was doomed. But events had transpired which would have p500made certain the destruction of the lottery business in Louisiana, even had the election turned out differently. The agitation against the business had taken a nation-wide scope. As early as May, 1890, the importance of interesting the national government in the movement had been appreciated. Senator Blair then introduced in the United States Senate a resolution proposing an amendment to the National Constitution prohibiting lotteries in the United States. In July, 1890, President Harrison sent a message to Congress on the subject, pointing out that the Government was made an unwilling partner in a nefarious business by the lottery company's use of the postoffice and recommending "severe and effective legislation to purge the mails of all letters, newspapers and circulars relating to that business."16 The result was that a bill of the nature outlined by the President passed the Congress on September 19, 1890, without a division. This was a death blow to the lottery. Several prosecutions took place in New Orleans and adjacent cities under this act. The editor of an afternoon paper in New Orleans and of a morning paper in Mobile were arrested for violating the law by sending through the mail their publications containing lottery advertising.17 The officials of the lottery company were arraigned before the United States commissioner in New Orleans,18 and indictments followed in Sioux Falls, Boston and San Antonio.19

The lottery continued to do business with New Orleans as its headquarters till the expiration of its charter. But it worked under constantly increasing difficulties. In 1895 Congress passed another act by which the interstate transportation of lottery tickets or other publications was prohibited. The management of the company was advised by counsel that this act was unconstitutional, and for some years it appears they continued to send their tickets throughout the country through the express companies.20 In the meantime it was casting around for a new home. Mexico was at first considered, the government there having legalized lotteries by instituting a tax on them; but Honduras ultimately received the doubtful honor of the choice. The change of domicile was effected in 1895. Thereafter the company was known as the Honduras National Lottery. But the mere fact that its legal residence was abroad did not prevent it from doing the greater part of its business in the United States. The manner in which the tickets were vended and the prizes paid during the next ten or twelve years, and how ultimately the agents of the United States Department of Justice broke up the traffic form material for a story of intense interest, but which can here be told only in outline.

When as a result of a decision of the Supreme Court in 1903 the express companies were closed to the use of the lottery, the company adopted the practice of sending its tickets as personal baggage, and thus avoided the transmission of them by common carriers. Thereafter the tickets were printed at a printing office in Wilmington, Del., which ostensibly was doing a legitimate business. They were taken by messengers from Wilmington to New York and there stored in different p501warehouses. Every month representatives of the lottery company would withdraw a supply of tickets from these places of deposit. Each officer and agent of the company had an assumed name. The tickets were taken in their baggage to Washington, D. C., and there repacked and sent by messengers to the various state agents throughout the United States. Towards the last there were a number of states in which even by these means the lottery company was unable to do business. The state agents, upon receiving their supply of tickets, attended to their further distribution and sale. On the date of the drawing all the unsold tickets were cancelled by cutting off the fac-simile signature of the president of the lottery company and shipped to Bay St. Louis, Miss. On the same day each state agent forwarded to New Orleans a statement of the tickets sold for that drawing. Monthly drawings were held at the company's headquarters in Pueblo Cortez, under the supervision of their commissioners, who certified that the performance had been honestly conducted. The winning numbers were cabled to New Orleans in cypher and the official list was returned with the commissioners on the first ship sailing from Honduras for Mobile. At Mobile the approximation and terminal prizes — ? which were numerous and important — ? were figured out. At Mobile, also, were printed the lists of prizes, which, when completed, were shipped by express under assumed names to the agents throughout the country.

The attention of the authorities was eventually called to the printing office in Wilmington during a printers' strike. Some of the strikers informed the government regarding the character of the business done there and a watch was set. In April, 1906, the proprietor of the establishment shipped to a printer in New York a box containing the plates used in printing the lottery tickets. The consignment was intercepted by the Government agents, but as it did not include any printed matter there was technically no violation of the law, and the Government was unable to secure indictments at this time. A raid on the Wilmington establishment which took place during this month resulted in securing a quantity of other lottery machinery. In June, 1907, the secret of the Mobile plant was discovered, and a shipment of lottery printed matter made therefrom was obtained by the Government agents. The place was raided, several lottery officials were discovered and twenty-one printers and pressmen were taken into custody. The prosecution of the parties now known to be behind the business in the United States was arranged, but came to an abrupt termination when the defendants in the Mobile cases, through their attorneys, announced their willingness to plead guilty and accept punishment. The maximum fines were imposed; the printing establishments at Mobile and Wilmington were closed up and the paraphernalia and records of the business were surrendered to the Government. This result was attained in June, 1907. With that date the history of the Louisiana lottery, as far as New Orleans and the United States is concerned, came to an end.21

The Author’s Notes

1 "Memoirs of Louisiana," I, 209-210. The data given is evidently taken from Martin's History of Louisiana.

2 Chicago Record-Herald, February 24, 1907; Jewell's Crescent City Illustrated.

3 Martin, "History of Louisiana," 424-442, passim.

4 Southwestern Presbyterian, August 21, 1890; see also Johnson, "Life of Benjamin Morgan Palmer," 547.

5 Boyd vs. Alabama. See Johnson's Palmer, 547.

6 See the address issued by The Anti-Lottery Convention which met in Baton Rouge, August 21, 1890.

7 A. K. McClure, "Inside History of the Origin of the Louisiana Lottery," Chicago Inter-Ocean, November 10, 1901. See also the Chicago Record-Herald, February 24, 1907. The later article was written by a New Orleans newspaperman familiar with the workings of the lottery.

8 Annual Encyclopaedia, 1890, pp501-508. Nicholls had lost his left arm during the Civil war.

9 State ex rel John A. Morris vs. L. F. Mason, Secretary of State, Louisiana Annual Reports, 1891, pp590-699.

10 Johnson, "Life of B. M. Palmer," 554-563.

11 Statement to author of J. D. Hill.

12 Annual Encyclopaedia, 1891, p443.

13 Annual Encyclopaedia, 1891, 443 ff.

14 Annual Encyclopaedia, 1892, pp.

15 See "Annals of Ten Years" (The Picayune, 1895), 95.

16 Richardson, "Messages and Papers of the Presidents," IX, 81.

17 Picayune, March 2, May 1, 1891.

18 Ibid., August 28, 1891.

19 Ibid., October 24, 1891.

20 In 1903 the Supreme Court, in the case of Champion vs. Ames, upheld the constitutionality of the act of 1895.

21 See the detailed account in the New Orleans Item, June 4, 1907.

p502 Chapter XXXII

The Fitzpatrick Administration

Interest in the state campaign was so intense in New Orleans that the municipal election of 1892 attracted comparatively little attention. The lottery issue, specifically as such, did not figure in the canvass, but the alignment of the factions was dictated almost exclusively by opinion on that burning question. As Shakespeare's term grew to a close, it was obvious that the local democracy would divide along lines of lottery and anti-lottery. Shakespeare, who had thrown himself heart and soul into the state fight, supported Foster. Fitzpatrick, admittedly the leader of the regular organization, though personally opposed to the lottery,1 supported McEnery. Apprehensive that in the disruption of the democracy, there might be another opportunity for a real revival of the republican party in the city, the local newspapers urged that there be no nomination of candidates until after the state contest had been settled. "We would prefer to see the state ticket settled," remarked the Picayune in March, "and out of the field of controversy before any disputes and controversies over the city ticket shall arise."

This observation was prompted by the rumor that a movement was on foot to nominate Shakespeare to succeed himself. That movement could not count upon the support of the regular organization, which, obviously, would name a ticket of its own of a character to help carry New Orleans for the McEnery ticket. The promoters of the Shakespeare movement were members of the Foster faction. They met at Grunewald Hall on March 26 under the presidency of W. S. Parkerson. In a short address Parkerson outlined some reasons other than those connected with the lottery question why it seemed necessary at this juncture to oppose the regular democracy, even at the risk of splitting the party. "For some years," he said, "New Orleans has been the victim of unscrupulous politicians, whose rottenness has never been surpassed in the whole history of the republican party. They have placed a floating debt upon the city of $855,000, and, in 1888, if they had carried the election, would have added $145,000. The effects of their ruinous policy would have been felt for years to come." It was, in his opinion, necessary to take steps to keep out of office the element to which he alluded. That could best be done by endorsing the Shakespeare administration. "The present council," he continued, "is, on the whole, a good one, though I admit there are some in it who are traitors to their cause, and as bad as any ever put into office. [. . .] Instead of adding to the debt, the present administration has reduced it from $844,000 to $399,000, and, if continued in office, will wipe out the debt entirely and lay by a surplus to meet the bonded debt. There is on hand now $168,000 to the credit of the reserve fund, with all bills and employes paid. The administration which was succeeded by the present one paid $60,000 in interest for borrowed money. The present administration has only $18,000 to p503pay for borrowed money, and of that $13,000 is a debt of the last administration."2

Along with Shakespeare a full city ticket was named. Thoman was renominated for comptroller; E. Miltenberger, for treasurer; J. M. Gleason, for commissioner of public improvements; William Smith, for commissioner of police and public buildings, and a complete council. The slate was received coldly by the local press. "The manner in which the nominations at Grunewald Hall were made," commented the Item, "is not only irregular but offensive. Nobody was made aware of the secret proceedings until the ticket was announced by a corporal's guard of its concocters."3 It was complained subsequently that no effort was made at any time to conciliate the voters. The expiring administration "had failed to gain many new friends, while it has succeeded in alienating the favor of many thousands of persons who will embrace the opportunity of making their resentment felt."4

On the other hand, the regular organization was careful to avoid the reproach of "oligarchy" which was hurled at the Fosterites. All the party formalities were duly observed. The primaries took place on April 8. They were complicated by the fact that on the same day the third reunion of the United Confederate Veterans was in progress in the city. Consequently, a light vote was cast, and the best element in the population, which might otherwise have figured in the balloting, was otherwise occupied. The result was a definite result for Fitzpatrick and, inferentially, for McEnery. The parish nominating convention met in Grunewald Hall on the next day and remained in session for two days. It nominated a city ticket headed by John Fitzpatrick, for mayor; John Brewster, for city treasurer; Peter Farrell, for commissioner of public works, and C. Taylor Gauche, for commissioner of police and public buildings. There were, moreover, full sets of nominees for the city council and for the State Legislature. There can be no doubt that the ticket was fully agreed upon before the convention met, and that the elaborate processes of party action which were gone through with merely concealed a nominative method as purely arbitrary as any imputed to the rival faction. Fitzpatrick went into the convention with the solid backing of his own, the powerful Third Ward, and of the Fourth Ward, secured for him by its leader, Victor Mauberret. With this block of twenty-one votes, it was easy for him to impose his will upon the other delegates.5

The announcement of the ticket was greeted with a chorus of disapproval even from the McEnery organs. "It has created both surprise and indignation," exclaimed the Times-Democrat editorially on the following morning, "in the face of a universal demand for a ticket of reputable, able and representative citizens, the action of the convention in putting forward the men nominated is at once an insult to the intelligence of the community and a defiance of public sentiment quite unparalleled in party history." This paper subsequently explained its position by setting that its disapproval did not extend to Fitzpatrick nor to E. A. Butler, candidate for city attorney. Its objection was that the ticket, as a whole, had been recruited from among professional politicians p504and officeholders and was erected by delegates representing not more than one-quarter of the population. "The nomination of this ticket," it said in a vigorous article on April 13, "has precipitated upon the city the gravest crisis — ? one that requires the exercise of the highest patriotism and public spirit [. . .] if it is desired to save the city from serious danger, if not positive ruin."

A few days later the Item, reviewing the situation, remarked: "Seldom, if ever before, have the reputable citizens of New Orleans been invited to take part in an election for municipal officers with the entire certainty of being dissatisfied with the result. [. . .] The conflict will be between the same influences, combinations and in many respects between the same persons that contested for public places and patronage four years ago. The changes in the tickets are unimportant as to the character of the principal leaders, and in the great body of the supporters are still less marked. The regular democratic ticket now, as then, is the legitimate product of the compact political organization against which the people protested in 1888 by a majority so large as to leave no room for doubt as to their wishes."6 Referring to Fitzpatrick, this journal admitted that he was "personally and socially a very clever man," but pointed out that he was "first and before all also a politician, and it needs but a reference to the rolls of the department of public works under his management — ? which lists were swelled by 'strikers' for electioneering purposes only — ? in order to judge what sort of economy would prevail under his administration, insofar as he could influence the distribution of patronage. 'Mayor' Fitzpatrick is a luxury which New Orleans is not in a financial condition to enjoy."7 The irritation was all the greater because at the beginning of the campaign the regulars had allowed it to be understood that they would nominate "a first-class city ticket, a combination of business capacity and proven probity," which would bring strength to the state ticket. It is putting it mildly to say that the people have been egregiously deceived."8

The republicans of the city attempted to make capital out of the situation. At this moment they were split into two irreconcilable groups, one led by H. C. Warmoth, the other by A. H. Leonard. The former faction met on April 15 at (old number) 205 Canal Street. Under pressure from Warmoth the delegates consented, somewhat reluctantly, to endorse Shakespeare, but withheld their approval from the Fosterite councilmanic and legislative nominees. The members were mainly colored men and assigned as a reason for putting into the field their own list of candidates for the State Legislature the fact that a "Jim Crow" law had been enacted at the preceding session under the auspices of the democracy. On the other hand, the Leonard faction frankly stated its willingness to trade its votes in the city fight to that wing of the democracy which would consent to support the republican legislative candidates. At this price neither of the democratic factions was willing to buy adherents, but a few days later the Leonard faction, for some obscure reason, suddenly decided to swing its votes to Fitzpatrick. As much as by anything else, this action probably was forced upon Leonard by the fact of his hostility to the entire Warmoth program, although it may p505also have been produced by Fitzpatrick's stand against proposed legislation designed to eliminate the negro vote from state politics.9

The election took place on April 19. It was "an unusually quiet one," according to the Picayune of the following morning. The Fitzpatrick ticket was elected by 20,547 votes, as against Shakespeare's 17,289. The regulars were successful in electing their candidates to the State Legislature as well as to the council. The result was attributable largely to the failure of the Fosterite faction to bring out its full strength. On the other hand, the regulars possessed an efficient organization for this purpose and used it tirelessly and with skill. Fitzpatrick, who was by origin a laboring man himself and had all through his public life shown himself friendly to the laboring class, had great influence with its members in the city, and they supported him practically to a man.

The new administration took office on April 25. The inauguration ceremonies were of the simplest. Mayor Shakespeare and the other officers of the retiring government, almost without exception, were conspicuously absent from the council chamber when Fitzpatrick was sworn in. In fact, Shakespeare availed himself of the opportunity to leave the city p506hall quietly and when the new incumbent presented himself in the mayor's office it was to find that apartment deserted.

Mayor John Fitzpatrick

John Fitzpatrick was born at Fairfield, Vermont, May 1, 1844, while his mother was there on a visit.a The home of the family was in New Orleans, and thither they returned a few months later. He was left an orphan at a tender age. He and two brothers, Joseph and Michael, found shelter in St. Mary's Orphan Asylum. Many years later he became president of that institution. He began life as a newsboy and then learned the trade of carpenter in the Third Ward. He was soon prominent in ward politics, under the aegis of Senator Randall Gibson. His first political office was obtained in 1872, when he was elected clerk of the First District Court. While he was holding this position the State Legislature created the Superior Criminal Court, and Judge A. A. Atocha was put at the head of it. Atocha appointed young Fitzpatrick to be his clerk. This was a very lucrative and important office in those days. Fitzpatrick held it until elected criminal sheriff in 1878. In that same year he served as a member of the State Legislature. His importance in general city politics dated from this time. He left the criminal sheriff's office in 1880. Under Mayor Guillotte, in 1884, he was commissioner of public works. In spite of the sharp criticism directed at him by the local press in the mayoral campaign now just closed, it seems that he acquitted himself in this office to the satisfaction of the community. He was able to show that the defects in the department were due, not to his methods, but to the conditions prevailing at that time, when the city finances were in almost hopeless condition. He was, thereafter, incontestably the strongest man in his party in the city, and possibly in the state, and thus logically the regular candidate for the mayoralty.10

In his inaugural message to the council Fitzpatrick called attention to the numerous contracts given out by the previous administration. He promised to lend his best efforts to see that the obligations thus created were carried out. The history of his administration, insofar as its constructive politics were concerned, may be largely written in terms of the execution of these contracts. One of the most important of them was the completion of the purchase of the apparatus of the volunteer fire companies as part of the organization of the paid department. The companies in the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth and Seventh districts agreed to dispose of their equipment to the city. The purchase price was $165,608.94, made payable from the revenues of 1892, 1893 and 1894. Not only was this deal, a large one, judged by the financial standards of that time, successfully consummated, but an additional sum of $25,000 was expended for the construction of new quarters for the paid companies. The total outlay consequent upon the change of fire systems was $733,197.95, of which the Fitzpatrick administration was called upon to pay $579,000.

Another important contract which Fitzpatrick inherited from his predecessor was that for the erection of the new courthouse and jail. The site for this building was already bought on Tulane Avenue, but the edifice was erected under the new administration and furnished throughout at a cost of $455,000. As originally contemplated, the payments for this important public improvement were to be made from the revenues p507of 1892-1897, but to the credit of the Fitzpatrick administration it must be said that it was all accomplished without trenching upon the revenues of the years subsequent to 1893.

Mayor Fitzpatrick showed an enlightened interest in the problem of the drainage of the city, and under his auspices the movement looking to the solution thereof was encouraged and developed. In February, 1893, an ordinance was introduced into the city council and passed providing for a topographical survey of the city and directing the appointment of an advisory board to co-operate with the city engineer in the execution of this monumental work.11 The appropriation made for this purpose was made the subject of litigation, on the ground that the cost of the proposed survey was made payable from the permanent public improvement fund arising from the surplus of the one percent tax in the hands of the Board of Liquidation created under Act 110 of the State Legislature of 1890. It was contended that this act did not authorize the expenditure of the fund for such purposes. Fortunately, the court held otherwise, and the work, which was of vital importance to New Orleans, proceeded. The mayor appointed an advisory board of three, including Rudolph Hering, B. M. Harrod and Maj. Henry B. Richardson. These gentlemen were all engineers of the highest standing, Major Harrod subsequently becoming a member of the Panama Canal Commission, and Major Richardson being at the time chief of the State Board of Engineers.12 In November, 1893, the mayor appointed another advisory board, which in addition to the foregoing engineers included the following laymen: B. M. Walmsley, Edward Fenner and J. C. Denis, and upon Mr. Fenner declining to serve, Albert Baldwin was appointed in his place. The ordinance authorizing the appointment of this board likewise set aside the sum of $700,000 received from the sale of the New Orleans City & Lake Railroad franchise to be used for the purpose of drainage.13

On January 23, 1896, specifications were presented to the council for the construction of a drainage system. These were subsequently modified in accordance with recommendations from the Advisory Board of Engineers, specifically with a view to allow of separate bids on the different parts of the work.14 At the meeting of the council on January 28, 1896, an ordinance was adopted ordering the comptroller to advertise for a period of thirty days for proposals for the construction of the drainage system as described in the plans and specifications. This ordinance was vetoed by Mayor Fitzpatrick. "It is with no idea [. . .] to retard this necessary step towards the advancement of our city — ? for I believe the proper drainage of New Orleans an absolute necessity if we are to take our place in the category of modern American cities," he said, "but the ordinance as adopted and in the present condition of the city finances, I am of the opinion, will retard and not advance the cause." Under the financial clauses of the ordinance there was no certain arrangement made to provide funds for the payment for the vast work contemplated. The funds available would, in the mayor's judgment, hardly pay more than the interest upon the certificates which it was intended to issue to finance the enterprise, leaving the principal a p508standing legacy of debt. Mayor Fitzpatrick therefore suggested that either the matter be submitted to the people with a view to have them vote to institute a tax for drainage purposes, or a constitutional amendment incorporated in the fundamental law of the state provision might be made for a bond issue for the same purpose. The council accepted the mayor's ideas, and his veto was sustained, leaving the drainage work to be carried on from this point by the subsequent administration.15

During this administration a step was taken which was important in its relation to subsequent port improvements. The wharf rates charged under the contract entered into by the city with the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company in 1891 were taken under consideration by the commercial and other exchanges of the city. A long series of conferences ensued between the mayor and the representatives of the exchanges on one side and the representatives of the company on the other. It was obvious that if the growing commerce of the city were not to be heavily handicapped, some modification of the rates must be secured. It was finally determined to purchase from the lessees their rights and titles in the wharves. On February 4, 1896, a memorial was presented to the council requesting that action be taken with that end in view, in order that the city might regain control over the wharves and landings. An ordinance on the subject was drawn up and passed,16 but the Fitzpatrick administration closed before it could be put into execution, and its subsequently repealed,17 in order to bring the whole matter before the State Legislature.

It was also during this administration that the construction of the Stuyvesant Docks, at the head of Louisiana Avenue, was begun by the Illinois Central Railroad. The grant18 to this railroad of the rights and privileges under which it erected extensive structures here, carried with it the obligation to build and maintain several miles of levee, the responsibility for which would otherwise have fallen upon the citizens.

To Mayor Fitzpatrick's initiative must also be attributed the foundation of the City Library. This splendid institution was created by consolidating the Fisk Free and the Public Libraries, until then domiciled in the old Mechanics' Institute, on Dryades Street, where Miss M. M. Bell had been for many years in charge. The collection was removed to St. Patrick's Hall, overlooking Lafayette Square. This building, which had in recent years been used as a Criminal Court building, was refitted for its new uses. During the Shakespeare administration it had been determined to sell this large and imposing structure, in order to raise funds to be devoted to the building of the new courthouse and jail, but the charges connected with the latter undertaking were met without having to dispose of the hall, which had been the scene of some of the most remarkable episodes in the city's history. An ordinance was passed by the council in April, 1896, authorizing the mayor to appoint a Board of Directors to supervise the new library.19 Frank T. Howard, Sidney March, Albert Baldwin, Jr., P. A. Lelong, F. G. Ernst, E. B. Kruttschnidtt p509and George W. Flynn were appointed, and William Beer, the distinguished librarian of the Howard Memorial Library, was entrusted with the arduous work of organizing and installing the collections. Mr. Beer's labors were completed within a twelvemonth, when he resigned. The present admirable City Library is the outcome of the arrangements effected by the city administration at this time. It is interesting to note that Mayor Fitzpatrick, after completing his term, became a member of the Library Board and was serving as its president at the time of his death.20

The electrification of the city railroads was effected while Mayor Fitzpatrick was in office. The present house numbering system dates from this period. Thanks to these and other improvements which were under way in New Orleans at the time, the financial panics of 1893 and 1894 were felt less severely in New Orleans probably than in any other large American city. The generally prosperous condition of the city is shown by the fact that the assessments rose from $129,638,530 in 1892 to $140,567,443 in 1896. The rate of taxation was two percent .

We have now to deal with other and less pleasant features of the Fitzpatrick administration. The willingness of the city council to co-operate with the mayor in promoting undertakings of real benefit to the city, was offset by its scandalous behavior in other respects. A number of public improvements were authorized under circumstances which aroused the suspicion of the citizens. Of these the renewal of the charters of the city street railroad companies and the numerous and onerous ordinances authorizing the paving of the streets were types. Public indignation was stimulated by the passage of an ordinance authorizing a contract to dispose of the city waste by burning, in lieu of the time-honored system of collecting it in carts and dumping it into the Mississippi.21 Although the new method was admittedly more sanitary, the fact that the old method entailed an expenditure of but $57,000 while the new involved $90,000, with no proportionate financial advantages to the corporation, aroused a storm of protest. Especially irritating were the provisions requiring the use of certain special types of garbage containers and the assorting of refuse in accordance with the regulations of the contractor. The mayor issued a proclamation threatening with arrest all householders who failed to provide themselves with these receptacles.22 The garbage contractor refused to remove refuse unless properly assorted and set out in the official vessels, and it was a matter of constant complaint that even when these preliminaries had been punctiliously observed he frequently failed to render the necessary service, with the result that the city fell into a state of filth dangerous to health. The ordinance, however, continued to be enforced until it was repealed under the following administration.

While the public was still smarting under these annoyances, the so-called Fischer Belt Railroad ordinance was hurried through the council and signed by the mayor. The necessity of a belt railroad had been long recognized. Some years previously a group of local capitalists, headed by Adolph Schreiber, had obtained from the council franchises designed to promote just such an enterprise, but through lack of capital p510had been unable to construct the road. Fischer, it subsequently appeared, was merely an agent of the Illinois Central Railroad, the real beneficiary under the present grant. The ordinance gave this company the right to run a belt road around the city and out to the levee via State Street, thence along the river front to the lower extremity of the city along whatever tracks might seem most convenient, with spur tracks wherever desired. Certain streets were closed for the convenience of the grantee, others were to be opened at the expense of the city. In effect, the construction of this belt would shut commerce off from the principal trunk railroads by any other route. The ordinance "gave away for ninety-nine years to practically unnamed parties, from whom no pledge, no bond, no restriction, no compensation, no conditions of any kind were required, a public franchise of great importance and large value"23 for which other parties were willing to offer a proportionate price. The only obligation assumed by the grantee was to maintain two gateways where the proposed belt would cross other lines of railway.

The route of the projected belt railroad would, it was announced, lie for a part of the way, through State Street. The people residing in the vicinity of that thoroughfare called a mass meeting for May 21 to protest against the projected invasion of one of the most attractive parts of the new, or upper, residence section of the city. This meeting was a remarkable one. It was held in a vacant lot at the corner of State and St. Charles Avenue and was attended by thousands of persons indignant not only over the specific grievance, but with the general conduct of the administration. This meeting was the result of a movement inaugurated by a little group of public-spirited citizens led by George W. Young, which gathered a few days before in a hall at the corner of Constance and Chestnut streets. Mr. Young was a leader in the subsequent developments which culminated in the organization of an anti-administration party and to the downfall of the Fitzpatrick regime. At the same time a movement of protest against the paving abuses began in the lower part of the city, and on the same night that the State Street mass meeting took place a similar assembly was voicing almost identical sentiment at the corner of Bayou Road and Rampart Street.

Three days later the Citizens' Protective Association was informally organized and submitted to the council a protest against the Fischer ordinance. The administration leaders were beginning to be alarmed at the storm which had been provoked. The Picayune, in an editorial charging that the ordinance was in contravention of Act 135 passed by the State Legislature in 1888, observed: "It is remarkable that the mayor, who has the reputation of being an astute and consummate politician, should have plunged into a course which is so excessively unpopular and has so entirely aroused the displeasure and condemnation of the people."24 At the meeting of the council of May 22 an ordinance was introduced by Councilmen Brand and Doerr repealing the Fischer ordinance. "But it matters very little," commented the Picayune on the next morning, "whether the ordinance be repealed or not; the people are aroused to a degree which insures that the road will not be built."

The repealing measure, under the rules of the council, lay over one week pending final action. In order to make sure that it would be p511passed, the Citizens' Protective Association scheduled a mass meeting at Washington Artillery Hall for the 29th, the night when the council should meet. Many thousands of excited citizens attended; other thousands collected around the city hall and yelled execrations against various members of the city government who were suspected of having part in the manufacture of the ordinance. The council promptly repealed the ordinance, and when a committee headed by Judge C. E. Fenner arrived from the mass meeting to ascertain what disposition would be made in the matter, it was greeted by the mayor with the announcement of what had been done. In fact, Mr. Fischer had already sent in a communication refusing to accept the grant, and this decision had been supported by the published announcement of the officials of the Illinois Central Railroad.

The Citizens' Protective Association, however, not content with this victory, undertook an investigation of the city government. A man named John Ellwood was found who was willing to testify before the grand jury that he knew that certain members of the council were taking bribes.25 On June 8 two councilmen were indicted for "bribery and corruption in office in selling their votes and official influence as members of the city council." They had, as subsequently appeared in the testimony at the trial, refused to perform official acts until paid large sums of money. They were followed in rapid succession by other members of the council, indicted for similar offenses, until by the end of August nine had been involved. In addition, the city engineer and one ex-official — ? a retired tax assessor — ? were under indictment. Of these, however, only three were convicted.26

Mayor Fitzpatrick, through a mistaken sense of loyalty to friends and political supporters, refused to suspend the indicted councilmen. He took the ground that indictment was based upon ex-parte testimony, and that he was not justified in assuming a degree of guilt sufficient to justify suspension until the charge had been ventilated in court. This, and other official acts, received sharp condemnation at the hands of the city press, one newspaper going so far in discussing the mayor as to intimate that he was a beneficiary under contracts granted by the city.27 Fitzpatrick promptly replied by filing a suit for $100,000, alleging libel, and denying the charge that he had used his official position to coerce a contractor into giving business to a hardware firm in which Mrs. Fitzpatrick had an interest. His policy here, and in respect to the indicted councilmen, was, as we shall see, in part the basis upon which subsequent impeachment proceedings were filed against him.

After procuring the indictment of other city officials, the Citizens' Protective Association, foreseeing the magnitude of the task which it had assumed, effected a formal organization. Hitherto it has existed as a vague sort of association, the leaders of which owed their position merely to the fact of personal influence and priority in the movement. On July 27, however, at the rooms of a commercial society, known as the Young Men's Business League, delegates assembled to select a regular board of officers. George W. Young was elected president, and A. L. p512Redden, secretary. The other officers were distributed among J. J. McLaughlin, J. Watts Kearney, S. L. Twitchell, E. F. Kohnke, H. A. Veters, Alcée Fortier, J. H. Dillard, J. W. Barkdull, A. G. Romain, O. J. Morel, E. E. Wood and other equally prominent men. It was definitely decided at this meeting to impeach certain members of the city administration, under Article 201 of the state constitution. This article permitted impeachment proceedings to be brought before any judge of the Civil District Court on the written petition of at least twenty-five citizens. It was also decided at this meeting to proceed against the garbage contractor in court.28

On September 14 impeachment proceedings were begun under the foregoing agreement against Mayor Fitzpatrick in the Civil District Court. The case was allotted to Judge F. D. King and the trial began on November 8. The charges against the mayor were that he had "consented to and officially approved the Fischer belt railroad ordinance, adopted and signed in opposition to a general protest by citizens, and in flagrant violation of the law. It granted to a city official without demanding from him any benefit to the city [. . .] a practically unlimited privilege, [. . .] this privilege not having been offered to public competition by advertising, as the law directs. The statutes of the state were expressly defied in the enactment of this ordinance, which the mayor obeyed and which he subsequently signed, against the protest which was adopted at a public meeting and was subsequently presented to him by a delegation of citizens. [. . .] The mayor's failure to interpose his veto against any unlawful ordinance was to commit a wrong, but to sign it was a grave aggravation of that wrong." The mayor's failure to report to the council indicted officials "was in violation of a plain injunction of the law, and [. . .] councilmen are city officials in the meaning of that law."29

A third charge was that the mayor had consented "to the purchase of material and supplies and to contracts for labor of public works without advertisement or adjudication, as the law requires. The law is entirely explicit in declaring that no public work or supplies shall be contracted for or purchased except when such contracts shall have been advertised and offered for public competition, unless in case of emergency, when purchases up to the amount of $50 may be privately made. But in the face of this law the city officials, with the consent and approbation of the mayor, went ahead making contracts for large amounts with favored persons, without the slightest formality of advertising. [. . .] The mayor and the council applied to bills by heads of departments, regardless of amounts, the rule which the statute confined to bills not exceeding $50."

The petition of impeachment then dealt with the mayor's relations with the plumbing business in which Mrs. Fitzpatrick was supposed to hold an interest. This was "a firm in whose business [. . .] the mayor was both directly and indirectly concerned. Even if the connection had gone no further than the fact that the mayor's wife is a partner in the firm, such dealings would have been unlawful, but his interest was greater than that. [. . .] The mayor actually encouraged and participated therein by approving ordinances making payment" to this company, p513and furthermore by approving contracts made "with this firm in his own department of city hall repairs, which required his approval before they could go to the council for payment."30

In reply, the mayor's attorneys held that interest and motive must be the determining factors in appraising an official act. "The character of an official act must be determined by the motive behind it. [. . .] The opposite side admits that the mayor is an honest man." The fact was cited that Mayor Shakespeare had approved ordinances providing for the construction of a belt railroad, on the ground that it conduced to the good of the greatest part of the population. The Fischer road would admittedly have been a great benefit to the city in developing the swamp lands in the rear of the city. The law requiring the advertisement of public franchises applied only to street railway franchises. With regard to the charge that purchases in excess of $50 had been made, it was submitted that they had been authorized only in order to take advantage of lowest market prices, and had been advantageous to the city. With regard to the mayor's connection with city contracts, it was pointed out that the rule on this subject in the city charter was general, and prescribed a course of action without reference to whether it was hurtful to the city's interests. Clearly it might be ignored when it was to the city's clear advantage.31

Judge King reserved his decision until March 14, 1895. He then found in all points in favor of Mayor Fitzpatrick. He held in a voluminous written opinion that the testimony was "in some cases false and perjured, in others insufficient, and in nearly all cases worthless to prove anything against the mayor," was "acquitted of every charge and in every particular." With regard to the ordinances relative to the payments on public contracts which had never been advertised as directed by law, the court held "in respect to violation of law, first, that an official has a certain discretion, to the extent of which under his own judgment he may depart from the law. And this power and right of official discretion being a matter wholly indefinable and unlimited in terms of any sort, must be tested by the intention with which the law is violated. If no evil intention be shown, then there must have been no wrongful violation of the law." The court held, also, that the mayor, violating the law by advice of the city attorney, was not guilty of wrongdoing. An important use was made throughout the decision of the right to follow precedent in disregarding the express letter of the law. "When unlawful practices had been repeatedly pursued with impunity by his predecessors in office, a succeeding mayor is excused in following the precedent, if not justified."

With regard to the mayor's failure to suspend the indicted councilmen, Judge King's opinion was, that "the mayor honestly misapprehended the law, and in doing so committed an honest error of judgment and of law," in which he was wholly excusable. With regard to the relations with the firm in which Mrs. Fitzpatrick was a partner, the judge adopted the theory elaborated by the mayor's attorneys in their addresses at the close of the trial. "The respondent," said Judge King, "is not guilty of any act of malfeasance, gross misconduct, corruption, or favoritism." p514He was not, in fact, a partner in the firm in the sense in which the term was used in the law. In respect to purchases in excess of $50, the judgment held that the fact that Mayor Shakespeare had likewise approved of transactions wherein no advertisement had been made, and where the amount was in excess of the sum stipulated in the law, established a precedent which exculpated Mayor Fitzpatrick. With regard to the latter's failure to co-operate with the grand jury in its investigation of alleged irregularities in the various departments of the municipal government, it was regarded as sufficient to explain his attitude in the premises that the grand jury had not invited the mayor's co-operation.

The citizens' case was a fiasco, but the local press did not hesitate to condemn the doctrine set up by the court. "As the people of New Orleans now know what protection they have under the judicial interpretation of their charter, it would not be astonishing and it would do no harm, if they were to assemble by thousands in indignation meeting in Lafayette Square, and perform a solemn auto da fe over their useless charter by publicly burning it. It is obviously not worth the paper it is written on." The Times-Democrat from whose editorial this quotation is extracted, hastened to add that it did not presume to question the "strict probity" of Judge King, or the "purity of his motives," but it could, nevertheless, not "look on the decision as otherwise than a public calamity."32

Under the judgment the citizens who brought the proceedings, were made responsible for all costs, and the right of the mayor was established to bring suits for damages against the members. Of this right, however, Mayor Fitzpatrick did not avail himself. Nor did the Citizens' Protective Association make any further effort to impeach city officials. Thereafter it directed its energies rather to the organization of an anti-administration party and preparations for the next election.

Throughout Mayor Fitzpatrick's term there was trouble in the ranks of local labor. His enemies seized upon this circumstance to criticise the mayor for his well-known partiality towards the laboring man. The difficulties were attributed by these persons to his unwillingness to attack the problem of labor courageously and firmly. It is not certain that these criticisms were wholly justified. These years were years of unrest throughout the United States, and it is probable that, to a very large degree, the disorders in New Orleans were merely reflections of those which on a larger scale made labor history in England, Germany, and in the Northern part of the United States. The advent of the administration was heralded in April, 1892, by the crisis in the affairs of the local paper-hangers and street-car drivers. Both groups presented demands for increases in wages. In both cases the matter was adjusted without a strike, on terms favorable to the men. But in the following month, the street-car men's union submitted to their employers a demand for the discharge of all non-union employees. The refusal of this proposition was followed on May 17 by a strike which tied up all the city lines except one, and that solitary exception was also tied up on the 22nd. Save for a few cars run under police protection, local transportation remained inactive until the 26th, when the strike was ended through the mediation of the American Federation of Labor, neither side being advantaged. Numerous acts of violence had marked the progress of the strike. Cars p515had been attacked, strike-breakers had been assaulted, and persons attempting to ride in conveyances had been ejected and mishandled. At the end of the month the city council adopted an ordinance remitting one-half of the fines imposed upon persons arrested for these acts. No good reason was advanced for this extraordinary freak of legislation. The only discernible explanation was a desire to placate the labor vote.

Unrest continued in the ranks of labor all through the summer, but no fresh outbreak occurred till October. On the 19th of that month a series of events began which led to a general strike, when for a few days all the functions of the city's life were suspended, and a very grave situation created. On that date several unions connected with handling and distribution of freight at the railroad stations, struck for shorter hours, increased pay, and the monopoly by union men of employment there. The strike terminated on November 1, with an agreement to submit to arbitration all the questions in dispute. But it was immediately followed by a strike of carriage- and hearse-drivers. The sugarmakers' union struck also. The agitation spread to all of the local unions. The complaint as to insupportable conditions among all classes of laboring men in the city, was general. On November 3 the Amalgamated Council, representing all branches of organized labor, called a general strike. Practically every trade at once suspended. Even the typesetters on the daily newspapers left their cases. The employes at the gas works and at the electric light plant abandoned their posts, and the city was plunged in darkness. The police were too few to cope with the situation, and as soon as reports of violence began to come in, the governor of the state, who was on the scene, decided to intervene. On the 11th Governor Nicholls issued a proclamation calling out the militia and announcing his intention to protect all persons peacefully going about their vocations. In the face of this energetic action, the unions had no course but to submit. The strike ended three days later.

Again, in 1894, the city was compelled to witness the outbreak of serious labor troubles, this time, unquestionably, resulting from the nationwide agitation connected with the great strike in Chicago in that year. There were, however, local factors which differentiated the New Orleans situation from those elsewhere during this eventful period. Here the trouble took the form of disputes between the white and negro screwmen employed on the New Orleans river front. In the latter part of October this feeling led the white screwmen to notify the stevedores that they would no longer work on vessels with colored men. On the 26th they raided certain ships where negroes were employed, and threw the latter's tools in the river. The next day colored screwmen were driven from their work at various points on the levee, one negro was killed, and several injured. Further clashes between the races ensued; and on November 4 a riot occurred in the upper part of the city, in the district known popularly as Carrollton, in which a negro stevedore was shot and dangerously wounded. The disorders on the levee were finally terminated by the governor ordering out the militia, under protection of which the negroes returned to work. An adjustment satisfactory to all parties was not worked out till the following year. In the interval, the inefficiency of the police in handling the riots led to an investigation, and in December, 1894, two captains and several patrolmen were dismissed from the force.

p516 Fitzpatrick's administration came to an end April 27, 1896. He continued to be a figure in local politics, however, down to his death, on April 8, 1919. In 1898 he was elected to the State Legislature from a New Orleans district. In 1899 he was a candidate for the democratic nomination for governor. He entered the state convention with an almost solid block of votes assured from the city. A deadlock ensued as a result of his candidacy, that of Lieutenant-Governor Snyder, and of Senator Lawrason. As a compromise W. W. Heard was selected. Heard was elected. After taking his seat the new governor appointed Fitzpatrick tax-collector of the First District. During his tenancy of this office an incident occurred which illustrates strikingly the best side of this remarkable man's character. Through the dishonesty of a deputy, the state lost $116,000. Fitzpatrick was responsible, but only up to the amount of his bond — ? $30,000 — ? for the acts of his deputy. He, however, refused to accept the limitation, assumed the whole debt, and paid it at the sacrifice practically of his entire private fortune.

In 1908 the offices of the state tax collectors in New Orleans were consolidated in one. Fitzpatrick was put at the head of it. He was holding this post when he died.

Fitzpatrick was a man of great ability, and under other circumstances than those which limited his early life, and handicapped him throughout his entire career, would have risen high. He was exceedingly charitable, took a prominent part in all benevolent and fraternal enterprises, and was a member of many clubs. For many years he was regarded as the leading sporting authority in the South. He was the referee at the Sullivan-Ryan prize-fight in 1882, and at the Sullivan-Kilrain fight in 1889.33 He strove to give the city a good administration, and if he failed, the failure was due, in the main, to his too persistent loyalty to friends and political supporters, who did not deserve his confidence.

The Author’s Notes

1 Statement of Otto Thoman to author. Thoman was an intimate friend of Fitzpatrick.

2 Picayune, March 27, 1892.

3 April 18, 1892.

4 Ibid.

5 Times-Democrat, April 10, 1892.

6 Item, April 18, 1892.

7 April 12, 1892.

8 Ibid.

9 A proposition to put before the people at the election of 1892 a scheme for a constitutional amendment with this end in view was opposed by Fitzpatrick. He refused to put it on his ballot. The idea was rejected at the time by the voters of the city. It was, however, revived at the constitutional convention of 1898, when the "grandfather" clause was enacted, by which the franchise was so restricted as practically to eliminate the colored voter. The convention of 1898 was called primarily to enable the city to grant certain privileges on the river front to a railway running into New Orleans, but advantage was taken of the opportunity to bring up legislation relative to the franchise.

10 Times-Picayune, April 8, 1919.

11 Ordinance No 7170, C. S.

12 Ordinance 7350, C. S.

13 Ordinance 8327, C. S.

14 See Proceedings of City Council, March 3, 1896.

15 Campbell, "Charter of the City of New Orleans," Introduction, August, 1908, pp20, 21.

16 Ordinance No. 11896, C. S.

17 Ordinance No. 12398, C. S.

18 Ordinance No. 11765, C. S.

19 Ordinances Nos. 10254 and 12217, C. S.

20 Times-Picayune, April 8, 1919.

21 See Ordinance 7860, C. S.

22 Picayune, April 17, 1894.

23 Picayune, May 16, 1894.

24 Picayune, May 22, 1894.

25 Statement of J. J. McLoughlin. Mr. McLoughlin was prominent at every stage of this remarkable movement.

26 Report of the Bloomfield Grand Jury, June 19, 1894; Times-Democrat, June-September, 1894, passim.

27 States, July 23, 1894.

28 Picayune, July 30, 1894.

29 This is the Picayune's editorial summary of the citizens' petition.

30 Picayune, January 10, 1895. Address of Judge Fenner at the close of the proceedings. Fenner was of counsel for the petitioners at the trial.

31 Address to T. M. Miller before Judge King, at the close of the case. Picayune, January, 1895, passim.

32 Times-Democrat, March 15, 1895.

33 Times-Picayune, April 8, 1919.

p517 Chapter XXXIII

The Citizens' League Mayor

The movement of protest against the existing situation in municipal affairs culminated in January, 1896, in the organization of a new political party, which called itself the Citizens' League. This organization was non-partisan, and had no interest in state politics, which at that time were exceedingly complicated and important. It aimed only at the election of new city officials, the overturning of the system which had long dominated the administration of local affairs, and the election to the State Legislature of such members from the city districts as would work in that body for laws in line with these objects. The headquarters were established at No. 314 Camp Street. Over the windows of the committee rooms a flag was flung to the breezes which had been used as the Third Ward headquarters of the Young Men's Democratic Association, eight years before. The officers of the party were: President, Charles Janvier; vice presidents, Pearl Wright, John Henderson, Felix Couturié; secretary, Walker B. Spencer; treasurer, G. W. Young. The executive committee was composed of C. W. Drown, A. Brittin, Alphonse Rabouin, J. F. Meunier, L. Claudel, Anthony Sbisa, W. R. Lyman, W. D. Denegre, W. R. Railey, S. F. Heaslip, John Finke, Bernard McCloskey, W. R. Stauffer, F. S. Palfrey, J. M. Parker, W. E. Dodsworth, John McGraw, O. I. McLellen, R. H. Lea, Wright Schaumberg, H. Dickson Bruns, T. J. Stanton, and George Lhote. "As death destroys citizenship, dead men shall no longer be permitted to exercise the right of suffrage," ran the league's pronunciamento, published in the newspapers on the morning following its organization, "and as the privilege of voting is exclusively personal, and not transferable, representation at the polls by proxy must and shall be stopped."1

At the same time a "Citizens' Party" was organized. Its members were workingmen, and its program was, in substance, identical with that of the Citizens' League, with which, as we shall presently see, it ultimately consolidated. The Picayune greeted its appearance cordially. "It shows that the people are aroused at the humiliating situation in which they have been placed by the present municipal government," was its comment, "and that they are determined to have a change. They will unite in any popular movement to down the old gang and establish a better order of things."2 The Picayune was not alone in its cordial support of the popular side. The press of New Orleans, with one exception, solidly endorsed the league and fought valiantly through the hot campaign which followed.

This campaign opened on January 11, in the Eleventh Ward. Here the first Citizens' League Ward Club was organized. President Janvier made an address on this occasion which was a sharp arraignment of the party in power. "Official venality and incapacity," he said, "have fretted public endurance almost to the point of revolution. Unless some tangible promise of substantial relief through peaceful means be given, I very p518much fear that outraged public patience will burst its bounds, and adopt heroic measures to drive from office the betrayers of the public trust." The league, as he defined its purposes, was called into being in order to secure for New Orleans "an honest administration of the affairs of the city [. . .] by officials chosen with reference to their character, capacity, and efficiency rather than for their ability to manipulate ward politics."3

In order better to subserve these purposes the executive committee of the league was divided into sub-committees. At the head of the finance committee was W. D. Denegre. S. F. Heaslip headed the committee on registration. This was an exceedingly important department of the work. It was necessary at once to set about "purifying the registration." "In a very short time a system will be set on foot," promised the president, in one of his addresses, "by which the frauds that have so long flourished will be uncovered, and an effective quietus put upon their further development." H. Dickson Bruns was chairman of a committee to formulate "such laws as may be requisite to correct the many abuses which have crept into our registration and electoral systems, so that it will be impossible in future for a minority to forcibly transform itself into a majority, by enlisting the active and unconscious suffrages of the absent and the dead, and supplying any further deficiencies by unscrupulous manipulation of the returns." The other members of this important committee, to which, later, was due a complete program of legislation, were Judge W. W. Howe, T. J. Semmes, W. B. Spencer, George Denegre, and Judge E. C. Fenner. The committee on legislation designed to better the administration of criminal justice in the city was headed by Bernard McCloskey.4 From its incipiency the plan was not to dissolve the organization at the termination of the campaign, but to maintain it intact, with a view first to complete its work by securing in the State Legislature the enactment of a new city charter, and, secondly, to support the new administration in the effective execution of its revolutionary policies.

The campaign had not progressed far when the Board of Registration, which possessed the right to determine what parties should be represented by commissioners at the polls, decided that this right did not pertain to the citizens' movement. Janvier, in an address in the Tenth Ward, commenting upon this decision, warned the citizens interested in good government not to take part in the local primaries. "In the absence of any laws to regulate primaries," he said, "it is possible to vote fraudulent registration and stuff the boxes, so that however great might be the real majority of the citizens voting, they would have no influence in determining the result."5 The Citizens' League, however, finally obtained representation at the polls, but only when Buck made this a condition necessary to his acceptance of the regular democratic nomination.

On February 26 the Citizens' League published an address to the public which was, in effect, its platform. The document opened with a denunciation of the regular democratic organization, which "has hesitated at no act, however detrimental to the public welfare, to strengthen its hold and perpetuate its existence. [. . .] Should it be able to maintain its grasp, it will plunge the city into greater disorder and disgrace, p519hopelessly undermine the foundations of public prosperity, and finally destroy the liberties of the people." An outline of the league's plans followed. It would work not only for a new city charter and for laws to insure a clean registration, but it pledged itself to see that there would be, under its auspices, an efficient administration of public affairs, that the taxes were honestly expended, that the proper measures were taken to advance the public school system, that the police force should be increased; and that the streets should be kept clean, and good drainage provided. It promised to eliminate from the city payrolls "the political loafers who draw salaries for which they do not work, thus depriving honest men of the opportunity to earn an honest living."6

Mayor Walter C. Flower

The league announced its candidate for mayor on March 21. The publication of the remainder of the ticket was postponed until the plans of the opposition could be seen. Walter C. Flower was the choice for mayor. Flower was a democrat of long standing. He was born in East Feliciana, in 1850. His father, Richard Flower, was a well-known planter, who had extensive interests in the cotton business in New Orleans. The son was educated in Pass Christian College, and after leaving that institution, took a course in law at Tulane University. For some years after graduating at the university, he was employed as a reporter on the Picayune. He then practiced law for a short time, and in 1888 became connected with the cotton business, as a member of a firm of which the other partner was Branch M. King. He had been successful, and only a few months previous to the opening of the Citizens' p520League campaign, had retired from business. He had figured creditably in the battle of September 14, 1874, and had always been a staunch, though not conspicuous, supporter of every movement in behalf of better government in the city. He had served two terms as president of the Cotton Exchange, in 1891 and 1892. The announcement that he had been selected to head the reform ticket was made by the Citizens' League speakers at a mass-meeting in the Fifth Ward. It was received with general satisfaction throughout the city.

Mr. Flower's letter of acceptance was published on March 30. It was a simple and unaffected document, in which he said: "I shall know no class distinctions. The interests of the laboring man will be as much the object of my solicitude as those of the better circumstanced. My study will be to act as will best conduce to the general welfare. [. . .] The time is ripe for the commercial development of New Orleans, and the most liberal policy will be adopted with reference thereto. Enterprise should be encouraged, instead of hampered by obstructive and oppressive measures." The Picayune, commenting upon the letter, said the following morning: "It is a noble and manly message," and characterized Flower as "a man of executive ability, and firmness [. . .] full of patriotism and public spirit."7

The opposition made capital out of the fact that Flower was a wealthy man, and that all of his associates were drawn habitually from the class which it is customary to set-off from the "laboring classes." On this basis an appeal was made to the latter element. But fortunately, the Citizens' Party had already to a considerable extent enlisted the sympathies of the laboring people in behalf of the reform movement. As early as January 13, at a meeting of this party, in the Third Ward, resolutions had been passed requesting the Orleans Parish Committee (the regular democratic organization) to "call a joint session of all committees to select an appropriate ticket" and expressing the opinion that "as we represent the practical working people, our relief will be solely in our own exertions."8 In an editorial the following day the Picayune urged an alliance between the Citizens' Party and the Citizens' League. This was happily worked out on March 31. A committee of five representing the Citizens' Party was appointed which drew up resolutions endorsing Flower, and they were adopted by the organization. From the point of view of the Citizens' League, this accession of strength was desirable; from the point of view of the Citizens' Party, fusion was imperative, inasmuch as the Board of Registration had refused to allow it representation at the polls, at the coming election.

Another objection raised to Flower by the regular democrats was, that he did not reside in the Eleventh Ward, as alleged, and therefore was not eligible to office. As a matter of fact, Flower had not given up his legal residence there, although for the sake of his health he had been spending some time in Covington, Louisiana. The fact was later established by his affidavit. Flower's health was also brought up as an argument against his election. His physique was not robust, but he was far from being an invalid, and actually served through his term, when elected, without ill consequences. His death, which occurred only a few years after he left the mayoralty, may have been hastened by the disappointment p521of his defeat in 1900, but was not attributable except remotely to his official labors. The most valid criticism to which Flower was subject, however, was that he was not really a democrat, but a "sugar" republican. From the view-point of the hide-bound party-men, this was a very serious accusation, and in fact had weight with many voters who set store by their party-record. It was true that he had identified himself with the republican party during the short-lived movement of the preceding year, when a considerable number of former democrats changed their political affiliations as a result of the policy of the national administration regarding the tariff on sugar. He had been a member of the Behan campaign-committee, but resigned within a short while; and in fact, his connection with the republican party had last so brief a time, and had been so superficial that it had small weight with the thinking part of the city population. Moreover, as his supporters pointed out, the Citizens' League was non-partisan, and national politics, after all, had no place in purely municipal questions.

The regular democrats experienced considerable difficulty in finding a man to put up against Flower. The nomination was offered in turn to A. W. Hyatt, T. L. Macon, Davidson B. Penn, and Otto Thoman. Thoman would have been a thoroughly satisfactory candidate. His record in public office recommended him to the community. But his family induced him not to accept the tendered honor, on the ground that he had already done his full share of public labor, and that the new office would take him from their midst practically every waking hour of the day. The nomination was then tendered to Charles F. Buck, member of Congress from one of the city districts. Buck refused it at first, and finally consented to lead the ticket only after some of the most prominent men in the party had represented to him that, unless he accepted, the democracy, as an organization, would be disrupted in New Orleans, and possibly in the state. While awaiting Buck's answer the regulars turned to Fitzpatrick, and down to April 5 his name was believed to be the necessary, though reluctant, choice. Buck was exceedingly anxious to continue his national career, in which he was making a brilliant reputation, and it represented a very great personal sacrifice when on April 6 he signified his willingness to run for mayor. But he coupled his consent with conditions. The ticket should be a "clean" one — ? there should not be on it any person under indictment; meaning that none of the members of the Fitzpatrick city council who had fallen under suspicion should be renominated. Buck also stipulated that the opposition party should have representation at the polls. These terms were accepted, but as a matter of fact, some of the indicted councilmen were put on the ticket at the last moment, in defiance of Buck's wishes.9

Buck was an excellent candidate. He was "the only man in the city who could save the party," as the Picayune pointed out. "He would make a good mayor," continued this same journal, "just as he would fill any public office whose duties he would undertake, with fidelity, zeal, and ability." He had expressed "an honest and genuine horror" of the methods which had made the city government objectionable. He was a native of Germany, a son of a father who had risen to some prominence in the revolution of 1848, and for that reason had been compelled to emigrate to the United States. This father, and the mother also, had p522perished in 1853 in New Orleans, of the yellow fever. The son had risen by sheer courage and hard work from the humblest circumstances to a position where he enjoyed the respect and affection of the entire community. He was now about fifty-five years of age. He had become a naturalized citizen of the United States in 1865. In 1880 he was elected city attorney, and re-elected to that office in 1882. He was elected to Congress in 1895 over H. Dudley Coleman, republican, in an exciting contest. After the campaign for mayor closed, and his defeat was assured, he returned to the practice of the law, and continued an honored member of the community down to his death, a few years ago.

It must be admitted that the regular ticket was, except for Buck, not chosen with much regard to the public's wishes. Buck's name was relied upon to carry through the usual list of professional politicians. Except for the mayoral nomination, the ticket was not announced till April 8. The delay was due to the wish to wait till after the Citizens' League candidates had been presented to the public, and the hope that there might then be a popular reaction which would be favorable to the regulars. However, the Citizens' League played the same game, and on the 14th the regulars felt that it was useless to wait longer, and published their nominees. The leading candidates were: Comptroller, C. R. Kennedy; treasurer, C. H. Schenck; commissioner of public works, Denis McCarthy; commissioner of police and public buildings, C. Taylor Gauche; civil sheriff, Vic Mauberret; criminal sheriff, Remy Klock; registrar of conveyance, Charles Duquesnay. There were, besides, a full set of nominees for the recorder's courts, the city council, etc. The parish convention which selected the ticket on that date made a great pretense of carrying out the people's will — ? of yielding to a popular demand for a "high grade" ticket. "As to coming fresh from the people," said the Picayune of the ticket, on the following morning, "nothing could be more ridiculous. The nominations were known for weeks beforehand. [. . .] The ticket was a cut-and-dried affair, dictated by the bosses, and forced on their followers, whether satisfactory or not."10 "All the old ringsters are at its forefront. [. . .] The change in name of some of the candidates means no change in the administration of their offices, since the same influences, the same power behind the throne, will be operating there, just the same as before, should the ring ticket be elected."11

The remainder of the Citizens' League ticket was announced the following day. The leading candidates were: Treasurer, Euclid Borland; comptroller, P. A. Rabouin; commissioner of public works, W. L. Gary; commissioner of police and public buildings, J. W. Murphy, and there were nominations for all the other municipal, parish and legislative offices. It had been intended to publish the ticket at a great mass-meeting at the foot of Canal Street, but bad weather prevented this, and the announcement was made at the newspaper offices in Camp Street, where an immense crowd assembled, which blocked traffic for most of the night. "It is not a rich man's ticket," said the Picayune, the next morning; "it contains men from every walk of life." The candidates were, moreover, nearly all men new to local politics, without affiliations with the regular organization, and all known for ability in some line or other. p523No better municipal ticket had ever been nominated in the entire history of the city.

The election took place on April 21. Considering the excitement which had attended the canvass, election day passed off with astonishingly little trouble. This result was perhaps due to the fact that the Citizens' League was known to be prepared for all eventualities. Its headquarters were established at Odd Fellows Hall, which then overlooked Lafayette Square. Here the threads of the organization were held by the leaders. A moment's notice would suffice to bring thither hundreds of resolute men. A force of 1,500 citizens armed with revolvers were distributed through the city in squads at the various polling places. Fortunately, no occasion rose to test the efficiency of these arrangements. Save for a cutting affair in the Third War, and sundry fist-fights, the day passed uneventfully. Flower received 28,345 votes and Buck, 17,295. The whole Citizens' League ticket was elected by substantially the same majority. Unquestionably, this result was due in part to the fact that no attempt had been made to exploit the registration office, as had so often been done on other occasions, for the benefit of the "regular" organization. At the head of that office was ex-Mayor I. N. Patton. He had been appointed in the midst of the campaign. He was a supporter of the Citizens' League. His appointment was construed as an indication that Governor Foster was favorable to the citizens' movement. Patton's reputation was a guarantee that no irregular practices would occur in his department.

Mayor Flower was inaugurated on April 27, 1896. His administration was, in the main, occupied with the re-organization of the city government made necessary as a result of the enactment of the city charter of 1896. It will be remembered that one of the features of the Citizens' League program was the reform of the basic law of the city. The members of the State Legislature elected under the auspices of the league promptly set to work to carry out this promise. The new charter which they caused to be enacted was in line with the recommendations of the Municipal Reform League, and from the standpoint of the political economist, was ideal. The chief defect in the law was the fact that it did not go into operation all at once. Part became operative in 1896, and the remainder in 1900. The Legislature was influenced by the idea that it would be unwise to disturb the new administration immediately after its installation. Hence it provided that there should be no change of officers until after the next election — ? that in 1900. This fact led to considerable confusion and some litigation, to determine precisely the part of the instrument which became operative immediately, and which lay over till 1900.

The charter followed, in general, the lines of the previous documents of the sort. It divided the city in seventeen wards, the fifteenth being that part of the city situated on the right bank of the Mississippi, popularly known by its old name of Algiers. These wards were also grouped in seven municipal districts. The legislative department of the city government was composed of a council of seventeen members. This did not make any change on the previously existing system, except that the size of the council was reduced by nearly one-half. The members were, as formerly, elected by districts and wards. In the first and fourth municipal districts a councilman-at-large was authorized in addition to the representatives from the wards. A radical departure from the previous p524charter was the provision by which the councilmen were to be paid $20 each per month. Under all previous charters these officials had served without compensation. The duties of the council were substantially unchanged from those set forth in the charter of 1882.

The executive branch of the city government was to consist of a mayor, a comptroller, a treasurer, a commissioner of police and public buildings, a commissioner of public works, and a city engineer. Of these officers the mayor, the comptroller and the treasurer were elective. The intention in having the last-named position filled by the vote of the citizens, was to prevent the mayor from getting too great control over the city finances. The other officials — ? city engineer, commissioner of police and public buildings, and commissioner of public works — ? were to be appointed by the mayor by and with the consent of the council. The mayor also appointed the city attorney and the city notary. It was required that in order to be eligible for these places the candidates should be at least thirty years old, citizens of the state and of the United States, and residents of the city for at least five years prior to their election or appointment. The mayor's salary was fixed at $6,000 annually, the comptroller's at $4,500, the treasurer's at $3,500, the commissioner of public works at $4,000, the commissioner of police and public buildings at $3,500, the city engineer's at $4,000. The duties of these officers, as described in the new act, offered no material change from the provisions of the previous charter. It will be seen, however, that the mayor's powers were sensibly augmented. The extension of his appointive power made him the center of the administration, with the departmental heads as his cabinet. This arrangement was in deference to the recommendations of the Municipal Reform League, and in line with the best expert opinion. It was considered that a harmonious administration was thus assured, a division of responsibility prevented, and the chances of the people obtaining a good government increased. The feeling was, that the electors should be relied on to choose one efficient officer — ? the mayor, under the new charter; whereas, if called on to elect a multiplicity of officials, as hitherto had been the case, the possibilities of an ideal selection were very small.

In addition to the board of police commissioners and the board of fire commissioners, which were continued,12 there was provision for the appointment of a board of civil service commissioners. The mayor was authorized to name this board, which was to consist of three members, to hold office for twelve years unless sooner removed, and to receive annually compensation of $3,000 each. "No person shall be eligible for such appointment who has been a candidate for, or encumbent of a municipal office in this state within four years prior to his appointment," ran part of the section relative to the board. It was also provided that dug his incumbency none of the commissioners might be a candidate for any office whatsoever, nor be eligible for any office under the city government for four years after the close of his term. The duty of the board was to establish and put into operation a body of rules for the new government, and it was provided that, thereafter, all appointments and promotions should be made in accordance with those rules.

The charter made provision for the establishment of four recorders' courts in New Orleans. With regard to vacancies in office, the impeachment p525and removal of officials, and public improvements in general, the provisions of the previous charter were substantially undisturbed. All the existing city officials were continued in office till the expiration of their terms. The first election to take place under the new act was fixed for the first Tuesday following the first Monday in April, 1900, but on the condition that, in the interval, the dates were not changed by the Legislature — ? which was not done.13 It will be seen that this charter was admirable in many respects, but unfortunately it outran public sentiment in New Orleans. The reforms which it proposed, highly admirable in themselves, were too far-reaching and abrupt under the conditions which prevailed in the city. The civil service provisions were especially the objects of attack. It was objected that the law, as it stood, opened the way to any casual non-resident to secure appointment to office under the city government, merely by passing the examinations. The feeling on this subject found expression in the city council in opposition to the men chosen by Mayor Flower to compose the first board. Their names were sent in in September, 1896, but action was deferred until the following January, when the mayor withdrew them. A second board, nominated by the mayor early in January, was composed of Judge W. W. Howe, Prof. Alcée Fortier and George W. Young. They were approved by the council. The board held its first meeting on January 29, 1897, and elected Prof. J. W. Pearce, secretary and assistant examiner. The board accomplished a useful work during the Flower administration, chiefly by familiarizing the public with the idea of civil service, but it did not succeed in allaying the opposition thereto, and, as we shall see, the law on the subject was subsequently and drastically amended.

Beginning with the present century there has been a marked increase in the commerce of New Orleans. Investigation, however, shows that this increasing commercial prosperity had its origin in the closing years of the nineteenth century. It was in those years that Flower completed the arrangements for the installation in New Orleans of a complete system of sewerage, drainage, and water supply. Although the need of these improvements was recognized in the Citizens' League platform, they had been advocated only in general terms. The necessity was made urgent now by two outbreaks of yellow fever, the first in 1897, the second in 1898. In neither case was the disease of as deadly a character as it had displayed on previous occasions. In the first-named year there were 298 deaths in a total population of 285,156. In the latter year, but fifty-seven died out of a population of slightly in excess of 290,000. The disease appeared also in 1899, when there were twenty-three deaths; but in the latter year did not assume an epidemic form. These events demonstrated that a general house-cleaning was necessary for the salvation of New Orleans, and that the methods which had been depended on for the drainage of the city without much improvement for 200 years, would have to be immediately abandoned.

The preliminary steps looking to a modern system of drainage had been taken in the Fitzpatrick administration, but now Abraham Brittin, who had been elected to the city council on the Citizens' League ticket, distinguished himself by his advocacy of a plan whereby the city itself should undertake the work, and not leave it with a private corporation. Brittin demanded that with drainage should go water-supply and sewage, p526and that these various activities should be concentrated under the control of a single board, and not left to the management of the city council.14 The plan was fully discussed at an historic meeting in the mayor's office at the City Hall, on November 17, 1898, at which were present, besides Mr. Brittin and Mayor Flower, the following: City Attorney Gilmore, Assistant City Attorney J. J. McLoughlin, and Councilmen Marmouget, Guillaud, Story, Leahy, Pfister, Lochte, Pedersen, Tosso, Clark, Dreyfous, Ricks, Anderson, Claiborne and Brophy. Brittin said: "However divergent the views of citizens as to the method of obtaining it, I assume after the experience of the past two summers and the exhaustive discussion of the subject, that the people are practically unanimous in the demand for a thorough and complete sewerage of the city. But as to private ownership and control, whether wisely or unwisely based, there is unmistakably serious and pronounced opposition — ? an opposition so manifest that our council, who rightfully are to represent the people's wishes and demands, cannot ignore it. To my mind it has been perfectly clear from the beginning, and that opinion is still unshaken, that if the city is to own and operate the sewerage upon any fair and reasonable basis, it can only be done by the imposition of a small special tax for the purpose, otherwise the construction and permanent operation by private corporate control will be a certain result. So, as I view it, the choice lies between a special tax and city ownership on the one hand, and private control on the other. And it seems to me, in view of this fact, that the people themselves should make the choice by an election held for that purpose. [. . .] In view of these circumstances we offer for consideration this proposition: To submit to the taxpayers a bill for a special tax not to exceed 2 mills for sewage and drainage, and, if deemed advisable, to include the purchase of the water works company, with the proviso, if favorably considered, that the fund be turned over to the present Drainage Board, and that this board be charged with the entire work of construction. Of course, the power and scope of this board would have to be greatly enlarged by necessary legislation. [. . .] With a levy of this 2 mill tax I believe the Drainage Board will be enabled to continue without interruption to completion the drainage system, and build the sewage plant, and also acquire by purchase the waterworks plant, if deemed necessary or advisable."15

Brittin's views were heartily seconded by all of the persons present. It was decided on this occasion to appoint a committee composed of the city attorney, and Messrs. Brittin, Claiborne, Story, Dreyfous, and Mayor Flower, to put into definite shape the plan outlined by Brittin. Brittin was made chairman of this body. As a result of its labors there was drafted in detail a plan for the system of public works, embracing the water supply, drainage, and sewage, the successful installation of which is admittedly the most significant incident in the history of New Orleans in the last quarter century. The bond-plan subsequently put in legal shape by E. H. Farrar was also worked out by this committee.16

From this meeting the mayor's office may therefore be properly dated the movement which led to the great success of a group of enterprises which, till then, had been only partially inaugurated. However, these p527plans were not to be put in execution immediately. Great obstacles had first to be overcome. Not only were there financial difficulties, but there were legal impediments which had to be eliminated before the Brittin plan could be set up in its entirety. The water supply, as above intimated, remained in the hands of a private corporation, which furnished river water unfiltered and charged with the sediment carried down by what Thackeray called "the great sewer" of the Mississippi. This corporation was unwilling to surrender its monopoly, and not prepared to sell its rights to the municipality. Still, a control of the water-supply was essential as preliminary to any sewage system. A fight was necessary in the courts, and the new administration finally succeeded there by proving unmistakable and important violations of its franchise by the waterworks company.

This victory was fraught with consequences so important to the community that something more than a mere passing reference to it may be interesting. The waterworks were constructed in 1833 as a part of a great banking project. The company then organized obligated itself to furnish river water at an elevation of — fifteen feet above the level of the land, or about as high as the highest water stage of the river. The act creating the corporation bore a proviso that the water supplied should be clear, pure and wholesome. Wholesome it may have been, but it was never clear and pure. In 1869 when the city took over the plant on the expiration of the company's franchise, it began to look into projects for purifying the water, but nothing was then accomplished in that direction. The distribution system was, however, extended and improved by the municipality and the cost of water furnished was materially reduced within a few years. In 1868, the year before the city took charge, the company pumped 22,227,000 gallons of water for which its customers paid 69.6 cents for 1,000 gallons. In 1870 the cost was 70 cents per 1,000 gallons. But thereafter with each succeeding year the cost fell sharply, until in 1877 it was but 37 cents per 1,000 gallons. The cost was actually high, as a result of the flat rate imposed on the small consumer, for some of the larger corporations which made use of the service were paying less than 2 cents at a time when the average cost was but a fraction under 70 cents. In 1878, owing to the poverty of the city government, by act of the State Legislature the waterworks were put into the hands of a private corporation under a fifty-year franchise, with absolutely monopolistic rights over the supply of water. The charge for water was not to be greater, under the act, than that previously fixed by the city when it was running the plant, and never to be more than sufficient to pay ten percent on the investment. Of the stock of $2,000,000 the city retained more than one-half. At that time the stock and bonds were worth 33 cents on the dollar.

The company held from the start that it was not compelled to furnish clear or pure water, though the law expressly so stated. In each annual report, however, the company held out hope that it would soon clarify the water supply, but it never did so. As early as 1884 the president of the company said in his report, "It is feasible and practicable for the company to supply the city with crystal clear water," but that was provided that the company won a suit then pending. The company did win the suit, which entailed on the city fees for water amounting annually to $640,951, but the water continued to carry its usual percentages of sediment. The cost to consumers under the new company p528went up rapidly. In 1882 the average price paid was 37.4 cents per 1,000 gallons; in 1884, 45.7 cents; in 1885, 59 cents; in 1886, 86 cents, or 250 percent more than the charge made by the city in 1877. Finally one consumer brought suit on an overcharge and won the case, the court laying down a rule for charges. But the company obeyed only when compelled by law, and in other cases continued to mulct consumers after the usual fashion. This failure to obey the order of the court had much to do with the forfeiture of the charter by the Supreme Court. The suit for forfeiture was brought by James J. McLoughlin, assistant city attorney. When he proposed it Mayor Flower, although ardently desiring its success, was extremely doubtful of the outcome. McLoughlin, however, fought the case with stubborn pluck. The company won before the district court, but on an appeal to the higher court he was completely successful. He obtained a judgment of forfeiture, the court holding that a legally established corporation could be dissolved by forfeiture of its charter when it abused its privileges.17

The judicial victory opened the way for the success of the whole sewage, water and drainage project. E. H. Farrar, one of the ablest lawyers in the South, now put in legal shape the plans as suggested by Brittin. The ordinance drawn up by him was passed by the city council, and after a vigorous campaign, in which women participated for the first time in the history of Louisiana, casting their votes as property-holders, the constitutional amendment imposing a tax of 2 mills was adopted, and the project was assured. The success of the municipally-owned water-supply system may be inferred from the fact that whereas the private corporation at its best had but about 5,000 subscribers, at present there are upwards of 90,000. Involved in the accomplishment of this notable result was the Constitutional Convention of 1898. In addition to inserting into the organic law the provisions required for the sewage, water and drainage project, this convention settled the vexed suffrage question, eliminating the illiterate negro vote. It also disposed permanently of the question of the ownership of the river front. Certain railroads had secured by purchase extensive frontages on the river, and while the convention confirmed these rights, it stipulated that the river front should be perpetually dedicated to public use, and never to private enterprise.

Another important project made effective during the Flower administration was to put the wires underground in the commercial district. This was done by Ordinance No. 13,838, adopted December 15, 1897. As for the city finances, much important work was done. The Fitzpatrick administration left to its successor a budget swollen out of proportion to the possible revenue. The energetic action of Councilman Brittin, as chairman of the budget committee, helped materially in putting the city upon a strictly cash basis. To do this it was necessary to effect a long series of compromises with the paving companies with which the preceding administration had made contracts. "Much paving had been done," said the Picayune, speaking of this work, at the beginning of the Citizens' League campaign, "of an inferior sort, which would have to be done again at a cost of nearly $1,000,000. The gravel paving had cost the city $1,319,000." Mayor Fitzpatrick had a few days previously sent to the council a message in which he congratulated the city upon the p529immense amount of paving that had been done during his administration. "In congratulations on this score," remarked the Picayune, "the people certain cannot join the mayor."18 Mayor Flower now succeeded in effecting arrangements with the various paving companies involved by which the paving certificates still outstanding were compromised, with a large saving to the city. The amount involved was nearly $300,000.19

An important phase of Mayor Flower's constructive work related to the police force. The original act of 1888 had been passed in order to eliminate politics from the department. This bill, which was introduced into the Legislature by Felix J. Dreyfous, member from the Sixth Ward of New Orleans, contained provisions similar to those which experience in the largest and best governed American cities had shown to be desirable. It made the mayor commander in chief of the force, but vested its management in a board of six members, representing the various municipal districts into which the city was then divided. The board not only made rules for the government of the force, but enforced discipline by trial, fines, and dismissal, as the situation required. A civil service was also instituted under this act, and provision made for the establishment of a police pension fund. This law was amended in 1890 and again in 1896, both times with a view to make clear certain details over which controversy had arisen. The amendments of 1896 provided that the police commissioners might be removed by legal proceedings, authorized the mayor to appoint emergency officers without pay, altered the qualifications of membership in the police force, removed the appointment of the examining committee from the hands of the superintendent of police and placed it in the hands of the board; made the decisions of the board in all matters final, and prohibited the members of the force from engaging in other occupations.20 The commissioners were made elective by the city council and were to serve twelve years, but were to receive no compensation for their services. The effect of this legislation was to make the force still more independent and to rid it still further of politics.

The administration had not been long in office when it was called on to face a serious situation resulting from the unprecedented floods in the Mississippi River. In this crisis the city was well served by the Orleans Levee Board. This board came into existence in 1890 at the same time as other similar bodies were organized throughout the state. The Orleans Levee Board had for its first president Felix J. Dreyfous, who served with exceptional ability and succeeds for six years, and was succeeded in 1896 by Otto Thoman. Mr. Thoman was president at the time that the high water of 1897 brought the city face to face with the possibility of disaster. Under his auspices the work of improving the levees around the city had been pressed forward vigorously, but the flood of 1897 was so great that even with these improvements, it was necessary to build emergency embankments along the crown of the permanent levees over a distance of — twenty-one miles, a work in which 700,000 sacks of earth were used. At no time in its history was the city in such grave peril of inundation. The levee at the head of Carrollton Avenue was in danger p530for several weeks, and it was necessary to maintain there guards both by day and by night. At the foot of Toledano Street there was also grave peril that the water would cause the levee to collapse. During the week when the river was at its highest there seemed no way to prevent a disaster occurring at these points, and also at Calliope and Julia streets and at the French Market. Thoman was almost continually on the levees. He established a reserve of 5,000 sacks at Gravier Street; and fortunately so, for the rising river made it necessary to utilize them the following day to build a temporary embankment between Julia and the French Market; and when the water rose within the next twenty-four hours, it was only kept out of the city by this frail barrier. A few nights later the wind blew from the East, with the result that the water went over all defenses at Canal and Bienville streets, rising even into the stores on the former thoroughfare. With the change in the wind, however, this danger subsided and the water ran off. This situation continued for three months, from early in March to the beginning of May. At one time 2,500 men were at work on the river front. The levee board was without funds to support this aggressive campaign. Fortunately President Albert Baldwin, of the New Orleans National Bank, and President R. M. Walmsley, of the Louisiana National Bank, authorized Thoman to draw on their institutions for whatever funds he might need; they advanced nearly $325,000. Subsequently, under authority from the Legislature, the board issued bonds, raised money, and repaid the loan.21

In 1899 the Sixth and Seventh Municipal Districts were for the first time lighted by electricity. Hitherto they had depended upon gas as an illuminant. The rest of the city had enjoyed the advantages of electric lighting since 1887. Gas was introduced into New Orleans, as we have seen, in 1824, through the efforts of James H. Caldwell. Encouraged by the success of the experiment, Mr. Caldwell in 1834 organized the New Orleans Gas Light and Banking Company, with a capital of $300,000, which was subsequently increased to $600,000. The charter of this corporation gave the city the right to acquire its plant at the end of forty years. But in 1875, when this opportunity presented itself, the municipality was unable to take advantage of it. The old company was merged into a new corporation known as the Crescent City Company, which had recently obtained from the State Legislature a charter to run fifty years, until 1925. The gas for the upper part of the city was supplied by the Jefferson City Gas Light Company, with which the city had a contract that expired in 1899. By 1900 the city streets were illuminated exclusively by electricity.

The stimulating effect of the new order of things which began under Flower was felt also in the management of the city schools. Down to 1862 the old system of separate school boards which grew up between 1836 and 1852 was allowed to continue unchanged. In that year, however, while the city was in the hands of the Federals, these separate boards were consolidated under one management. This cannot but be regarded as a wise arrangement, although there had been no serious complaint regarding the previous organizations. The freeing of the slaves in 1863 had made necessary some provision for their education. The first colored public schools came into existence in that year, under an order issued by General Banks. The first superintendent of public p531schools under the consolidated system was J. B. Carter, who served till 1865, and was succeeded by William O. Rogers, who resigned in 1870. Carter was re-appointed superintendent, and served till 1873, when he was superseded by C. W. Boothby. Under Boothby, J. V. Calhoun was appointed assistant superintendent, and Warren Easton became principal of one of the most important schools in the city. At the close of his term Boothby had around him a teaching corps of 450, and there were enrolled in the schools 26,000 pupils. In 1877 William O. Rogers again became superintendent, serving as such till 1884. His place was then filled by Ulric Betterson. On Professor Betterson's retirement in 1887 Warren Easton was appointed to the superintendency. At this time the school board consisted of twenty members, eight of whom were appointed by the governor of the state, and the remainder elected by the city council. Under Flower the condition of the schools was better than at any previous time in the history of the city. In 1899 the enrollment was 23,668, of which 20,257 were white. There were a normal school, the foundation of which dated back to 1853; a high school for boys, and two for girls. At the head of the school board was E. B. Kruttschnitt, whose work for public education during many years earned for him a permanent and honorable place in the annals of the city.

Unfortunately, much of the work of these four important years was preparatory. To carry to a completion the numerous enterprises he had initiated became a duty which Mayor Flower felt he must, if possible, undertake. Therefore, as his term drew to a close, he allowed himself to be once more brought forward as a candidate of the reform party. The campaign which followed was fraught with momentous consequences both for him and to the city.

The Author’s Notes

1 Picayune, January 11, 1896.

2 Picayune, January 11, 1896.

3 Picayune, January 12, 1896.

4 Ibid., January 12, 1896.

5 Ibid., January 18, 1896.

6 Picayune, February 26, 1896.

7 Ibid., March 31, 1896.

8 Ibid., January 18, 1896.

9 Picayune, April 22, 1896.

10 Picayune, April 14, 1896.

11 Ibid.

12 These boards were created by Act 63 of 1888 and Act 83 of 1894.

13 Act 45 of 1896.

14 Times-Democrat, June 22, 1899.

15 Times-Democrat, November 18, 1898.

16 Statement of A. Brittin to author.

17 Statement of J. J. McLoughlin to author.

18 Picayune, January 23, 1896.

19 Ordinance No. 13,212, C. S.

20 Act 95 of 1896.

21 Statement of Otto Thoman to author.

p532 Chapter XXXIV

Paul Capdevielle, Mayor

The Flower administration was a turning-point in the history of New Orleans. It closed one epoch and opened another. With it the Reconstruction era came to an end. With it began the period of commercial prosperity which extends over into the present time. Significant, also, is the fact that since Flower's time the city elections, however hotly contested, present little of that revolutionary aspect which so often accompanied them in the precedent generation. Certain characteristics of the Reconstruction period persisted, and still persist, nor are they likely wholly to disappear till the last survivor of that terrible chapter in the city's history shall have passed away. But from Flower's time there have been contrary forces which have with steadily augmented power operated for the creation of better civic ideals. Thus although the election of 1900 witnessed a triumph of the "regulars," their victory was fairly won, and in the administration which then came into power there was an earnest and, on the whole, successful effort to continue the work begun in Flower's time. The "regular" nominee, Paul Capdevielle, had been considered for mayor in 1896, but he was not then in a position to accept the nomination, even had it been tendered him formally. But as the election of 1900 approached, he found himself differently circumstanced. As soon as it became known in the Sixth Ward, where he resided, that Capdevielle was a receptive candidate for the nomination, his friends organized a strong movement in his behalf, which had the support of a ward leader, Brewster. After a hot fight they succeeded in electing a Capdevielle delegation from the ward to the city nominating convention.

The "regular" democratic convention met in March. The nomination of a candidate for mayor was put off till towards the end of the meeting. In selecting names for the other offices the time-honored custom of apportioning the names among the different wards was observed. Capdevielle was not without opposition in the convention. W. H. Byrnes, a well-known local insurance man, proved an active competitor for the first place on the ticket. At first it looked as though he would capture the nomination. Brewster, finding, as he thought, that sentiment was setting irresistibly towards Byrnes, was anxious to see that the Sixth Ward should have recognition of some kind, even if denied the right to name the mayor. He therefore indicated his willingness to surrender what seemed a profitless pretension to the first place on the ticket, and to accept the comptrollership as the ward's share. Brewster's attitude on this occasion was much misunderstood. By many he was thought to have sacrificed Capdevielle and the mayoral nomination to get the comptrollership; whereas, as a matter of fact, he was actuated by a desire to protect the interests of his community, and only yielded on the matter of the mayoralty when it appeared that no other course was open. The comptrollership was accordingly allotted to C. R. Kennedy. In the Sixth Ward, however, Capdevielle's friends made vigorous protests. The ward's delegates in the convention likewise insisted upon his nomination. p533Kennedy therefore felt that he must withdraw from the ticket. This opened the way to a readjustment by which the comptrollership was assigned to the Fifth Ward in consideration of its support for Capdevielle; and as the leaders of the Fifth and Third wards were leagued together by many mutual interests, this arrangement brought over to the Sixth Ward the votes of the Third also, with the result that Capdevielle received the nomination.

The rest of the ticket was composed of: Vital Tujague, comptroller; G. B. Penrose, treasurer; T. J. Moulin, commissioner of public works; F. E. Bishop, commissioner of police and public buildings; W. T. Hardee, city engineer; city attorney, S. L. Gilmore; Fred Zengel, city notary.

There was a time when Flower might have had the position which Capdevielle now occupied. Early in the year he had been approached with regard to becoming the "regular" nominee for mayor. The leaders of both the city and state democracy were anxious to heal the breach in the party, and, especially, to prevent a repetition of the Citizens' League movement in the impending election. To insure this object they were prepared to accept Flower, if he, on his part, would agree to make certain concessions regarding the distribution of office which would facilitate the amalgamation of what had so recently been antagonistic parties. Flower, however, took the position that he could not seek the nomination, though willing to accept it if tendered him. This attitude made the contemplated arrangement difficult, but it did not seem impossible, until, just when the negotiations were approaching a critical stage, Flower unexpectedly left the city to attend a convention in Buffalo, N. Y. His absence at this particular moment shipwrecked the entire fusion project.

Although the Citizens' League had lost a large part of its membership by gradual attraction back into the ranks of the "regular" organization, there still remained a considerable fraction of the organization faithful to its tradition. This group now decided to put Flower forward as an independent candidate. Under the leadership of W. B. Spencer, W. D. Denegre, Charles Rosen, and others, a campaign committee was formed which rapidly called into being clubs in each one of the wards. Then delegates from each of these organizations met and endorsed Flower. This organization took the name of the Jeffersonian democracy. It must be confessed that the Jeffersonian democracy accepted Flower with some reluctance. Had there been another available candidate the leaders would have preferred him. Flower's attitude of receptivity with regard to the "regular" nomination had been very displeasing to his late associates; but his administration had been so satisfactory that no other candidate could be found who so obviously merited the suffrages of the people or so emphatically deserved the endorsement conveyed in a renomination. However, some of the very men who engineered the Jeffersonian democracy did so with entire certainty that Flower could not be elected, and that the movement was valid only as a protest against "ring" rule and the "regular" election methods.

Many other influences conspired to prevent the Jeffersonian democracy from carrying the election. It had arrayed against it all the forces which were working to reconsolidate the municipal and state democracies. The political situation in the state helped also in that direction. There were four state tickets — ? the democratic, the populist, the regular republican, and the fusion-republican, the last of which had the support of the so-styled "lily white" element in the republican party. W. W. Heard was p534the candidate of the democrats; D. M. Sholars, of the populists; and C. T. Cade, of the regular republicans. At the head of the fusion-democrats was Donaldson Caffery, Jr., son of one of the leaders of the anti-lottery fight of eight years before. Caffery was a strong candidate, and it was clear that if he were to be defeated the democracy could not afford to neglect a single factor, particularly in the city. As state and city elections fell on the same day, the result was that the state issues were more or less intimately connected with the city campaign. Moreover, the city "regulars" had taken a leaf out of the Citizens' League book. In 1896 the Citizens' League had canvassed the city thoroughly, and knew precisely what and where was the vote on which it could rely, and when and how it should expend its efforts in making new adherents. In 1900, however, it had done nothing of the kind to be compared with the thoroughness and finality with which the "regulars" had canvassed the city. Flower was, however, confident of success. He knew that there were no objections to him personally. He had made an excellent executive. He felt that his personal popularity and excellent record would counterbalance any deficiencies of organization and suffice to carry through the Jeffersonian ticket. There was a final condition which worked for his undoing, and that was the fact that the ballot was extraordinarily large, and it was necessary for a voter who wished to scratch his ticket to mark individually no less than twenty-seven different candidates. The expert political managers on each side understood that the majority of voters would prefer to stamp the party emblem once rather than go to the trouble of picking out individual candidates: it would be easier to vote "straight" than otherwise, and that therefore Flower's personality would not be sufficient, attractive though it was, to guarantee the success of the ticket headed by his name.

The campaign though brief was spirited. Capdevielle announced his support of the principle of municipal ownership. His principal organ, the Picayune, supported him largely on that basis. But municipal ownership was not a vital issue in the election. Capdevielle only alluded to it casually in his utterances on the stump. Flower did not oppose it. The question of civil service also emerged from time to time. A mass meeting at Parkerson Place on April 8 adopted resolutions demanding the repeal of the existing civil service law on the ground that it was "an undemocratic institution tending to the creation of an office-holding class."1 But the real issue was the candidates, and the arguments for and against the opposing sides were almost wholly personalities. The election took place on April 17. The extraordinarily bad weather which prevailed that day had no doubt considerable effect in cutting down Flower's vote. A rain fell of such intensity that many parts of the city were under water for hours. In some places voters had to be carried to the polls on the backs of men and boys; at others roughly-made rafts were pressed into service for the same purpose. Flower received 13,099 votes; Capdevielle, 19,366.2

Mayor Paul Capdevielle

Capdevielle was born in New Orleans, January 15, 1845. He was of French descent. His father, Augustin Capdevielle, was born in France, but settled in New Orleans in the year 1825, and became a prominent merchant. The son was educated at the Jesuits' College, in New Orleans, p535whence he was graduated in 1861. He served with credit in the Civil war. He enlisted in the New Orleans Guard Regiment of Infantry, but in 1862 joined Boone's Louisiana Artillery. He was captured at Port Hudson, in July, 1863. Paroled soon after, and subsequently exchanged, he entered Legardeur's battery, and continued in the Confederate service till the close of the war, when he surrendered at Greensboro, N. C. He walked thence to his home. He returned to civil life, taking up the first employments that offered, but incidentally occupying himself with the study of the law. In April, 1868, Capdevielle was graduated in law from Tulane University. From that date till 1892 he was actively engaged in the practice of his profession in New Orleans. He rose rapidly both as a lawyer and in business life and public affairs. In 1892 he gave up the law to accept the presidency of the Merchants' Insurance Company, which then did a large business, but later on was liquidated and sold. For thirteen years Capdevielle was its president. His political history began in 1877, when he was appointed by Governor Nicholls a member of the State School Board. While he was a member of this body the entire state school system was reorganized and put into effective operation. Subsequently he was appointed a member of the New Orleans Levee Board. p536In 1899 he resigned from the latter board when he was tendered the nomination for mayor of the city.3

The new administration was inducted into office on May 7, 1900. Mayor Capdevielle, in his inaugural address, made some important suggestions. He spoke of the drainage system which was about to be constructed, and pointed out that if the city desired to have its own electric light plant, it could operate it without much additional cost, by using the power house of the drainage system. This suggestion was in line with the theory of municipal ownership to which the new mayor had pledged himself in his campaign utterances. The matter was taken up in the city council at an early date, and an ordinance was adopted calling for bids for the erection of a new electric light plant. Two methods were suggested by which the corporation might become the owner of the plant, the first, a so-called "outright ownership plan," provided that the expense be met in annual installments out of the city alimony and from the reserve funds over a certain number of years; the other, known as the "installment plan," permitted the contractor to build and operate the plant, the city paying annual installments on the purchase price, and the plant to be turned over to the municipality when completely paid for. At that time the city was paying $250,000 to a private company for lighting the streets, etc. It seemed a feasible plan to turn this large sum in the direction of paying for the property. Two sets of bids were therefore called for. A bid on the "outright ownership" plan was accepted. This provided for the construction of a lighting plant on the site of the old police jail, on South Robertson Street. The work, however, was never undertaken. After a long delay, the contract appears to have been cancelled, and in March, 1903, the comptroller was directed to readvertise for bids. These when received were referred to a special committee of the council, and the project seems to have gone no further.4

In a further effort to fulfill his campaign promises, Mayor Capdevielle advocated the passage by the State Legislature of new legislation on the subject of civil service. An act was accordingly passed in 1900, correcting the provisions in the previous law under which persons not bona fide citizens and residents of New Orleans might, by merely passing the examinations, qualify for employment under the city government.5 The existing civil service commission attempted to enjoin the city from enforcing this act, alleging that it was unconstitutional; but the matter when carried to the State Supreme Court was decided adversely to it. The board accordingly wound up its affairs and went out of existence. A new board was appointed in 1901, since which date the civil service, under the modified law, has been a fixed feature of the city government of New Orleans, its value and influence being yearly more clearly recognized.

The new mayor, in his inaugural address, recommended that, although there was admittedly a great demand for further paving of city streets, in this matter the city should proceed slowly. Mayor Capdevielle pointed out that the drainage and sewerage plans remained to be carried out, and that the expenses connected with these works would be heavy; it was p537judicious, therefore, to limit the amount of paving until drainage and sewerage had been installed. Nevertheless, the administration was able to meet the large expenses entailed by the paving with asphalt of Canal Street from Liberty Street to Metairie Road. The gravel pavement previously laid on this considerable extent of frequented thoroughfare had become much worn; it had to be repaired; but the outlay which it would involve was so large that the council very wisely deemed it the truest economy not to expend money in merely restoring a pavement which had not proven durable; but by adding somewhat to the initial outlay, substituted a permanent and handsome improvement. The ordinance first adopted authorizing this important work was attacked in the courts; the contract was annulled in view of certain legal questions which arose; but these having been disposed of, a second ordinance was adopted in October, 1902, which avoided all the objectionable features of its predecessors and the work was accordingly completed in the following year. Other noteworthy legislation connected with the city streets was enacted, permitting the opening of Carrollton Avenue from Orleans Street to City Park Avenue; and of Burgundy Street from Poland to Delery streets. A little later, in the upper part of the city, Magnolia and Freret streets were opened from Seventh Street to the upper line of Audubon Place. Metairie Road was renamed City Park Avenue by an ordinance passed in 1902.

The administration made some important arrangements with regard to the city railroads. In 1901 the extension of the Orleans Street Railroad was sold on the basis of the payment to the municipality of 4 percent of its gross annual receipts. In May, the street railways company was granted permission to establish a belt line of Canal and Esplanade streets. In January, 1901, the historic Clay statue, which during almost fifty years had stood at the intersection of St. Charles and Canal streets, was removed to Lafayette Square. The claim was made that the statue interfered with the safe operation of the street cars in Canal Street. The rededication of the statue in its new location was made the occasion of interesting and appropriate ceremonies. In 1902 the various railway companies which till then had operated independently the various lines of street railroad, were consolidated under the name of the New Orleans Railways Company. With them were combined the electric light and gas companies. The whole was capitalized at $80,000,000.

An important achievement was the recovery by the city of its markets. Litigation with that end in view was in process between the city and the market lessees. In December, 1900, an offer of compromise was accepted by the city. As a result, the city was able to take over the charge of these institutions at the beginning of the century. This was in line with the policy of municipal ownership to which the administration stood committed. The building of a new public market at the corner of Burgundy and Touro streets was another instance of the application of this principle. The city erected several other important new structures, the largest being a new jail. The old jail on South Robertson Street had fallen into a state of dilapidation where it was a reproach to the municipality. A contract for the erection of the present "House of Detention" was let among the first acts of the new administration. The building was completed within two years, and cost $112,800. A smaller jail was also built in the Second District.

p538 The State Legislature in 1902 passed an act merging the Drainage Board and the Sewerage and Water Board. To this organization was committed the task of constructing the great system of sanitary improvements, the installation of which is the most noteworthy achievement of New Orleans in the twentieth century. As a part of the general scheme of improvement in the city the Board of Liquidation accepted bids for $12,000,000 of Public Improvement Bonds on December 17, 1900. The bonds were sold at the price of $104 619/1000. They carried interest at 4 percent per annum. The success of this transaction was very gratifying. Mayor Capdevielle showed great interest in the management of the city finances. In spite of the large enterprises inaugurated in his time the tax rate was maintained at twenty-two mills. When he came into office he found a bonded debt, including interest, of $20,278,917. The floating debt was $423,473.39, and the liabilities for contracts under execution was $243,412.86. The total debt was therefore $20,945,803.25. The assessment for 1900 was $139,235,101.99 — ? not a large amount for a city, which, according to the census of 1900, had a population of 287,104. The assessment rose by 1904 to $158,584,194.

A few minor ordinances enacted during the Capdevielle administration may be mentioned, among them those regulating the distribution of fuel oil to the manufacturing plants of the city, many of which were, it appeared, supplied by pipe lines; consolidating the Second and Third District ferries; and inaugurating a movement for a union railroad station. The last-named project was initiated on October 28, 1902, when the council appointed a special committee to work out a plan in conjunction with the various railroads having terminal facilities in the city. A long series of conferences ensued, but nothing definite was achieved. Nevertheless, to the public opinion engendered during the discussions may be attributed the grouping of the railroad passenger depots at three central points, a few years later, instead of at individual stations scattered over the whole area of the city, as had previously been the case.

In this connection it should be mentioned that during this administration additional space was granted on the river front to the Louisville & Nashville Railroad to enable it to erect a station and extend its tracks in the vicinity of the foot of Canal Street.

In 1902 the State Legislature passed an act enabling the city to build a new court house, to cost $575,000, of which $200,000 would be contributed by the state. A commission was appointed to carry out the provisions of this act. The work was begun in 1903, but was not completed till 1910, at an outlay which considerably exceeded the original figures.

The most important events of the Capdevielle administration were, however, the visit of President McKinley, the Charles riot, and the street car strike of 1901. The president spent two days in the city at the beginning of May, 1901. He was met at the railroad station by the mayor and the city council, and the next day he was received at the Cabildo by the State Supreme Court and the Louisiana Historical Society. This was the first instance in the history of New Orleans that a president of the United States had visited it while in office.

The Charles race disturbances were of a most serious character. They lasted four days. At one time it seemed likely that rioting on a large scale would ensue. The trouble started on July 23, 1900, when a policeman named Mora attempted to arrest the negro, Robert Charles. Charles was p539a singular character. He is said to have been a native of Columbus, Miss., and to have committed some offense there which made it desirable to seek refuge elsewhere. He came to New Orleans, and gave himself out as the agent of Bishop Turner and the movement for the exportation of American negroes to Liberia. When the police searched his room they found it filled with incendiary literature, exaggerating the servile condition of the negroes, and the oppression of the white race. Throughout the disturbances there was fear that his cronies, filled with these ideas, might start to carry out the suggestions of murder and arson which these publications inculcated. Charles had associated with himself a cousin named Pierce. Their behavior was so mysterious that the white people residing near Washington Avenue and Dryades Street, where the two negroes had rooms, concluded they were burglars and so reported to the police. Mora was one of three officers sent to make the arrest. Both negroes drew pistols and fired at the officers; Pierce was taken, but Charles succeeded in making his escape, after inflicting three wounds on Mora. This occurred in the early hours of the night; during the remainder, policemen trailed the fugitive, and as dawn was approaching, located him in a negro lodging house at Fourth and Rampart streets. Here an attempt was made to effect an entrance, and Charles, who had armed himself with a Winchester rifle, shot and killed two of the officers, Capt. John Day and Corp. William Lamb, as they were advancing down a little side alley on the premises. Charles appears to have been under the impression that Mora was killed; and resolved to sell his life dearly. It is said that some notion of martyrdom was also mixed up in his murderous frenzy.6

The news that the officers had been killed spread rapidly, and on July 24 mobs which are described as composed of boys and young men under twenty-one years of age formed in various parts of the city, partly with the idea of lynching Pierce, partly of co-operating with the police in the search for Charles which was in progress; but most of all, to hunt down and kill negroes. Five negroes were killed, and seven were wounded under the most distressing circumstances. Several whites were injured also by stray bullets. The governor of the state, apprised of what was occurring, offered a large award for the apprehension of Charles; acting Mayor Mehle did the same on behalf of the city; and at the close of an agitated day, the latter official also issued a proclamation calling on all good citizens to repair to their homes, and directing that all drinking places be closed. The police failed to make any arrests. Their indifference, or incompetence, in this regard encouraged the rioting. Unquestionably, they sympathized with the rioters, whom they regarded as inspired by the wish to avenge their slaughtered comrades. The most dangerous mob formed at Lee Circle, and proceeded thence to Morris Park, where some incendiary speeches were made. Only the lack of a leader prevented the movement from becoming very grave indeed.

The following day saw Mayor Capdevielle on the scene. He had been absent at one of the summer resorts on the Lake Shore when the trouble began; he now hurried home and took energetic measures to suppress the disorders. He ordered the arrest of every person known to have been implicated in the disturbances of the previous day; citizens were warned off the streets, and a call for special police was answered by p5401,500 volunteers, who were sworn in, armed, and assigned to duty. Col. E. E. Wood was put in command. He called to his assistance some of the officers who had served under him in the Spanish-American war, notably Maj. W. L. Hughes, Capt. H. L Favrot, Lieuts. Fortin and Schmutz, and others. Prominent citizens also responded and were put in command of squads stationed at various critical points throughout the city. In spite of these precautions many negroes were set upon and beaten during the day, and two were killed. Some of these were inoffensive persons on their way to or from work. But there were several who were overheard to make remarks eulogizing Charles and his "war on the whites." Other negroes heard to indulge in these remarks were arrested and detained in jail. These were exceptions, however; the majority of the negro population, especially the law-abiding element, obeyed the mayor's proclamation and remained indoors. As a further precaution, the mayor appealed to the governor to call out the militia, and this was done towards the end of the day.

In the meantime Charles had taken refuge in a house on Saratoga Street, near Clio. There on the 27th he was located by the police. The vicinity was patrolled, and the armed citizens, the militia, and the police conjointly undertook to drive the defiant black from his refuge. Two policemen and two citizens were killed in the attempt. Another citizen was mortally wounded. Finally, the building, which had been riddled with shot without inflicting any injury upon Charles, was set on fire; and the desperado, driven from his refuge on an upper floor, was shot and killed as he was trying to effect his escape. This, properly speaking, closed the episode; but during the day the mob spirit broke out in various parts of the city, negroes were maltreated, and the negro school built by the colored philanthropist, Thomy Lafon, and bearing his name, was set on fire and burned. Three negroes were killed by the mob that day.

Mayor Capdevielle made energetic efforts both at the time, and after the disturbances were over — ? which was by nightfall, July 27 — ? to cause the apprehension of the rioters. Early in August four or five whites were indicted for being concerned in the killing of negroes, one white man was indicted for shooting at a policeman, and three for inciting a riot. Some of these cases, especially the graver ones, failed; but the remainder were convicted and punishment was inflicted. The emergency police, after having rendered splendid service, was disbanded on July 28. The expenses connected with the formation of this force were heavy, and especially so, coming at a critical moment in the financial history of the city.7

The street car strike of 1901 was also a matter of great expense to the administration. It lasted fifteen days, during which time no cars were run for passenger service in the entire city, except that old-fashioned horse-car between Gretna and Algiers, on the opposite side of the river. The first hint of trouble between the car company and its employees came in October, 1900, when there was a strike on the New Orleans & Carrollton road. This, however, was adjusted within forty-eight hours. Subsequently, the company, which had recently acquired complete control of all the electric lines in the city, effected with the men an arrangement regarded as satisfactory on both sides. This was in April. Shortly thereafter the company introduced a new and larger type of car, which enabled p541it to lay off certain employees, and also made changes in schedules which the men regarded as infractions of the April agreement.8 The company was also having trouble with its linemen, when, on September 24, 1901, the carmen, at a great meeting, formulated their demands and announced that, unless acceded to, a strike would follow. They wanted, among other things, an eight-hour working day, and 25 cents per hour. The company was given three days in which to consider the proposition. Its reply was made on the 26th and was a rejection of the demands, on the ground that the April agreement was still binding, and the men could make no demands justly until it expired, some months later on. The result was that at daybreak on September 27 every line in the city was tied up. About 2,000 men were affected. Thereafter for fifteen days the public either walked to and fro, or rode in improvised conveyances, wagons fitted with benches and automobiles being operated on regular schedules and doing a thriving business. The sympathy of the public was largely with the strikers. Many of the other trade organizations endorsed their movement. The linemen employed by the company also struck insofar as their work connected with the operation of the cars, but they remained at work in the lighting plant, which was also controlled by the company; and thus the city was supplied with light, although at one stage of the contest there seemed a strong probability that they would stop there also.

Mayor Capdevielle interested himself actively to adjust the dispute. Similar steps were taken by a committee of Canal Street merchants. The company offered to arbitrate on October 1, but the strikers insisted that the schedule outlined in the last demand should be instituted pending a decision by the arbitrators; with the result that the two parties remained as wide apart as ever. The merchants' committee worked out a scheme of compromise on the basis of a 10-hour workday and minimum wage of 23 cents per hour, but this proved unacceptable. There was no violence till the first week in October closed. On the 8th the company attempted to run four cars on Canal Street, operated by strike-breakers imported from St. Louis, under police protection. But these were attacked at Galvez Street and put out of business. Several persons were injured, but none seriously. Three arrests were made. The mayor, apprehensive that the trouble might spread, and remembering the efficiency of the emergency police during the Charles riot, issued a call for a similar organization, but only a few citizens responded. He then asked the governor to order out the militia, but this extreme step was not taken till the following day. On that day a further attempt to operate passenger cars led to a hot fight at the corner of Dorgenois and Canal streets, in which pistols were freely used. Two policemen were wounded, and ten civilians, some of whom were strikers, and the remainder interested bystanders. A police patrol wagon hurrying to the scene was overturned, and the occupants, eight in number, all injured more or less severely.

On October 9 Governor Heard arrived in the city. Seven hundred militiamen were under arms in their armories. No cars ran that day except those carrying the United States mail; which were suffered to operate regularly during the whole progress of the strike, without interference except on September 29, and that not of a serious order. On the 10th the governor notified the strikers that they must accept a scale of 20 cents per hour and a 10-hour day, with a minimum of $1.50 per diem; p542but that the cars must be operated, and if need be all the resources of the state would be used to protect them. The strikers accepted these terms. W. S. Parkerson, who conducted the negotiations with the strikers, was given the credit for the adjustment which was affected during the course of the day; and night fell upon a city greatly relieved to find that it had again escaped a serious danger. The street car company on its side agreed to take back, without discrimination, such of the men as were needed to operate the cars on the new schedules.9

Mayor Capdevielle, proud of his French ancestry, improved every opportunity while at the head of the municipality, to cement the ties of friendship between the people of his city and those of France. He was particularly active in promoting the establishment in New Orleans of charities designed to benefit the French sailors, numbers of whom are constantly in the port, and to relieve the indigent among the permanent French population of the city. These labors were recognized by the French government in 1902, by the bestowal of the cross of the Legion of Honor, an official of the French embassy in Washington coming to the city expressly for the purpose of presenting the insignia. Later in the same year, the Swedish government conferred on the mayor the cross of commander of the Order of St. Olaf, in expression of its appreciation of the mayor's efforts on behalf of the sailor-subjects of the King of Sweden, who likewise were frequent visitors to the port.

The term for which Capdevielle had been elected should have expired on May 7, 1904, but the State Legislature, at its meeting in 1902, adopted extensive amendments to the city charter, by which the life of the administration was prolonged till December 5, 1904.10 These amendments did not materially alter the forms of the city government.

The city continued to be divided into seventeen wards and seven municipal districts, the boundaries of which are substantially the same as previously. It was provided, however, that the legislative power of the corporation should be vested in a council of twenty-one members, composed of one member from each of the wards, and four councilmen elected at large in the First, Second, Third and Fourth Municipal districts. The increase in the council of four members was effected by assigning one new councilman to represent a ward in each of the Sixth and Seventh districts, and one new councilman at large each in the Second and Third districts. These new councilmen, it was stipulated, should not be elected till the election to be held in November, 1904; in the meantime, the incumbent councilmen, seventeen in number, should continue to hold office undisturbed. The provision of the charter regarding the salaries of the councilmen was continued, and made contingent upon attendance at all meetings in the month for which the salary was paid, except in cases where an excuse for non-attendance had been presented to the council and accepted by it. Section 11 of the amending act made provision for a president of the council, to be elected by the council from among its own members, to serve through the life of the council, and to receive an annual salary of $1,000. The president of the council was made ex-officio chairman of the finance committee. There was also to be a vice president p543of the council, to be ex-officio chairman of the budget and assessment committee, and who was to fill the place of president in case that official were incapacitated, until such time as a successor were elected by the council. The vice president, however, received no salary. The functions of the council were, in general, unchanged by the amendments. The executive department of the city was declared to consist of a mayor, a comptroller, a treasurer, a commissioner of public works, a commissioner of police and public buildings, and a city engineer. All of these officials were made elective, to serve four years. It was provided, however, that the incumbents should continue in office till November, when a general city election was to be held. The duties of these officials were not different from those prescribed by the charter, the provisions of which with regard to filling the mayor's office, in case of a vacancy, were retained in full. The principal feature of the new law was that it made all executive officers elective. Thus the mayor was relieved of the right to appoint the city engineer, and the commissioners of police and public buildings and of public works, which he had enjoyed under the charter of 1896.

As the time for the November election approached, the leaders of the "regular" democratic organization agreed upon Charles Janvier as a suitable candidate for mayor. In many respects this choice was a happy one. Janvier had been prevented by a family bereavement from participating prominently in the city campaign of 1900. But since then he had been interested in state politics, and was a member of the State Legislature, to which he had been elected from the Sixth Senatorial District. He had just brought to a successful conclusion the gubernatorial campaign, in which he had figured as Blanchard's manager. Blanchard was anxious to see Janvier named for the mayoralty. At that time the governor of the state was in a position to exercise almost dictatorial powers in regard to the city nominations. He possessed the right to name the tax assessors, of whom there were six, and other officials. By putting in these remunerative and much-sought-for offices the leaders of the various city wards, he was able to maintain a complete supervision of city politics. In fact, it was usually the case that the city ticket was made up to fit the wishes of the person who occupied the gubernatorial chair. The campaign of 1904 is one of the most important in the recent history of New Orleans, because this power of the governor was to be made unexpectedly the main issue. The result of the election, while a defeat for those who opposed Blanchard, led, nevertheless, to the enactment, a year or two later, of a body of laws stripping the governor of the appointive power in New Orleans, and thus liberated the city to a large extent of the control which the state administration had exercised over its government.

The fact that Blanchard favored Janvier for mayor, therefore, made his nomination by the convention practically a certainty; but Janvier was unwilling to make the sacrifice which the acceptance of the mayoralty has always involved where a business man has consented to accept it. It meant the withdrawal for four years from active business life, the surrender of important business connections and the resignation of valuable agencies, and the necessity at the end of four years of beginning life all over again. Only a man of independent means could therefore undertake the office. This, in fact, has been one of the principal reasons why New p544Orleans has seldom had a business man of high standing in the community as its chief executive. Janvier's refusal of the nomination caused the leaders of the democracy to select one of their own number to head the ticket. The choice fell upon Martin Behrman.

Behrman was at that time looked on as one of the strongest men in the city. He was born in New York City, October 14, 1868, the son of Henry and Fredreca Behrman. The parents removed to New Orleans in the year 1865, and soon afterwards the father died. The mother survived till 1880. The death of both parents in his childhood thus threw the future mayor upon his own resources at a tender age. His educational advantages were consequently limited to a brief attendance at the public schools. Shortly after the death of his mother the boy secured employment in a retail grocery store, where by dint of character and ability he was successful. He later became connected with a wholesale house in the same line, and finally, at the age of 19, was made a traveling salesman. For two years he sold groceries on the road. His attractive personality had won him many influential friends, and when the position of deputy assessor of the fifth district of New Orleans was offered him, he accepted it. The zeal and ability with which he discharged the duties of this office, led to his promotion four years later to the assessorship of his district. Again his success was awarded by promotion. As president of the board of assessors he exhibited over a term of four years the same qualities which had distinguished him in minor positions. In 1892 he was appointed clerk to the city council. In April, 1904, Behrman was elected state auditor, which position he was holding at the time when he was nominated for the mayoralty of New Orleans. On being named for this position he resigned the state office. Most of his life had been spent in the Fifth District (Algiers); he was extremely popular there, and in selecting him to head the "regular" ticket the local democracy paid a compliment to a part of the city which had until then figured far from conspicuously in the councils of the party.

There was no talk of opposition to Behrman, and that he would be named in the convention, and then duly elected, seemed certain. But an unexpected issue was injected into the situation, and one of the bitterest fights in the history of recent municipal politics was precipitated over the nomination for district attorney. The program which the convention was expected to follow when it convened, in September, included the indorsement of Chandler C. Luzenberg for that position. Luzenberg was a well-known young New Orleans attorney, who had sacrificed a lucrative practice in order to take over the office of district attorney, at a critical moment, following the assassination of J. Ward Gurley, in July, 1903. Gurley, who had been made district attorney in 1900, was attacked in his office by a madman named Lyons and cruelly shot to death. This tragic event at a time when the office was handling several important trials, made it necessary to replace the murdered official with a man of conspicuous ability. Governor Heard had therefore tendered the post to Luzenberg, with the understanding that if in the sixteen months which remained of Gurley's term, he was successful, he would be nominated for the place in the elections of 1904. Agreeable to this understanding, the leaders of the city democracy notified Luzenberg, almost without exception, of their intention to support him before the convention.

p545 Governor Blanchard, however, had another candidate. Porter Parker, a well-known New Orleans attorney, had been elected to the State Legislature from the upper end of the Sixth Senatorial District (11th ward), as a colleague of Janvier. The governor admired his abilities, and had endorsed his candidacy some time before, apparently unaware of the commitments which bound the city democracy to Luzenberg. On being informed that Luzenberg was to be nominated for district attorney, Blanchard resolved to use his immense appointive power to coerce the city leaders to do his will. He came to New Orleans, sent for all of the ward leaders who held state appointments, and bluntly gave them the option of supporting Parker or suffering the consequences. One of them, Robert Ewing, proprietor of the Daily States, who was then one of the tax collectors, refused to do the governor's bidding. He was supported by John T. Michel, the Secretary of State, who was at that time the leader of the Thirteenth Ward; and by the city attorney, Samuel L. Gilmore, who was the leader of the Fourteenth Ward. Luzenberg, on learning how the situation was shaping itself, released from their promises all those who had pledged him their support; but when the convention met, Ewing made a strong fight on the floor against what he regarded as the unwarrantable interference of the state administration in purely local affairs. Michel and Gilmore also voted against Parker's nomination, but the other leaders capitulated, and his nomination was effected. There was never any question as to Parker's fitness for the position. Personally, he was acceptable to all the delegates, but the objection to his candidacy in the convention, and afterwards among the people at large, was merely incidental, the real opposition being to the governor.

The result of Parker's nomination was that there sprung into existence at once a party which took the name of "Home Rulers." At the head was W. S. Parkerson. With him were aligned a number of the leaders of the old citizens' league. They rapidly effected an organization in the city, called a convention, and put up the name of Charles F. Buck. At one point in the fight over Luzenberg Governor Blanchard, when the local leaders balked over submitting to his dictation, had used the words, "Well, what are you going to do about it?" These words were seized upon now by the home rulers, and became their war cry. There can be little doubt that the majority of the citizens were with the new party, but the time was too short for the home rulers to build up and consolidate their organization, and the "regulars," swallowing their indignation, set to work whole-heartedly to bring about the election of their candidates. Luzenberg would probably have been offered the home ruler nomination of district attorney, but having permitted his name to go before the "regular" convention, he felt, as a loyal party man, that he was precluded from accepting a nomination at the hands of the opposition; and as soon as he heard that the party was organizing, published in the papers a card announcing his adherence to the "organization." His name would undoubtedly have meant a great accession of strength to the home rule ticket. Another cause which weakened the party was the fact that many of those who would have voted for Buck were disenfranchised by failure to pay their poll tax. A poll tax law had been enacted two or three years before, under which no one was eligible to vote who had p546not paid his tax for two years. This duty had been performed faithfully by the partisans of the "regular" nominees; it had been neglected by the "best" element in the community, which would naturally have rallied to Buck's support. This, in the judgment of keen observers, made the "regular" victory certain; and in fact, when the votes were counted, Buck had only 10,047 as against Behrman's 13,962. — ? A minor interest was supplied to the election by the fact that the republicans were led, as a result of the split in the democracy, to nominate a city ticket. Their candidate for the mayoralty was John F. Wogan, who received 496 votes. The socialists, too, figured in the election — ? for the first time in the history of the city. They named W. Covington Hall for mayor. Hall received but 179 votes.

The Author’s Notes

1 Picayune, April 13, 1900.

2 Campbell, "Charter of the City of New Orleans," etc., (1908), p23.

3 Fortier, "Louisiana," III, 87-89.

4 Ordinances 974 and 1717, N. C. S. After the resolution placing the matter in the hands of the council committee, the city records contain no further allusion to this interesting matter.

5 Act 89 of 1900.

6 Picayune, July 24, 1900.

7 Picayune, July 26, 27, 28, 1900.

8 Picayune, September 25, 1901.

9 Picayune, September 28-30, August 1-12, 1901.

Mayor Martin Behrman

p547 Chapter XXXV

Sixteen Years of Martin Behrman

The Behrman administration, which began in 1904, was destined to last 16 years. The new mayor was inducted into office on December 5. The other city officers who were sworn in on that date were: C. R. Kennedy, comptroller; Otto F. Briede, treasurer; George S. Smith, commissioner of public works; Alex Pujol, commissioner of public buildings; Samuel L. Gilmore, city attorney; and William V. Seeber, city notary. The members of the new City Council were: J. A. Barrett, William A. Bisso, E. P. Brando, J. L. Cahill, Augustus Craft, Charles Dickson, E. T. Dunn, R. S. Eddy, Jr., J. J. Frawley, S. T. Gately, R. J. Goebel, P. Graham, M. J. Hartson, C. J. Hauer, Adam Junker, T. J. Kelly, James McRacken, Charles O'Connor, W. D. Seymour and M. L. Villa.

On taking office Mayor Behrman addressed to the council a message in which he pointed out that that body, no less than himself, would be responsible for the success of the administration. He expressed his own determination to devote himself "with the entire strength of body and mind to a thorough and conscientious discharge of every obligation" incumbent upon him. "Moreover," he added, "I feel a confidence that persistent yet cautious effort along right lines of progress will yield fruits of advance in all the proper interests of the people and the approval of those who have honored me with this high trust." The necessity of keeping the city clean, of enforcing the laws, of maintaining order and organization, were the principal points stressed in the program of the administration. But attention was also directed to the need of additional funds for the police, the fire department, schools, etc. The general policy, it was announced, would be to abolish sinecures, and carry on the public business in a sound, businesslike manner.1

In a general way, this policy was observed throughout the ensuing four years. The satisfaction with the administration was so great that at the end of that time, when Mayor Behrman presented himself as a candidate for renomination, he met with no opposition. In the interim there had been a change in the election laws. The long-honored custom of making the nominations by convention was abandoned. In its place was set up a primary election. In the main, the democrats renominated for the municipal offices the actual incumbents. The ticket was: Mayor, Martin Behrman; comptroller, C. R. Kennedy; treasurer, Otto F. Briede; commissioner of public works, George S. Smith; commissioner of police and public buildings, Alex Pujol; city engineer, W. J. Hardee; city attorney, Samuel L. Gilmore; city notary, Robert Legier. The nominees for the council were: W. E. Connolly, J. J. Frawley, S. T. Gately, Peter Graham, James Grant, Peter Greenan, A. A. Harmeyer, M. J. Hartson, J. B. Humphreys, T. J. Kelly, Thomas Killeen, James McRacken, A. J. O'Keefe, J. A. Robin, Charles O'Connor, J. N. Roussel, E. J. Ryan, W. J. Verlander, M. L. Villa, U. J. Virgin, and A. F. Wainwright. The only opposition to Behrman was furnished by W. G. Tebault, who ran as p548an independent candidate for mayor; and by John Porter, nominated for the same position by the socialist party. The election took place on November 3, 1908, and resulted in Behrman receiving 25,914 votes; Tebault, 79 votes; and Porter, 194. The remainder of the democratic ticket was elected by large majorities. The contest in the Fifteenth Ward was the one feature of the election which attracted attention. The contestants were A. T. Wainwright and John Scherer. Wainwright was elected by 554 votes. Otherwise, the election awakened very little interest, Behrman's election having been conceded by everybody weeks in advance.2

In 1912 the State Legislature devised a new charter for the City of New Orleans. This instrument effected revolutionary changes in the form of government. It introduced what is known as the "commission" form of government. For some years previously, interest in this radical departure from the traditional forms of municipal government had been growing throughout the country. The practical application of the new system had, however, been limited to cities of less than 300,000 inhabitants. New Orleans was the first city the population of which exceeded this total, to experiment with it. It was closely followed by Buffalo. In adapting this "commission" form to local needs New Orleans reverted more or less to the type of government which it enjoyed under the charter of 1870. It is interesting to note that, referring to the "administrative" system of 1870, the late Judge W. W. Howe, an acknowledged authority on such subjects, expressed the opinion that it had been a success. "The administrators, as a rule," he says, "were citizens prominent either in business or politics, and as such far more amenable to public opinion than the ordinary councilman of the average American City. Their methods were essentially business-like and their legislation, as a whole, was characterized by public spirit and progress."3 The same observations may be applied with propriety to the present system.

The new charter eliminated all distinctions between the legislative and administrative branches of the government. The city was to be governed by a mayor and four commission councilmen at large, who together would constitute the Commission Council. These officers should be elected by a preponderance of the votes cast, and hold office for four years. Each of the commissioners, including the mayor, were required to give a bond of $50,000 for the faithful performance of his duties; the mayor's bond to be approved by the remainder of the Council, the bonds of the other members to be approved by the mayor. The mayor was charged with the general oversight of all departments, boards, and commissions of the city. He possessed none of the rights of assigning departments to his colleagues enjoyed by the mayors under the charter of 1870. The new charter provided that in the absence or disability of the mayor, the commissioner of public finance should be acting mayor of the city. The latter official was also made vice president of the Council. The salary of the mayor was fixed at $10,000 per annum; of the commissioners at $6,000 per annum.

The Council was invested with all the powers hitherto possessed by the City Council, and, in addition to, all of those exercised by the comptroller, treasurer, commissioner of public works, commissioner of public buildings, and city engineer; "the intention being that the entire powers and p549duties of the government of the City of New Orleans, as at present vested or as may hereafter be vested by the constitution and laws of the state in the municipal officers of said city, shall be concentrated in the said Commission Council." These powers were distributed among five departments — ? of public affairs; of public finances; of public safety; of public utilities, and of public property. At its first meeting the Commission Council was required to determine the powers and duties connected with each one of these departments. Vacancies might be filled by the Council by election for the unexpired term.

In general, the mandatory powers of the Commission Council coincided with those of the Council which it displaced. Nor were the discretionary powers of the Council essentially different. The distribution of these powers was, however, interesting. The charter provided that the mayor should be head of the department of public affairs. The other departments were to be filled at the first meeting of the Council, after taking office, when by majority vote, the various members were to be elected to the different commissionerships. Under the Department of Public Affairs were grouped matters connected with law, civil service, and publicity. Under the Department of Public Finance were placed the assessment of private property, the receipts and expenditures of public money, and the accounting therefor. The Department of Public Safety had jurisdiction over fire prevention, the police, health, and charities and relief. All public service corporations and franchises were subject to the control of the Department of Public Utilities. The Department of Public Property was concerned with streets and alleys, parks and playgrounds, public buildings, public baths, and, generally, all other public property with the exception of the Public Belt Railroad, which was left to the direction of its own commission. The Commission Council was authorized to appoint a city attorney, a city notary, the judges of the Recorder's Courts, the clerk of the Council, an auditor of public accounts, the chief engineer of the fire department, the superintendent of police, the superintendent of public health, the city engineer, and the city chemist.

The charter continued in existence the Board of Commissioners of the Fire Department and of the Police Department, the Board of Health, and the Civil Service Commission. The Police Board, however, was hereafter to be made up of the mayor, the commissioner of public safety, and one other commissioner elected by the Council. The same organization was provided for the Fire Department. The Board of Health was to consist of the mayor, the commissioner of public safety, and three other members at large to be chosen by the Commission Council, not necessarily from its own membership, one of the members to be a physician. The civil service commissioners were to comprise the mayor and two commissioners to be selected by the Council. Provision was made for three Recorders' Courts, the judges to be chosen by the Commission Council.

The principles of initiative and referendum were inserted in this charter. It was provided that any ordinance might be brought before the Council on petition signed by the qualified electors of the city, provided that it should have the signatures of a certain specified percentage of the voters qualified to participate in the last preceding election. If such ordinance was submitted, accompanied by the signatures properly sworn to, of 30 percent of such voters, the Council had the option of passing the proposed ordinance, or of submitting it to the voters of the p550city. If at such an election a majority of votes should be cast in favor of the proposed ordinance, it forthwith became a binding law, and was not subject to repeal except through the same process of election. Any number of such ordinances might be submitted at one election, but there could be only one such election in six months. No ordinance whatsoever, unless one of an urgent character, necessary to protect the peace and dignity of the city, might go into force except before ten days after its final passage, and if during that time a petition protesting against such law be presented signed by 30 percent of the voters, then that law was automatically suspended, and it became the duty of the Council to reconsider the ordinance, and if it were not repealed, then it should be laid before the voters at a special election.

The provisions of the new charter with regard to the raising and expenditure of the city revenues, licenses, the preparation of budgets of receipts and expenditures, and the levying of assessments did not differ materially from the previous charter.

The charter was passed by the State Legislature in July, with the stipulation that it should not become effective until ratified by the voters of New Orleans; and an election for that purpose was called for August 28, 1912. A large majority was cast in favor of the new law. Incorporated in the new charter was a provision requiring that the nomination of candidates for the municipal offices which it created should be effected as a primary to be held in October. As that date approached interest in the composition of the "regular" ticket was very keen. The party leaders agreed to recommend to the voters Martin Behrman for the mayoralty, and the following commissioners: E. E. Lafaye, H. W. Newman, A. G. Ricks, and W. B. Thompson. Inasmuch as there had been a successful "reform" movement in state politics a few months before, resulting in the election of Governor Hall, the time seemed ripe for a similar movement in New Orleans. Immediately following the announcement of the "regular" candidates a new party, which called itself the "Good Government League," sprang into existence. It was headed by J. F. Coleman, Donaldson Caffery, Jr., F. S. Weis, I. N. Judge, D. W. Pipes, Jr., Esmond Phelps, G. M. Leahy, Louis Pfister, W. A. Dixon, Charles Fletchinger, S. S. Labouisse, and Oscar Schumert. The candidates of the good government party were: Mayor, Charles F. Claiborne; commissioners — ? G. M. Leahy, Andrew J. McShane, Louis Pfister and Oscar Schumert. The campaign was very short — ? only ten or twelve days; the "reform" movement was insufficiently organized, and at the ensuing election it was defeated by a large majority. Behrman received 23,371 votes, as against Claiborne's 13,917. Among the commissioners Lafaye received 22,657; Newman, 21,432; Ricks, 22,030, and the others less; the largest vote among the reform candidates being cast for McShane, who received 13,224.

The first commission administration gave the city four years of government so satisfactory to the people that, at its close, there was virtually no opposition to the re-election of Behrman. The socialists put up a ticket, but it received only about 700 votes. The democratic candidates were: Mayor, Behrman; commissioners — ? Newman, Ricks, Glenny, and Lafaye. The socialist ticket was: Mayor, Weller; commissioners — ? Elder, Faust, Meldrum, Wainwright. The democratic ticket received 27,466 votes. During the ensuing four years there were several changes among the commissioners. The resignation of Newman in July, 1917, p551led to the appointment of Sam Stone, Jr., to the Commission Council. The departments were distributed as follows: Ricks, commissioner of public finance; Lafaye, commissioner of public property; Glenny, commissioner of public utilities; Stone, commissioner of public safety. The resignation of Lafaye in January, 1919, resulted in the election of R. J. Monrose as commission councilman. Stone was assigned to the department of public property to succeed Lafaye and Monrose to the department of public safety. Ricks was a native of Germany, but came to America in 1851, at the age of nine. He was educated in the public schools in New Orleans and in Paris, Texas, where he made his home for some years. He served with credit in the Confederate Cavalry during the Civil war, and subsequently, entered the leather business, in which he acquired competence, and in 1901 became president of the Metropolitan Bank. Lafaye was a native of New Orleans. He was born in 1880, and had made his way by dint of personal merit and hard work to a prominent position in mercantile life, in the grocery business. As a public official he was particularly interested in the matter of paving, and his efficient and economical management of the municipal repair plant reduced the cost of repairs to the streets to about one-third of the price which they had hitherto involved. Glenny was a prominent cotton merchant, and had twice served p552as president of the Cotton Exchange. As commissioner of public utilities one of his first acts was to bring about an investigation of the service of the New Orleans Railway & Light Company by an expert on transportation affairs from St. Louis, which was the occasion of great betterments in the equipment of the street car lines and in the matter of the conservation of its operating facilities. Stone was a well-known architect and engineer. His election as commissioner of public safety was the first public position he had ever held. Newman was a prominent broker. He was interested especially in the problem of traffic regulation, which, on account of the rapid growth of the city, now began to assume large proportions. An excellent system which he devised was introduced and continued satisfactorily for some time after he retired from office.

The campaign of 1920 was one of the most hotly contested of recent years. The election of John M. Parker to the governorship of the state on a "reform" ticket, led to a "reform" movement in New Orleans. The struggle for the democratic nomination lasted several months. Behrman was a candidate for renomination. The opposition took the name of Orleans Democratic Association, and supported the following ticket: Mayor, Andrew J. McShane; commissioners — ? R. M. Murphy, J. R. Norman, Wilbert Black, and Stanley Ray. The primary was held September 4, and resulted in favor of the Orleans Democratic Association candidates in all but one case. Success in the primary was equivalent to election, since there was no opposition to the democratic ticket as chosen in September. The election was held in November, and the nominees of the party were duly declared elected.

The history of New Orleans during the eighteen years which have elapsed since 1904 and the present date, can here be only briefly written. It is a period of great expansion in every direction. Commerce has grown; the city's resources have increased; great enterprises for the general betterment have been either launched or carried to completion. The most important of these were the establishment of the port commission and the carrying out of a comprehensive scheme for the improvement of the harbor; the completion of the sewage, water and drainage systems; the work of the Board of Liquidation in putting the city finances upon a sound basis; the opening of the Public Belt Railroad, and the inauguration of the Industrial Canal. In subsequent chapters these important subjects will be treated in some detail. It is necessary here, however, to sketch some of the lesser, but still important matters which engaged the attention of the municipal government during this long and eventful period. The population in 1904 was approximately 300,000; today it probably is in excess of 400,000. The exports, which in 1904 amounted but to $148,595,103, have increased to nearly $600,000,000. The imports, which, at that period totaled $34,036,516, are today in the neighborhood of $300,000,000 in value. New Orleans is the chief cotton market in the world. Its wharves are lined with ships which bear a splendid commerce to every quarter of the globe. In the amount and value of its foreign trade it ranks second only to New York. After having triumphed over adversities which no other American city has been called on to bear, New Orleans has, within these seventeen years, been called upon to bear the test of success. The result has been a virtual transformation of the city.

p553 In bringing about these results it is perhaps just to give a leading place to the related matters of city finance and paving. The relation of the Board of Liquidation to the former subject will, as already stated, be treated fully in a later chapter; but something must be said here of the readjustment of the city's finances by the refinancing of all outstanding short-term certificates and the retirement of the city's entire floating debt, in accordance with a plan evolved by Commissioner Lafaye, of the Department of Public Property. Commissioner Lafaye subsequently participated in the preparation of the legislation which was necessary to put the plan into operation. The necessity for some such arrangement was created by the fact that in New Orleans, in common with many other cities of the first class throughout the United States, the demand for public improvements of all kinds had imposed costs in excess of the revenues available for such purposes. The city charter and the state constitution both required the city to set aside out of its general revenues $400,000 per annum for works of permanent public improvement. At the time these provisions were inserted into the law, this looked like a very large amount, but by 1906 it was clear that a far larger sum would be needed to comply with the legitimate demand of the people. In 1908, in order to meet the need for paving, new schools, engine houses, etc., the city administration appealed to the State Legislature for the privilege of anticipating during a period of ten years this reserve fund. This request was acceded to, and between 1908 and 1910 the local authorities were able to keep pace with the requirements of the situation. But by the latter part of 1910 there had already been expended out of the aggregate funds of the ten-year period, no less than $3,439,000 — ? almost the entire amount authorized. Moreover, in addition to this large expenditure, there had been accumulated petitions for paving, which, if granted, would involve the city in a future outlay of about $2,000,000. There was no recourse except to carry the matter to the State Legislature again, and secure permission to anticipate the reserve for five additional years — ? or for a total period of fifteen years. The Legislature promptly passed the required legislation.

In this way the city gradually accumulated a debt of about $6,000,000, which bore interest at five percent . But the demand for improvements continued to increase. It was clear that some other method of meeting the situation had to be devised. An analysis of the expenditures already made revealed the interesting fact that 69 percent of the money had gone for paving. The law divided the cost of street paving between the property owner and the municipality, in the proportion of 21 and 79 percent , the city paying the larger amount. In comparison with the usage maintaining in other cities of the same rank, this appeared a disproportionately heavy burden for the municipality to carry. A revision of the paving laws was therefore procured. By this the distribution of paving costs was reversed. Thus the city was enabled to continue the work of paving the streets, but paid only about 20 percent of the total cost, the remainder being contributed by the benefited property holder. Since the enactment of this law the expenditures on paving have been very large. In the period under consideration, the total outlay for this purpose was $11,634,233.03. A total of — 141.31 miles of street have been paved. In 1909 the total expenditures were over $2,136,000; in p5541910, $1,171,810. From 1911 to 1914 the annual amount devoted to paving ran from $230,000 to $390,000; in 1914 the total jumped up to $858,537, and in the following year to $1,335,101. The outbreak of war with Germany led to a great reduction in these figures, but in 1920 the total was $1,642,401.68. The largest number of miles paved in any one year was — 28.88 in 1910; the next largest — 17.67 in 1916. Since then the increase in the cost of materials and labor has restricted construction in many departments of city enterprise, nowhere more strikingly than in paving. The most notable feature of the work, however, is the fact that these expenditures were made without exceeding the revenues. The municipality has kept in view in all of these operations the possibility of creating a system of paved and connected boulevards and prominent thoroughfares. This has not been fully worked out yet, but some progress has been made towards its realization, and its achievement at no distant date will furnish the city with an admirable series of driveways and boulevards.

The financial operations involved in thus caring for the problem of paving without transgressing the revenue, was the initial step in a systematic refunding of the city's obligations. The second step in this direction was to fund the outstanding short-term certificates, which amounted to about $6,000,000, and the floating debt of the city, which aggregated about $2,000,000. The latter debt had risen from deficits in revenue as against expenses in both of these administrative organizations during the course of some ten or twelve years. The necessary economies were introduced; a reduction was effected in all public improvement programs except paving; and a plan involving the floating of $9,000,000 in serial bonds was worked out in order to effect the funding of these debts. The bonds were authorized by the Legislature,4 and half the issue duly sold. The amendment to the state constitution under which this great financial operation was successfully carried out had the important function of investing New Orleans with complete control over its own financial affairs. Hitherto, any loan projected by the municipality went, in the last analysis, to the voters of the entire state for ratification or rejection. Obviously, such matters were of no concern to the vast majority of those who voted on them. The bond issue of 1916 was, in effect, the first installment in what is expected to be the fundamental bond issue of the city, into which will be converted all other bond issues, as fast as they mature. Ultimately, wherever new revenues are necessary, or where extensions of outstanding bond issues may be requisite, such will be obtained by bond issues under this plan. Whenever transactions of the order become desirable, the city has now, under the amendment to the state constitution adopted in 1916, a simple procedure at its disposal. All that is necessary is that the Council adopt the necessary ordinances and establish the city's ability to pay the interest on the proposed bonds, and to retire the issue serially. Then the Board of Liquidation of the city debt reviews the project, and, if it approves, the matter is then brought before the tax payers, who pass finally upon it by their votes. The value of this innovation in establishing the credit of the municipality, and in putting it in a position to meet the contingencies inseparable from its rapid development, can hardly be overestimated.

p555 In connection with the foregoing brief account of the financial policy of the city in the last eighteen years, it may be mentioned that in this period the total assessed valuation of property in New Orleans has risen from $158,584,194 in 1904 to $485,482,713 in 1920. The tax rate during the same time was 2.55 mills on the dollar. Down to and including the year 1917 the assessment for taxation was on the basis of a 100 percent valuation of property. In 1918 and 1919 this rate was cut to 75 percent , but in 1920 it was found necessary to raise it to 90 percent . As the state valuation was in 1919 put at 100 percent , the result was an apparent increase in the tax by property owners.5

The increase in the assessed value of the city has been due in large measure to the reclamation, improvement and beautification of the hitherto uninhabited swamp lands towards Lake Pontchartrain and to the industrial and commercial developments which have gone on during this time more rapidly, continuously and on a grander scale than has been the case at any previous period in the city's history. The increase in the city's revenue which has resulted has enabled the municipality to carry out in addition to the paving some important public improvements which should be mentioned here, including the Algiers viaduct, the City Hall Annex and two new markets. The Algiers viaduct, completed in 1907, was erected at a cost of $87,770.79. The City Hall Annex was built in 1908 and cost $278,358.37. The new markets were the Dryades, erected in 1912, at a cost of $90,578.70, and the Jefferson, which was erected in 1918 and cost $92,767.18. In addition to these structures, the French Market was screened and repaired in 1913 at an outlay of $23,148.77; the LeBreton and St. Bernard markets were screened in 1914 at a cost of $30,485.45; an addition to the St. Roch Market was put up in the same year costing $15,003.35, and the Ninth Street Market was remodeled in 1914 at an expenditure of $13,248.35. A hospital for mental diseases was erected in 1910 which represents an outlay of $43,000. In 1916 the Isolation Hospital was completed at a total cost of $61,407.49. In the latter year also the Parish Prison was remodeled, a very urgent work, on which the city expended $32,792.99. The public bath erected at the corner of St. Mary and Rousseau streets, in a crowded neighborhood, where the need of such conveniences is pressing, involved an outlay of $10,149.

The number and variety of public works undertaken in New Orleans during the period under review has been paralleled by those promoted by private parties. The number of building permits has, of course, been cut down by the crisis in the building trades between 1916 and 1921. The value of the permits issued in 1904 was $266,202; in 1905, $5,100,419 — ? a figure which was exceeded by nearly $400,000 in the following year. Thereafter, for three years, the total stood at about $4,000,000, falling to about $3,500,000 in the following three years, and showing a slow but steady decline thereafter, except in 1916, when the total rose to $3,066,731, and in 1917 when the figures were only about $300,000 less than in the preceding year. In 1919, 983 permits were issued, representing a value of $5,249,092. The rebuilding of the Cotton Exchange, the remodeling and enlarging of the former Hennen Building p556by its new owner, the Canal-Commercial Bank, and the erection of the first twenty-three-story office building in New Orleans by the Hibernia Bank, all in 1921, represent the revival of business activities following the close of the war. The total value of building permits issued in the first six months of 1920 was $6,833,471 — ? the largest total ever known in the history of the city.

The embellishment of the city has gone forward apace during the last eighteen years. One important factor in this work is the Parking Commission, which was created in 1909, to take charge of the principal streets, parks and playgrounds. Previously these places had been cared for, if at all, in a haphazard way, mainly through the efforts of private parties. In 1884, for example, the city government practically abandoned its duties of superintendence to commissions which were organized among the residents of many of the most attractive thoroughfares. The Parking Commission regained control over these streets and set to work to adorn them with trees and flowers. By 1913 some 23,840 trees had been set out, and on some of the chief avenues flower beds had been added to the other embellishments with very pleasing results. The commission has established a nursery for young trees on Gentilly Avenue, from which in a few years it will be able to draw liberally for the further adornment of the streets and parks. The growth of the commission's labors may be estimated from the fact that the amount appropriated for it in 1913 was $5,000, where in 1919 it was $33,000. The commission's income from other sources than the city appropriation in that year was $4,365.80, and of the total about $35,000 was expended. In 1920 the city's appropriation was further increased, this time to $42,628.

Connected with the general matter of the beautification of the city is that of lighting. Through the exertions of Commissioner Lafaye the modernization of the system of street lighting along the principal avenues of the city was begun in 1915. This consists of single and double-light incandescent lamps, three or more to the block. Three hundred double-light ornamental lighting standards have been placed in the commercial district, and 1,500 single light standards elsewhere. The system extends to St. Charles Avenue, St. Charles Street, Napoleon Avenue, Carrollton Avenue, Canal Street, and is being erected along other thoroughfares, under an arrangement with the New Orleans Railways & Light Company, by which the equipment passes into the possession of the city at the expiration of a period of ten years. In 1910 an improved type of 5.5 ampere "acorn" arc lamp of superior luminosity was developed under the auspices of the city electrician's office, and this has been installed in many parts of the city and is being substituted for the older types elsewhere as rapidly as circumstances permit. On the whole, New Orleans is a well-lighted city, but the immense area which it covers, part of which is thinly settled, has made the installation of a lighting system in those more remote districts prohibitive in cost. Nevertheless, at the present time there are 5,626 arc lights in use, as compared with 2,626 in 1904.

The safety of the city, as provided for by the police and fire departments and by the City Board of Health, has been greatly improved in recent years. The fundamental organization of the police and fire department p557has undergone no change since the beginning of the present century, but both organizations have been brought up to date in many respects. The total police force in 1904 was 347; in 1920 it was 366. The amount appropriated by the city government for the department has increased over $252,000 as compared with 1904. A desirable change in the provisions for caring for the veterans of the service was made in 1904, under Act No. 32 passed by the State Legislature in that year, whereby policemen serving creditably for twenty years may be retired on half pay if incapacitated from further performance of duty or if they have attained the age of sixty years. Previously the retirement law permitted the retirement of policemen after twenty years of service without regard to age. The improvements in the fire department have been marked. In 1904 the water supply available for use in case of fire extended only to — about 125 miles of streets. Approximately 1,700 hydrants with a pressure of — about twenty pounds had been installed — ? generally inadequate in capacity. It was no uncommon thing to hear the distressing whistle of the engines sounding the signal indicating that the water supply had failed at the very height of a conflagration. By 1919, however, thanks to the development of the new water system, there were in use over 5,000 hydrants along — 600 miles of streets, with an average of — about sixty pounds pressure and abundant capacity. The result has been a great reduction in the loss by fire. The efficiency of the department is shown in the fact that most of the fire alarms turned in in the course of a year represent insignificant fire losses, the flames being extinguished before much damage could be accomplished. The department now includes 463 men. The equipment includes twenty-seven motor-drawn machines, including six pumping engines, two aerial hook-and-ladder trucks, four city service hook-and-ladder trucks, two chemical engines, two combination chemical and hose wagons, nine hose wagons and two water towers. In addition, there are twenty-five horse-drawn steam fire engines, five horse-drawn hook-and-ladder trucks and two chemical engines. The complete motorization of the department was effected in April, 1922, with the addition of twenty-two motor-propelled pumping engines each of — 600 gallons capacity, and three motor-propelled hook-and-ladder trucks. These improvements entailed an outlay of $201,180. Twenty-seven engine houses have been erected since 1904, at a cost of $370,255.61.

The creation of the City Board of Health in 1898 separated the detail of local health administration from that of the state. Beginning about 1902, a vigorous and successful campaign, in which the state authorities co-operated, has been carried on, with the result that the city death rate has been steadily reduced. The building of the water, sewerage and drainage systems has helped materially to this result, but better housing conditions, though probably the most immediate, was not the only factor. The establishment of a modern municipal medical laboratory has greatly facilitated physicians in the prompt diagnosis of communicable disease. The enactment by the city of numerous ordinances relative to sanitation, and a long-continued and persistent fight for pure milk, led by the City Board of Health's attorney, W. L. Hughes, have also helped materially. The following table strikingly illustrates the benefits which have arisen from the work of the past twenty-two years:

Death Rates per 1000 Corresponding

Average

Duration Death Rates

per 1000 from

Date Maximum Minimum Average of Life Malaria Typhoid

1810-1819 55 30 42 24 ... ...

1820-1829 57 29 42 24 ... ...

1830-1839 180 25 59.7 17 ... ...

1840-1849 100 33 55.8 18 ... ...

1850-1859 112 38 60.7 16.5 ... ...

1860-1869 51 27 38.1 27 ... ...

1870-1879 48 24 31.8 31.5 ... ...

1880-1889 34 25 28.6 35 156 21

1890-1899 31 23 27.2 36.7 104 39

1900-1909 25.9* 20.8 22.6 44.2 26 38?

1910-1919 25.5? 18.1 20.6 48.5 7 21

1919 ... ... 18.6 43.2 4 13

1920 ... ... 17.75 56.3 1 7.5

* Figures given are for 1900.

? Includes deaths during 1918 grippe epidemic, except for which the death-rate would be 21.

? In 1900 drainage began to improve; in 1907 sewers operated; in 1909 water system inaugurated.

Until 1880 New Orleans had no sanitary improvements worthy of the name. Following the epidemic of yellow fever in 1879, Dr. Joseph Holt, then president of the Louisiana State Board of Health, instituted such quarantine and disinfection measures at the mouth of the Mississippi and elsewhere as did effectually protect the city from the invasion of epidemic disease over a long series of years.a Prior to that date yellow fever had been a frequent visitor. No decade had shown an average white death rate of less than 32 per 1,000, while in certain years the rate had several times exceeded 50 per 1,000, and three times had risen to 100 per 1,000, and as a glance at the foregoing table will reveal, had once reached the probably unparalleled figure of 180 per 1,000. Therefore, the fact that between 1880 and 1899 the death rate was between 34 and 24 per 1,000, with an average of 28 per 1,000, bears testimony to the efficiency of Doctor Holt's sanitary system; but as at the same time the average American city showed a death rate of about 18 per 1,000, there was clearly room for improvement. In other words, at a time when the indicated average duration of life in other American cities was over 55 years, in New Orleans it was under 36 years. In 1901, one year after the new drainage system went into effect, the death rate fell below 24 per 1,000. Until 1900 the highest indicated average duration of life in New Orleans was less than 37 years; at the end of 1920 it is over 56 years. Since in 1921 New Orleans has an estimated population of 400,000, the decrease in the death rate from 27 to 18 per 1,000 corresponds to the annual saving of 3,600 lives, and personal and economic gain so great that it would be cheaply purchased at any outlay, however great. Two gratifying results indicated in the city death rate during the last sixteen years are the lowered death rate from communicable diseases and the increase of deaths due to old age. The chance of living beyond 70 years in New Orleans has increased from 12 percent in 1904 to 14 percent in 1919. In this connection mention should be made of the efforts p559of the authorities to legislate for the purity, cleanliness and wholesomeness of the food supply in general. The prompt and efficient co-operation of the medical profession, the medical department of the School Board, the United States Public Health Service and the growing tendency of the public to observe the rules of health and sanitation devised for its benefit, give promise of still better things in the immediate future.6

The importance of all these measures for the protection of the public health was emphasized in 1905 by an outbreak of yellow fever, and in 1914 by the appearance in the city of bubonic plague. The former was extinguished by the medical officers of the United States, working in conjunction with those of the state and city. Their success demonstrated the possibility of eradicating yellow fever wherever proper precautions are taken against the propagation of the inoculated mosquito. The city cisterns were screened and oiled, and thereafter an annual inspection was made to see that both of these methods of prevention were observed, down to 1918, when the cisterns were ordered removed. The matter of the plague still more triumphantly vindicated the theories and practices of the national, state and local medical officials. As early as 1912 the presence of plague-infected rats in the wharves along the river front had been discovered by the Board of Health. Late in June, 1914 a human case of plague developed. Recognizing the importance of perfect frankness in this matter, the city health authorities made no attempt to conceal the fact, but invoked the assistance of the United States Public Health Service in the task of eradicating the infection. Rat-proofing of homes and other buildings was begun, and a rat-proofing system of the wharves was devised. During 1914 thirty cases of plague were reported; in 1915 but one case developed, and thereafter the disease disappeared. It is estimated that the rat-proofing of the city, which was accomplished after several years' effort, involved the expenditure of $11,262,000. The policy of publicity adopted by the city in connection with the plague situation gained the confidence of the adjoining states, and in spite of the gravity of the situation there was no disturbance of the commercial relations between them and the City of New Orleans.

Although the expenditures in New Orleans on behalf of public education fall short of the need, the development in this regard during the last seventeen years has been important. In 1904 the amount expended on the public schools was about $500,000. Approximately $2,000,000 was the amount budgeted in 1920. In addition, the sum of nearly $500,000 was required to repair damaged school buildings after the hurricane of 1915. Three large modern high schools — ? two for girls and one for boys — ? have been built in this period, the two former in 1911 and the latter in 1913. The Sophie B. Wright High School represents an investment by the city of $195,770; the Esplanade Avenue High School of $188,037, and the Warren Easton High School for Boys of $311,579. Sixteen other school buildings, ranging in cost from $11,000 to $80,000, have been erected, and six "annexes" have been built, respectively at the Thomy Lafon, McDonogh No. 2, McDonogh No. 3, W. C. Flower, McDonogh No. 15 and B. M. Palmer schools. Some of these buildings, notably the Beauregard, Live Oak, Lusher, Gentilly Terrace, Lake View, p560Adolph Meyer and McDonogh No. 14 are modern structures, comparing favorably with similar institutions elsewhere. In addition, two school gymnasiums, the Behrman and the Wiltz, and the Nicholls Vocational School have been added to the public school system, the latter of special interest, providing, as it does, training for girls wishing to enter a trade. Moreover, instruction in manual training, domestic art and domestic science has been introduced. A department of school hygiene, which occupies itself with the detection and alleviation of physical defects among the school children; a department of physical training, and special departments for the education of the blind, deaf and dumb, have been added to the school system. A compulsory school attendance law was passed some years ago, and an attendance department was established. As a result, the total enrollment in the city schools has increased from 31,720 in 1904 to 51,000 in 1920. Finally, where in 1904 there was in existence one night school with an enrollment of 108, operated at a cost of $2,250, there are at the present time twelve night schools supported by annual appropriations aggregating $30,283.

In addition to the schools erected by the city, mention should be made of those which owe their existence to the generosity of private parties. Among these may be mentioned the two Danneel schools, one for whites and one for colored, erected, respectively, in 1907 and 1914, at a cost of $45,951 for the former and of $25,494 for the latter. The McDonogh fund, established by the will of the eccentric philanthropist, John McDonogh, in 1850, which has been the agent of untold good to the city by affording the means for the construction of a large number of admirable schools, is under the administration of the McDonogh Commission, of which the mayor of the city is ex-officio chairman. At the present time it amounts to $215,783. Since 1904 out of this fund means have been found to add five handsome school edifices to the educational plant of the city, including McDonogh Nos. 16, 26, 31, 32 and 33. Two of these buildings represent an expenditure of between $50,000 and $60,000; one of $15,299, and the others of smaller sums. The Delgado trades school, erected in 1921, at a cost of $700,000, should also be noticed.

Coincidental with this development of the facilities of public education, there has been improvement in the number of the teachers and the conditions of their service. In 1904 there were 73 schools and 831 teachers; today there are 88 schools and 1,300 teachers. The average of salaries have increased 166? percent . The minimum salary paid in the elementary schools has risen from $315 to $800; the maximum from $600 to $1,300. The recent enactment of a law relative to the teachers' retirement pensions insures to those who dedicate their best years and ripest effort to the training of the city's youth an annuity when age or infirmity make retirement necessary. This law crowns the labors begun among the teachers themselves, largely through the efforts of Mrs. J. C. Reed, for many years principal of McDonogh No. 23, to establish a Teachers' Pension League.

It will be seen from the foregoing being review that there has been actual progress in many lines in New Orleans in the last two decades. This progress, while real and considerable, is, however, comparatively small. This will be seen from the following table, which shows how New Orleans ranks in per capita receipts and expenditures as compared with other cities:

Item Rank

Among 69

Cities

of Not Less Than

100,000 Population Rank

Among 11

Southern Cities

of Same Claim7

Population 16 1

Expenses

General government 24 1

Police department 56 9

Fire department 57 8

Health and sanitation 26 3

Highways 55 7

Education 69 9

Recreation 64 9

Other general department expenses 48 6

Public Service enterprises 11 2

Interest 10 2

Outlays for acquisition and improvement of property 15 3

Total governmental expenses 50 4

Revenue receipts 53 4

It will be seen that New Orleans, noteworthy as its progress has been in many respects, has been able to do proportionately little for the police and fire departments, still less for recreation, and less for education than any other American city with a population of more than 100,000. On the other hand, it is apparent that its proportional revenue is small. The problem here suggested is the most vital that faces the city at the present time. Upon its solution will hinge all its future development.

In connection with the recurrence of the yellow fever in 1905 mention should be made of the visit of President Roosevelt in October, the first of several paid by him to the city. On this occasion he came expressly because he felt that his presence would do good in the city menaced by an outbreak of disease. He was given a most enthusiastic welcome. Other presidential visits during the past eighteen years were those of W. H. Taft and of President-elect Harding in 1920.

The approaching completion of the Panama Canal gave rise, in 1907, to a movement to hold in New Orleans a world's exposition which would fittingly celebrate that episode, fraught with so much significance to the commercial future of the city. The movement was unsuccessful, the National Government committing itself eventually to an exposition at San Francisco. The suggestion insofar as New Orleans was concerned was made by T. P. Thompson, in connection with his work as a commissioner from Louisiana to the Jamestown Exposition. Mayor Behrman endorsed the idea, and on May 4, 1907, called a conference at the city hall, at which it was fully discussed. Four days later a committee was appointed to develop the project, with T. P. Thompson as chairman and M. B. Trezevant as secretary. Although Governor Sanders gave the plan his approval, the opening of the state gubernatorial campaign p562about this time made it seem wise to suspend the work, in order that the statewide exposition tax which it would be necessary to levy if the project were to be successfully carried out, might not become a campaign issue and run the risk of defeat. The election took place in November, and almost immediately thereafter occurred the financial disturbances which, continuing through the following year, brought about a period of business depression in New Orleans as elsewhere throughout the country. But in July, 1909, the exposition idea was revived; John Barrett of the Bureau of Latin American Republics in Washington, was induced to visit New Orleans and deliver an address on trade relations with Latin America, with gratifying results. In March, 1910, the city sent a delegation to Washington to lay the matter before President Taft, and in the following month a public meeting was held in north of, at which plans were made to finance the preliminary work. On April 8 the World's Panama Exposition Company was formed, which secured promises for funds aggregating nearly $8,000,000. But for the determination of the national government to support San Francisco as the site of the exposition the project would undoubtedly have been carried through to a brilliant success in New Orleans.8

The outbreak of the great war in Europe in 1914 effected unfavorably many important lines of effort in New Orleans, and when the United States became involved in the great conflict, practically everything not connected therewith was suffered to come to a standstill. During the war New Orleans contributed liberally both of labor and money. The city subscribed in the various "drives" which were inaugurated in 1917 and 1918 the enormous sum of $103,303,184, as against a quota assigned to it of $91,362,450. Of this total upwards of $81,000,000 represented Liberty Bonds, $8,000,000 war savings stamps and the remainder were subscriptions to the Red Cross, the Young Men's Christian Association, the Knights of Columbus and other similar war work associations. The conditions under which the army was recruited prevented the formation of distinctly local units, but the Washington Artillery, the Naval Battalion and the Second Louisiana Cavalry were composed very largely of New Orleans men, while in the First Louisiana Regiment of Infantry the city was well represented. The Washington Artillery, 1,400 strong, under Col. Allison Owen, was mustered in in 1917 and sailed for France in September. The Naval Battalion, under Commander Rowbotham, saw service in various places. The First Regiment, under Colonel Stubbs, 2,000 strong, saw service in France. The Second Cavalry was organized by Capt. Albert de St. Aubin. It was sent to St. Florent and individual members of the organization participated in the later battles of the war.b

Around New Orleans were established several important camps. Early in the war the old City Park race track was turned into a camp where successive military organizations were quartered until sent forward to points of embarkation. At the Fair Grounds was established Camp Martin, a vocational school under the auspices of Tulane University, represented by its director of war work, S. B. Dinwiddie. This camp was in the latter part of the summer of 1918 removed to the campus of Tulane University, where upwards of 3,000 men were stationed at the time that the signing of the armistice put an end to all p563such enterprises. At Tulane University the war work was divided into four sections — ? the Federal School for Vocational Training, which was inaugurated in January, 1918; the Marine Engineering School, which was inaugurated in July, 1917, and still in existence under Prof. J. M. Robert; the Vocational Training for Enlisted Men, which closed on December 21, 1918, and the Students' Army Training Corps, which came into existence on October 1, 1918, and ended on December 21, 1918. Similar work was done at Loyola University.

Throughout the city civil organizations of every kind, fraternal orders, the Masons, the Elks, and others too numerous to be enumerated here, initiated and carried through endless enterprises of a patriotic kind. The United Daughters of the Confederacy not only maintained beds in the great hospital at Neuilly, in Paris, but raised a large educational fund. The women of the city were largely enrolled under the Council of the National Defense, under the local direction of Mrs. W. A. Porteous. Their work was admirably organized. There were departments of registration, of existing social agencies, health and recreation, war saving stamps, Liberty Loan, education, publicity, women in industry, child welfare, etc. The food department collected 69,000 pledges in a campaign for conservation; the women in industry department, under Mrs. W. E. Garry, conducted an industrial survey and opened an employment agency which dealt with over 1,000 cases; the Child Welfare Department weighed and registered 31,963 children; the Department of Health and Recreation supervised the soldiers' dances and undertook other work for the comfort of the enlisted men stationed in or near the city; the Liberty Loan Department was instrumental in effecting the sale of $7,000,000 worth of bonds; the War Savings Department promoted savings amounting to $115,579, to which the Limit Clubs formed under its supervision added $2,000,000 more; the Department of Education, among other things, trained sixty three-minute speakers for duty in the theaters of the city; the publicity department did admirable work in furthering tag days, drives and other forms of enterprise. The outbreak of influenza in October, 1918, which though of short duration was terribly fatal — ? at one time the deaths approaching 100 per day — ? was particularly distressing in the camps. Thanks to the efficient organization which had been built up among the women of the city, volunteers were quickly found to nurse the stricken soldiers. One of these nurses, Miss Belden, fell a victim to her generous and patriotic labors.9

Between 1918 and 1920 the traction question, which had long been a matter of anxiety to the city government, assumed an acute form. In order to give a clear idea of the reasons why this development came about, it would be necessary to go more fully into the history of the public service corporations of New Orleans than is here possible. It is necessary, however, to state that the various street car lines, which had hitherto operated as independent, competitive corporations, began to be merged about 1899 into one great system. This merger ultimately included the New Orleans & Carrollton line, chartered in 1833, the oldest company of its kind in the city and one of the oldest in the United States; the Canal & Claiborne line, chartered in 1867; the City Railroad, p564established in 1860; the Levee line, opened May 6, 1866; the St. Charles Street line, organized in 1866; the Orleans line, chartered in 1869, and the various extensions and connecting lines organized at more recent dates — ? thirty-four in all. The City Railroad Company, as the merging company was called, was chartered February 28, 1899, for ninety-nine years, with a capital of $2,500,000 cumulative preferred stock and $5,000,000 common stock. In 1901 the New Orleans Railway Company was organized and bought all the stock of the various companies operating at that time. A short time later this corporation went into the hands of a receiver. All of the stock held by this company was acquired in 1905 by the New Orleans Railway & Light Company, which has since operated these lines. To the holdings of this company have been added also the electric light and gas companies. A few years later the American Cities Company was organized, which controls today 85.79 percent of the preferred stock and 94.54 percent of the common stock of the New Orleans Railway & Light Company. In 1919 this company went into the hands of a receiver appointed by the United States Circuit Court.10

As a result of the conditions caused by the war the New Orleans Railway & Light Company borrowed a large sum, with the approval of the United States, and in order to guarantee the repayment thereof obtained from the city government permission to raise its fares from 5 cents to 6 cents. The receiver representing subsequently that this fare was insufficient to meet the requirements of the road for operating expenses, the city government, in 1920, gave permission by ordinance for a further increase of fare to 8 cents over a period of six months. This period came to an end in April, 1921, whereupon the receiver sued out an injunction in the United States courts prohibiting the city from interfering with the continued collection of the 8-cent fare. The adjustment of the relations between the municipality and the street railway company has not been fully worked out at the time these lines were written. It may be mentioned in this connection that the first transfer tickets were issued in 1898 by the St. Charles Street Car Company and that the system of transfers was made general on all lines during Mayor Behrman's first term through the efforts of that official.11

The Author’s Notes

1 Picayune, December 6, 1904.

2 Times-Democrat, November 4, 1908.

3 Municipal History of New Orleans, 19.

4 Act 32 of 1916. See also Act 4 of 1916.

5 Ordinances Nos. 5249, 5424, 5739, Commission Council Series.

6 The figures and table in the foregoing paragraph have been furnished by Geo. T. Earl, superintendent of the Sewage, Water and Drainage Board.

7 The foregoing figures are supplied by the United States Bureau of the Census for the year ending June 30, 1918.

8 See "The Logical Point" magazine, Vol. I, passim.

9 Isoline Rodd Kendall, "Brief History of the Woman's Committee, Council of National Defense, New Orleans Division," pp53-57.

10 Since the foregoing was written, further developments have caused the control of the company to return to local managers.

11 Times-Picayune, March 20, 1921. Since the date given in the text, an agreement has been effected between the city and the company, by which the fares are set at 7 cents and substantial reductions made in the price of gas and electric lighting. See Daily States, April 5, 1922, Times-Picayune, April 8, 1922.

p565 Chapter XXXVI

Drainage, Water, Sewerage

Within the past twenty years three essentials of municipal sanitation have been installed in New Orleans: an adequate system of drainage, an efficient sewage system, and a modern water supply. Almost from the day of the foundation of the city the need of these conveniences was felt, but their introduction was delayed by many conditions, of which the lack of means was only one, and probably not the most important. The drainage problem was the most urgent and difficult; with its solution the sewage and the water supply became possible.

In any historical consideration of the subject, then, it is necessary to begin with the drainage. This matter was considered by Bienville and by his engineer, La Tour. The latter recommended that the site of the city be placed at Manchac, on account of the difficulty which he foresaw of keeping the capital of the Province of Louisiana free from inundation if located where Bienville, for a variety of reasons, finally established it. Bienville had to consider the relation of the proposed city to the defense of the mouth of the Mississippi, and to the means of access to the French settlements along the Mississippi sound; and these factors proved final in determining his choice.

As early as Perier's time the protection of the city from flood was attempted. A clever writer had compared New Orleans to a saucer floating in water: the city sits in a basin, the raised rim of which prevents the outside water from getting in, but also stops that which is within from getting out. The rim of the saucer is a system of levees, the inception of which is traced back to Perier's administration, when a levee was thrown up in front of the city to defend it from the river floods. No attempt was made to drain the city till the time of Vaudreuil, and then with very indifferent success. Carondelet went further. By opening the canal which still bears his name, in 1794, he drained the greater part of the then existing city. About 1836 the excavation of the New Basin Canal, and, shortly after, of the Melpomene Canal, helped relieve a similar situation in the upper or American part of the city. But these enterprises only attacked the problem piecemeal. The necessity of a comprehensive drainage system was apparent. In 1835 a "grand speculative company," as Condon calls it, under the name of the New Orleans Drainage Company, was formed to meet the demand. It proposed to drain and reclaim all the land "between the upper limits of the Faubourg Livaudais, the line of the New Canal, to Lake Pontchartrain, along the lake to Bayou Cochon, and in a straight line to the Fisherman's Canal, and thence to the Mississippi."1 It was capitalized at $1,000,000. Both the city and the state were large stockholders. Unfortunately, the company was an offspring of the speculative movement of the middle '30s, and collapsed with it. It does not seem ever to have progressed with its plan far enough to have formulated a scheme for the drainage work it was organized to undertake.

p566

Map of New Orleans showing Completed and Proposed Drainage Construction

Dec. 31st, 1913

A larger, fully readable scan (1.2 MB) is also available.

p567 The next attempt to solve the drainage problem was made in 1857. In the preceding year the State Legislature appropriated $5,000 to pay the expenses of two engineers who were to make a survey of the swamps in the rear of the city, with a view of drawing up a plan for their drainage and reclamation. The then city surveyor, Louis Pilié, denounced this work as a mere waste of public funds. He himself appeared before the city council in 1857 with a plan looking to drainage. This, however, contemplated the drainage only of the section of the city lying in the rear of Claiborne Avenue. He advised the construction of open canals for drainage and of levees to protect the city from inundation from the lake. He did not state clearly what disposition of the drainage was to be made, but it is supposed that he expected to deliver it to Lake Pontchartrain. As his report was not accompanied by maps, the proposed location of the pumping machinery necessary to lift the drainage water is not clear, but probably it would have been placed along the lake shore. "When the drainage of our swamps shall be perfected," he said, in commenting upon the importance of drainage to New Orleans, "our city will be among the healthiest in the world. The growth and population [. . .] will rapidly appear, our commerce will be largely benefited, our population, far from seeking a residence during the summer and sickly months, will remain in the city and erect delightful residences along the lake shore, and upon the new swamp lands of our city, and thus a large amount of property at present valueless will amount to millions and swell our assessment rolls."2

It is not clear how far the Pilié project affected the action of the State Legislature in 1858, when by the passage of Act 165 it for the first time took definite steps towards the solution of the drainage problem in New Orleans. But it seems reasonable to say that the relation was very close. The act in question divided New Orleans into three drainage districts and authorized the appointment of a drainage commission in each. It also provided a mode of assessment in each district in order to raise the funds necessary to carry out a drainage plan. The boards were empowered to levy an assessment upon the superficial feet of the area to be drained, and were directed to expend the money upon the construction of canals, levees, machinery, etc., substantially in conformity to the Pilié plan. In the following year another act3 was passed amending the anterior legislation in order to give the boards authority to issue thirty-year bonds, to the amount of $350,000 in each district. Under these acts boards were appointed by the city council. They organized and determined upon a plan of procedure. They had the technical advice of Gen. (then Maj.) P. G. T. Beauregard. Beauregard proposed to effect the drainage of each of the four districts separately. The First District comprised the area between the Old and the New Basins towards the rear of the city, with Julia Street as the boundary on the upper side, and St. Peter as the boundary on the lower side. The Second District was above Julia Street and extended as far as Carrollton. The Third District included all the lower part of the city below St. Peter Street.4 Work was not largely undertaken in any of these districts, owing to the p568outbreak of the Civil war. In the Second District more was accomplished, however, than in both of the others combined. By 1871, in the First District, which included the commercial center of the city, something had been done towards securing drainage from the river back to Claiborne Avenue. Thence to Metairie Ridge the drainage was less efficient. Back of the Metairie Ridge towards Lake Pontchartrain nothing had actually been done. After the Civil war, when the drainage boards were reconstituted and set about resuming their labors, this then remote part of the First Drainage District was made the scene of a careful inspection by N. E. Bayley, president of the board, and J. D. Hill, one of the commissioners, and they found that a large part of their work had to be done in a boat.5 However, before the boards as thus reorganized were able to accomplish much the State Legislature began to interfere by passing acts designed to transfer the drainage assessment funds to the hands of private corporations. It was claimed that private parties would be in a position to carry out the drainage work more successfully and on a larger scale; as a matter of fact, the assault on the drainage boards was only a part of the general exploitation of the public funds which prevailed during the Reconstruction epoch. To the three drainage boards, however, the city owes the excavation of its first drainage canals and the erection of its first pumping plant.

In this connection we must note the drainage plan of L. Surgi, city surveyor, which was presented to the council in 1868, and has some historical interest. Surgi, in effect, advised the improvement and extension of the work already done by the drainage boards. He advocated the construction of additional open canals, and the use of improved machinery. His report, however, included no data on the amount of water which it would probably be necessary to handle. He referred to Bayou Bienvenu as "one of the main natural drains of the city, especially of the lower section, from Esplanade down." From this it seems clear that he contemplated delivering the drainage water ultimately into Lake Borgne. This is the scheme now followed. This appears to be the first time that this route was suggested. In accordance with Surgi's suggestions, the city council in 1869 appointed a board to work out a plan for the complete drainage of the city.6 This board was composed of Gen. Braxton Bragg, A. G. Blanchard, R. J. Evans, John Roy, H. C. Brown, G. W. R. Bayley, L. Surgi and J. A. D'Hemecourt. This commission, after organizing, recommended as a measure of immediate relief that the Surgi plan be immediately inaugurated. As the ultimate drainage plan it recommended the construction of underground canals discharging into the Mississippi. The report of this body was prepared without any accurate knowledge of the topography of the city or of the volume of water to be handled. As a matter of fact, engineers today have, after exhaustive study, determined that, while not impossible, it would be impracticable to collect the drainage water in a system of sewers of the type proposed by the Bragg board and deliver it into the river.7 For this reason the project must necessarily have failed; but it never reached the point of actual application, for in 1871 the State Legislature put the entire matter of the city drainage in the hands of a p569corporation known as the Mississippi and Mexican Gulf Ship Canal Company, where it became involved in the politics of the period and the whole matter of the city drainage was held up for many years.8

The Mexican Gulf Company, or Ship Canal Company, as it was usually referred to, was originally formed to excavate a ship canal through St. Bernard Parish to connect the city with the Gulf of Mexico. After expending $480,000 on this useless enterprise the work was abandoned. The effect of Act 30 of 1871 was to abolish the three drainage boards and put the drainage of the city under the control of this company, which, through its president, made an effort to get possession of the books and papers of the dispossessed commissioners. The act subrogated the city council in all the rights and privileges of the old boards and authorized it to collect the old drainage claims and levy an assessment of two mills on every superficial foot of drainable area in the Second and Third Drainage districts and of three and one-third mills per foot in the First District. These taxes were made collectible on lands where such had not been the case under the previous acts. All the revenues thus obtained were to be put at the disposal of the company. The company paid more attention to the collection of these revenues than to the execution of the drainage work, although something, too, was done along that line. Its officers endeavored to obtain judgments against individuals and were aided in this endeavor by the heavy liens which the law created on drainable property. They tried to enforce the collections through the notaries and sheriffs, holding them accountable for any deficiencies in the tax which they insisted should be paid over to them out of the general funds of the city. In effect, the city was co-operating with the company. These financial arrangements were continued until they became a matter of public scandal, inasmuch as such drainage work as was being done afforded no commensurate benefit.

The matter was finally brought to a head when a suit was instituted against John Davidson for the drainage tax alleged to be due on a piece of property which he had acquired in 1859 from the cities of New Orleans and Baltimore,a and which comprised the area surrounding the City Park on the north, east and west sides. The company sought to obtain a judgment personal against Davidson, regardless of the value of the real estate on which the tax was laid. The case was appealed to the Supreme Court of the state, and then on a writ of error to the United States Supreme Court. There it was permitted to lie dormant for years. It was evident that the drainage tax collector had no wish to press the matter to a decision, for fear that the judgment in his favor rendered by the State Supreme Court would be set aside by the higher tribunal. In the meanwhile, of course, the collection of the drainage tax was systematically enforced.

Finally, the Davidson case was brought to trial in Washington. This was in the late '70s. The Supreme Court held that the issue was purely a state affair, declined to review the judgment and sent the case back to the State Supreme Court. Thereupon the executors of Davidson, who had died in 1872, instituted a suit to annul the judgment on the grounds that no work had been undertaken to effect drainage in the area where the property in question was situated, and that the effect of the tax, p570when collected, was solely to benefit the stockholders in the Mexican Gulf Company. In due time this suit reached the State Supreme Court. The membership of this tribunal had greatly altered in the interim. Chief Justice Bermudez, who was now at its head, handed down a decision which had the effect to putting an end to the collection of the tax. The result was that the enforcement of the law on the subject through the notaries ceased. The City of New Orleans, however, continued to be a victim of the company, and was obliged, under the act of the State Legislature, to pay a large sum for work which was never performed.9

The financial operations of the Mexican Gulf Company were quite apart from its engineering projects. The latter were carried on steadily until 1876, in accordance with a plan prepared by the city surveyor, W. H. Bell. Bell's plan was the first one contemplating the drainage of the city from a practical point of view which was put in operation and which met with some measure of success. No complete description of his plan is available, but it is evident that he proposed to deliver the drainage water into Lake Pontchartrain. He contemplated the construction of a substantial breakwater and levee along the shore of the lake from the upper Protection Levee to the People's Avenue Canal, and along this revetment the construction of the pumping stations necessary to lift the water up for delivery. The pumping stations were requisite to create the necessary slope to insure the flow of the drainage water through the canals which he proposed to excavate. The foul drainage of the city was to be delivered into Lake Borgne. Bell did not intend to depend upon a single line of drainage machines located along the lake and at the head of Bayou Bienvenu. He recommended that in locating them they be placed with a view to the ultimate division of the city into urban and suburban drainage districts, the former to be drained through large sewers, or cast iron pipes, into Bayou Bienvenu, and the latter into Lake Pontchartrain. The first step, in his opinion, towards drainage was to prevent the city from being overflowed either from the river or from the lake. The location of the pumping machinery was a matter secondary to this fundamental consideration.10 The principal feature of the Bell system was a canal — 65 feet wide and 15 feet deep.11 Under this plan about thirty-six miles of canals were actually dug, widened or deepened. The upper Protection Levee and a canal about five miles long were completed. On the lake front, however, only about one-half mile of levee was built. About five miles of the lower Protection Levee were erected. — Thirteen miles of canals were dug and 4.6 feet deep',WIDTH,140)" onMouseOut="nd();">? from 50 to 60 feet wide and 15 feet deep. These included the Upperline Canal from the lake to Metairie Ridge, the Orleans Canal from the lake to the Bienville drainage machine at Hagan Avenue and Bayou St. John; the London Avenue Canal, from the lake to the London Avenue drainage machine, and the People's Avenue Canal from the lake to Florida Walk.12 Charles Louque, who was a member of the city council in 1892, and was chairman of a committee which investigated the subject, in a report which he published at that time, says that the Bell plan could have been carried out with satisfactory results within two years, but a change in the city government put an end to the project after about $2,500,000 had p571been spent, and thereafter seven dredge boats which were then at work were allowed to rust and sink in the various drainage canals, which they long continued to obstruct.

The Mexican Gulf Company became involved about the year 1874 and transferred its contract to a man named Van Nordon. It had borrowed extensively from Van Nordon, and now finding itself without the means to pay those debts, assigned the contract and all its apparatus to him. He carried on the work for two years, when by another act of the Legislature13 the city was authorized to purchase the rights, appurtenances, etc., of the company. An ordinance was passed shortly after by the city council directing that negotiations be opened to this end.14 In June of that year the purchase was effected, whereupon the city instituted the office of drainage tax collector, and J. B. Guthrie was appointed to it.15 The city paid $300,000 for the contract, besides $20,000 in warrants to compromise a claim which the company held against the municipality for assessments levied on the parks. While the company was handling the work it was paid in the city's warrants as the work progressed at the rate of 50 cents per 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? cubic yard for all levees erected and all canals excavated. It was generally supposed that Van Nordon made money out of his contract, but as a matter of fact he left New Orleans a poor man. It seems that the warrants which he received from the city were pledged at the banks for money to carry on the work as fast as they came in. In 1881 there were $683,000 of these warrants outstanding, held by Crossley & Sons, an English firm, which the city was compelled to redeem at par, with interest, a feat which was made possible by the collections made through Guthrie's office. The collection of these taxes was, as we have seen, terminated in 1881, as a result of the litigation brought to a close in that year. The final judgment in the courts held that Act 30 of 1871 was unconstitutional, because its provisions were not described in the title and in it were incorporated matters not relating to drainage. This had the effect of making illegal the warrants issued to the Mexican Gulf Company.

From this time on till the establishment of the Sewage and Drainage Board no progress was made towards a solution of the great problem of the drainage of the city. We may note, however, the project formulated by Joseph Jouet in 1880. Jouet, in a communication to the mayor and the council, proposed a system of sewage as well as drainage. It is not clear from his publications how the sewage was to be disposed of, but apparently it was to be discharged into the drainage canals and both sewage and drainage water were to be handled together. — Three hundred feet from the shore of Lake Pontchartrain he proposed to excavate a canal. A large central canal extending the length of the city from the Upper Protection Levee to Bayou Bienvenu was to serve as the "main tail race to receive all rain water within the levees, increasing in depth and width to People's Avenue; to be — six miles long, with locks at both ends." The upper lock opened into Lake Pontchartrain and was to be used to admit clear water from the lake, while the lower lock was to p572regulate the outfall into Lake Borgne. It is not clear whether the canal as Jouet sketched it was to be excavated all the way to Lake Borgne, or whether he expected to canalize Bayou Bienvenu; but he speaks of a lock at the far end, where his system terminated at Lake Borgne. He also provided for two drainage machines with a wheel system, having a capacity of 3',WIDTH,80)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 6,000,000 gallons per hour.16 Jouet estimated that his system would cost $2,500,000 to install and could thereafter be maintained at an annual expenditure of $15,000.

In 1881 another somewhat similar enterprise was launched. In April of that year the New Orleans Drainage & Sewage Company was organized with J. H. Oglesby as president and W. W. Howe as secretary. This corporation negotiated with the city a contract to perform both of these necessary works. An ordinance approving the proposed arrangement was passed by the council on April 14. While this measure was being considered by the mayor, a strong public sentiment developed against any system which contemplated the underground disposal of sewage as the company proposed. A petition was sent to the mayor asking him to veto the ordinance because sewer gas would be produced in the mains which would affect injuriously the health of the community. The soil, argued the petitioners, was of a character to make it impossible to lay the pipes satisfactorily; grease would collect and choke the mains. The mayor, however, signed the ordinance on April 19, stating that in his opinion the proposed works were needed, and as the city was not financially able to undertake them itself, it was necessary to entrust them to private enterprise. The contract with the New Orleans Drainage & Sewage Company called for the construction of what was somewhat vaguely denominated "the system introduced in Memphis, Tennessee," in the preceding year. This, it was understood, had been devised by George B. Waring, who was also to supervise the work in New Orleans. What was projected may be inferred from a passage in the contract as reproduced in one of the city newspapers, in which the plan was described as: "To lay drains and sewers not less than — four feet deep, house connections not less than — two feet deep, watertight for sewage, but not so for drainage, which is intended to pass off as before in gutters and canals, [. . .] porous undersoil pipes to subsurface drainage; sewage to terminate at a point to be agreed upon in a receptacle or receptacles, so as to give same facilities as if they discharged into a natural low outlet, to be pumped into the river. The subsoil water to be pumped into canals at the option of the company. All city buildings to discharge sewage without charge."17 It was the intention that operations should begin in the area bounded by Louisiana Avenue, Enghien Street, Rampart, Carondelet and the river. One-fifth of the work was to be completed each year until the whole was finished, and then the system was to be extended at the same rate to the other parts of the city. The city bound itself not to adopt any other project for twenty-five years, but after twenty years it was to enjoy the right of purchase. As in the case of the Jouet plan, nothing was ever done with this ambitious project.

In 1889 a plan for the drainage was presented to the city council by J. L. Gubernator, which, with some modifications, was later submitted p573to the Advisory Board appointed in 1893. The general features of his plan was the delivery of the drainage water to Lake Pontchartrain, the improvement of the existing canals, the construction of additional open canals, and the placing of a large number of drainage machines. Similar features marked the plan of S. D. Peters, presented about the same time. He proposed to deliver the water into Lake Borgne through a large main central canal. The drainage received from the different areas of the city was to be pumped into this canal and the canal itself relieved by a pump at its lower end.18

In 1890 the Orleans Levee Board, which, on account of the intimate relation between the problem of drainage and of levee construction, had an interest in the matter, offered a prize of $2,500 for the best plan for the drainage of the city. The only data which it could furnish was a general map of the city. No exact knowledge of its topography, areas, hydrography or other data essential to the formulation of a scientific plan were available. Several plans were submitted, but none of them were of any value, for the reason that they were prepared without any real appreciation of the factors which determined the nature of the problem. The need of such data was, however, fully appreciated. As early as 1888 the State Legislature had been asked to pass an act making the appropriations necessary to pay for the collection of scientific information on these points, but it failed to do so. An effort to raise funds for this purpose by private subscription also failed. It was not till September, 1892, that the first step was taken to this end, so necessary as a preliminary to the formulation of an intelligent and efficient drainage plan. In that month an ordinance was introduced into the city council appropriating $17,500 for the purpose. It met with considerable opposition, chiefly on the supposition that such data had been collected by previous administrations and could be found in the city archives if looked for; but a careful search failed to reveal anything of the kind. The ordinance was finally adopted in February, 1893. Work was inaugurated thereunder in the following July. Except for a brief interruption, due to litigation, in December, 1893, it was pushed continually and brought to a close in January, 1895. This investigation may be regarded as the first step ever taken towards a scientific drainage plan. On the information then gathered all the subsequent drainage work in the city has been predicated.

This work was now to be inaugurated in earnest and to be carried with great persistence and courage to a successful termination. At this time the drainage of the city was substantially effected in conformity with the Bell plan. Briefly, the drainage apparatus in 1895 consisted of a system of open canals which received by small street gutters the water delivered from the higher portions of the city and conveyed it to the drainage machines, which, in their turn, delivered it to Lake Pontchartrain. The drainage machines were four in number, and were located in the bottom of the basin between the river and the Metairie and Gentilly ridges, excepting the London Avenue drainage machine, which was located on Gentilly Ridge. These machines were equipped with under shot wheels operated backwards and had a capacity of from 3/s',WIDTH,80)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 150 cubic feet per second, as in the case of the Melpomene drainage machine, p574to 3/s',WIDTH,80)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 450 cubic feet per second at the Dublin Avenue machine. The area of the city was divided into three drainable areas by the two navigation canals. The actual area drained, however, extended only from the river to the Metairie and Gentilly ridges, and even in this district there was a considerable region which was without drainage. The Fifth Municipal District, commonly known as Algiers, lay without the drainage area entirely. In other words, on the left bank of the river the drainable area covered — 13,357 acres, of which much was very imperfectly served, while on the right bank of the river an area of — about 10,000 acres had no drainage facilities whatever. The drainage machines were primitive in type, and the machinery, after nearly forty years of age, was in need of renewal. Neither canals nor machines had capacity to deliver the drainage water to the outfalls with sufficient rapidity to prevent the inundation of large areas whenever an excessive rain fell. The topographical and hydrographic survey showed, as a matter of fact, that they were capable, when working at their maximum capacity, of removing only — about 12/100 inch of rainfall per hour. This, in comparison with the precipitation in such storms as that of August 13, 1884, was wholly inadequate. The water left by that storm remained on a large part of the city territory for seventy-two hours before the existing machinery, working at its full capacity, was able to remove it.19

The next step in the working out of what was justly called "a unique and intricate problem, unparalleled in this country or in Europe," was taken in November, 1893, when the city council adopted an ordinance authorizing the appointment of an Advisory Board on Drainage.20 This board was promptly appointed. It consisted of the mayor, ex-officio; R. M. Walmsley, J. C. Denis, A. Baldwin, B. M. Harrod, H. B. Richardson and Rudolph Hering. The last named three members were engineers, and constituted the Engineering Committee.21 The ordinance authorizing the board also set aside the sum of $700,000 received from the sale of the franchises of the New Orleans City & Lake Railroad for the purposes of drainage. The board first occupied itself with the collection of data, and in conjunction with the city engineer, L. W. Brown, was able to prepare a great topographical map, showing all the conditions which had to be met in planning an adequate drainage system. Meanwhile observations as to rainfall were made which established the interesting fact that the average annual precipitation was — 53 inches, mainly due to small showers, although a precipitation up to — 6 inches per hour during a few minutes and one of — 7 inches was known. At the end of two years of labor the Advisory Board formulated a plan of drainage which, with minor modifications, suggested as the work developed, became the basis upon which the whole vast work was carried to a completion.22

In July, 1896, the State Legislature passed an act creating a Drainage Commission for New Orleans and investing this body with exclusive control both of the construction and operation of the proposed system. The act also made provision for the financing of the enterprise.23 The p575commission organized in October of that year, with R. M. Walmsley as president. The other members were Otto Thoman, Manual Abascal, Louis Cucullu, A. Brittin, C. F. Claiborne, Paul Capdevielle, J. C. Morris, and W. C. Flower. Major B. M. Harrod was made chief engineer and F. G. Freret was elected secretary. In August, 1897, a group of contracts was let for the construction of pumping stations, electric power stations, machinery, and for a considerable amount of canal work. These contracts inaugurated the active constructive period. Together with other similar contracts concluded during the next two years, they resulted in the building of so much of the contemplated system that in 1900 it became possible to abandon the whole previously existing drainage machinery and to put into operation the new one, with immediate and conspicuous benefit to the city, not only insofar as the drainage was concerned, but also with regard to sanitary conditions, the improvement being seen at once in the mortality statistics.24

As now in existence the drainage system of New Orleans consists of a main canal extending along Broad Street, which lies at the lowest point in the city, about midway between the Mississippi River and Lake Pontchartrain. Into this canal the drainage of the area between the river and Broad Street flow by gravity through a system of sub-canals, which canals are, in their turn, fed by open gutters in the older parts of the city, and by sub-surface drain-pipes in the newly paved streets. The main canal receives all the water from the daily flow, and from storms of moderate intensity only. The natural slope of the ground is such that there is a fall from the river front back to Broad Street of — from 12 to 18 feet; thus the canals are graded and the water flows through them at a velocity sufficiently high to prevent the accumulation of deposits. Not only does this slope suffice to insure the delivery of the water at the pumping stations, but it thus makes the canal self-cleaning. The main canal, however, runs through what is practically level territory. It extends from the upper to the lower part of the city, a distance of — about ten miles. To give it a sufficient slope from one extremity to the other would require excavations progressively deeper, so that at the lower end the work would be impracticable. To overcome the difficulty five pumping stations have been built along the canal, at intervals of — approximately two miles, thus dividing it into nearly equal sections. The function of each pumping station is to lift the water from the section below to the section above, and thus create a "head" great enough to cause it to flow rapidly along to the next pumping station. Upon reaching the fifth pumping station, the water is discharged by pumps into the main outfall, which leads into Bayou Bienvenu and thus ultimately into Lake Borgne.

The drainage from the section of the city lying between Broad Street and Lake Pontchartrain presents a separate and rather complicated problem. It was at first thought that it could flow by gravity into the main canal. Experience, however, showed that this could not be done satisfactorily under local conditions. The system was then arranged so that the whole area drains to pumping stations 6, 7 and 3, located, respectively, at the upper protection levee, back of Metairie Ridge, at Orleans Street and Taylor Avenue, and at Broadway and Marigny streets. For the present the drainage going to the two first-named stations flows p576thence into Lake Pontchartrain. Eventually it is intended to cut a dry weather and small storm flow intercepting canal across town from Station 6 to Station 7 and on to Station 3, at which station its discharge will join the main canal in Broad Street, and will thence be carried on to Station 5 and up to Lake Borgne.

The main canal could only at immense cost be made large and deep enough to handle all the water from the heavy storms which at intervals discharge upon the area of the city immense volumes of water. It has therefore been deemed economical to provide a supplementary system of outfalls leading into Lake Pontchartrain. Three of these have been constructed, but the fourth will not be opened until the necessity arises through the extension of the occupied regions of the city.25 The objection to discharging all the drainage water into Lake Pontchartrain is based upon the pollution of its waters which in that event would result from the daily flow of sewage water mixed with the drainage. But that objection does not lie in regard to storm water, when, after the first street and gutter washings have been sent down the main canal to Lake Borgne, the residue of comparatively clean water, flowing for only a few hours at a time into Lake Pontchartrain, produces no bad effects. The fully drained and developed area of New Orleans comprehends about — 40 square miles and will within a short time contain — over 1,100 miles of streets. This area includes — 24 square miles in which about 95 per cent of the population at present resides on — about 600 miles of streets which are, at this time, supplied with water and sewage facilities. The city limits embrace much larger areas on both sides of the Mississippi. Of the 40 miles referred to, all but — two miles are found between the Mississippi and Lake Pontchartrain, the distance between river and lake varying — from five to seven miles. Along the river lies a ridge of land — from eight to fourteen feet above same level. The levees which have been erected upon this elevation bring its total height up to — about 21 feet above sea level. Except for a narrow ridge — about five feet high which runs parallel with Lake Pontchartrain about two miles from the shore, the remainder of the city is level, and much of it some inches below sea level. During the prevalence of high winds the water in Lake Pontchartrain may be backed up for five to six feet above mean sea level. It is necessary, therefore, to maintain a levee along the lake shore to prevent the city from being inundated from that direction. It is obvious that with the heavy precipitation which occurs in New Orleans at times — ? the maximum having occurred October 29, 1918, when — 3.25 inches of rain fell in one hour — ? sometimes amounting to — nine inches in twelve hours, an extensive system of drainage is required to keep the water from accumulating in the streets, especially in the lower areas. The removal of nine inches of rain involves the disposal of 3',WIDTH,140)" onMouseOut="nd();">? over 5,000,000,000 gallons of water. Six self-registering gauges are maintained to determine the rainfall. The precise time and rate of precipitation is registered. These records furnish a picture of the large area subject to drainage. Intensity and direction of storms are indicated as well as the area which receive the major part of the precipitation. These records are submitted daily to the engineering office of the drainage board for plotting and tabulation. The pumping system connected with the drainage plant consists of six electrically operated pumping stations, containing 30 pumps, the combined average capacity of which is 3 or more',WIDTH,160)" onMouseOut="nd();">? over 7,000,000,000 gallons per day. The p577drainage system in the Fifth District (Algiers) is operated along lines similar to that of the city proper, the drainage water being discharged into Bayou Barataria.

At present the system comprises 75.5 open,

13.0 wood-lined,

52.1 masonry,

19.0 extensions',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 99.2 miles of canal, of which 46.9 are open and unlined; 8.1 wood lined canals; 32.4 miles masonry lined canals which are covered, and 11.8 miles of circular sewer extensions. Including the subsurface drains the system represents a total of over 400 miles.26

The history of the New Orleans sewerage system lacks all of the picturesque qualities of the drainage history. Prior to the opening of the present century sewerage had been attempted only on a very small scale. The only reliance was a surface sewerage of the most primitive type. In the late '70s one of the principal New Orleans hotels discharged its sewerage into the open gutter in front of its premises regularly at midnight, the watchman on duty in that vicinity being bribed to absent himself while this infraction of the law was committed. In 1880 the management of the St. Charles Hotel constructed a private sewer from their building to the Mississippi. This was the first main ever laid in New Orleans. A little later another main was laid by D. H. Holmes Company. With these mains various establishments in the business part of the city were connected. In 1897 the question of sewerage was suddenly rendered acute by the reappearance in the city of yellow fever. Since 1878 that disease had been kept out by the effective quarantine measures devised by Dr. Joseph Holt, while president of the State Board of Health.b Its return, even in the extraordinarily mild form which it assumed in 1897, was fraught with appalling possibilities. The necessity of adopting every sanitary precaution was obvious. With the need for sewerage went that of water supply. Sewerage and water supply, therefore, became of transcendent importance. But both of these facilities were controlled by private corporations. They owned franchises granted by the City Council. In the case of the sewerage, the franchise dated from 1890, when, as we have seen, the city had made a contract with the New Orleans Drainage & Sewerage Company. In 1892 Doctor Holt was made president of this company, George T. Earl its chief engineer, and Rudolph Hering its consulting engineer. The company had considerable local and other financial backing, and in good faith made careful surveys and plans, awarded contracts, acquired a valuable site for its central pumping station, and purchased large quantities of iron pipe to be used in the main outlet therefrom. It built — nearly five miles of sewers in the central part of the city, including — about one mile of the deepest and most difficult work necessary to be done. This section now forms part of the existing sewerage system. The cost of the work was, however, found to be much in excess of the price at which the contractor had undertaken it. This fact, coupled with much public hostility to a privately owned system, rendered the complete financing of the project extremely difficult. In fact, the contractor finally stopped work, and in 1895 the company went into the hands of a receiver, with attendant litigation with the contractor, and complications as to its franchise rights. The works of the company, its franchise and plans, records, etc., were subsequently purchased by the city practically at cost; careful investigation having p578previously established their value and usefulness. All of the sewers constructed by this company were incorporated into the existing system. They are still used as vital parts thereof.

The history of the waterworks company has been told elsewhere in this volume.c Under the circumstances the public had no faith in either the sewerage or the water works corporations, and suits were pending for the forfeiture of their franchises. Meanwhile, an energetic campaign was in progress to interest the people in a plan of public ownership of both the water and sewerage systems. On June 6, 1899, the taxpayers of New Orleans voted to adopt an amendment to the State Constitution, levying a two-mill tax upon real estate and requiring that one-half of the surplus arising from the one per cent debt tax should be applied during a period of forty-two years to the development of the sewerage, water and drainage systems. To carry out the will of the taxpayers the State Legislature a little later passed an act creating the Sewerage and Water Board.27 This act took the form of an amendment to the State Constitution. It was ratified at the following general election. The board thus authorized effected an organization in December of that year. It was composed of the previously existing drainage commission, representatives of the Board of Liquidation of the city debt and of the Orleans Levee Board, and seven persons appointed by the mayor of the city to represent the seven municipal districts into which New Orleans is divided. The members were Walter C. Flower, mayor, president ex-officio; A. Brittin, C. F. Claiborne, and Louis Cucullu, members of the City Council; R. M. Walmsley and J. C. Morris, members of the Board of Liquidation; Otto Thoman, Paul Capdevielle, and Manuel Abascal, members of the Orleans Levee Board; Lewis Johnson, from the First Municipal District; William Adler, from the Second Municipal District; Paul Gelpi, from the Third Municipal District; A. C. Hutchinson, from the Fourth Municipal District; Frank A. Daniels, from the Fifth Municipal District; Charles Janvier, from the Sixth Municipal District; and William Atkinson, from the Seventh Municipal District. Mr. Walmsley was made president pro-tempore of the board. F. S. Shields was appointed secretary in 1899, and served with conspicuous ability and devotion to duty till his voluntary retirement in 1920 on account of failing health. Early in 1900 the board selected George T. Earl as its chief engineer and general superintendent and appointed the following advisory board of engineers: Rudolph Hering, G. W. Fuller, B. M. Harrod, T. L. Raymond, L. W. Brown, and A. C. Bell.

In the light of subsequent experience it is impossible to look back to the formation of this board without admiration for the far-sighted and statesmanlike policy which it represented. In fact, in all this part of the history of the sewerage, water and drainage project, the wisdom which characterized every step is remarkable. It will be seen that board as above constituted brought into effective co-operation all the authorities and all the engineering experience that had any connection with the vast enterprise. The general superintendent was thoroughly acquainted through his work as chief engineer of the New Orleans Sewerage Company with local conditions. He had given years of study to the problem of drainage and sewerage. Rudolph Hering had equal knowledge of the local situation. He was an engineer of international reputation. George W. Fuller had just completed an investigation of the subject of p579water purification in Louisville and Cincinnati, which was destined to prove epochal in clearing the way for the economical utilization of the muddy waters of the South and West. Major Harrod was a local engineer. He had served as city engineer, had been active in connection with the original advisory drainage board, and had a wide reputation. Thomas L. Raymond had been Harrod's first assistant while chief engineer of the drainage work some years before. L. W. Brown had been city engineer in 1893, and had taken a leading part in formulating the drainage plans and surveys. He had subsequently been connected with the National Constructing Company, which built the first of the main canals and pumping stations. A. C. Bell was city engineer. He had always been interested in the drainage and sewering of the city, and had co-operated in every project that had been presented with those ends in view.

All the elements represented on the new board worked together with patriotism and harmony. Two serious difficulties, however, were at once distinguished. The money available was insufficient to construct all three systems. The Act Six of 1899 authorized the issuance of only $12,000,000 of four per cent bonds. Out of this total nearly $4,000,000 had to be appropriated to take up the outstanding bonds of the Drainage Commission and to complete its existing contracts. Obviously, the remaining $8,000,000, if immediately expended for sewerage and drainage, would not enable the construction of systems which would serve the entire city, as contemplated in the law. The other difficulty was, the existence of the sewerage company's and the water works company's franchises. Both companies were prepared to bring injunction proceedings if the city undertook to build anything which interfered with what they regarded as their rights, pending the termination of the litigation in progress. The board was authorized to purchase either or both of these franchises. It proceeded in this direction, however, with the utmost caution. In the case of the waterworks company, if its franchise were valid, the cost of acquiring it would be in excess of the plant's physical value for adoption into a new system. In the end it became unnecessary to incur this outlay, inasmuch as the suits for the forfeiture of the charter of the company were decided in favor of the city.

There was only one solution of the financial difficulty. That was to limit the expenditure for construction. This course, by delaying bond issues, tended to save in interest charges a sum which, added to the proceeds of the bonds when ultimately floated, would realize a total sufficient to complete the work contemplated. A whole program was laid on that basis. But it proved possible to put both sewage and water supply into operation in the populated area of the city in 1908. Active work in sewerage construction was therefore not started till 1903, although it might have been started under more favorable auspices in 1901. Similarly, active work on the water system was postponed till 1905, although portions of it might have also been initiated in 1901. But even had both systems been begun in 1901, it is unlikely that they could have been jointly completed and ready for operation in the populated area earlier than 1908. The sewers began to be put in use in 1907 and were fully in use in 1908. The waterworks system was partially available in 1908 and fully so in February, 1909. Both systems have been continuously in operation since that date.

The flat topography of New Orleans made the construction of the sewerage system exceedingly difficult. It was apparent from the beginning p580that it was necessary either to lay mains at great depth in order to obtain the necessary flow to insure the movement of the sewage through pipes, or, if the pipes were placed just below the surface, then to install an extensive pumping system to move the sewage through them. As finally worked out, it was found that the difficulties anticipated could be finally surmounted by a combination of the two systems. The main collection system has been aptly compared in shape to the letter T, the top of the T lying parallel with the Mississippi, — about one and one-half miles back from the bank. The stem of the T represents the system as projected back into the city. From these two main lines there are sublines which connect with submains and laterals. It is estimated that there are nearly 80,000 premises in New Orleans, and that 75,000 of these are now connected with the system. The actual number of connections is 51,017, but in many cases one connection serves several different houses. The material employed is terra cotta and cast iron pipe in the smaller units; brick and concrete in the larger units. Cast iron pipe is used in the discharge mains from the pumping stations which deliver the sewage under pressure to the river. The velocity of flow in the laterals is — two feet per second, and at the trunk lines is nearly double that speed. The laterals are laid at — from five to nine feet below the surface of the ground. These empty into submains not over — 16 feet below ground, and the submains in their turn discharge into mains not over — 24 feet deep. Advantage is taken of all existing natural slopes; these are utilized, in effect, as collection areas where the flow from the smaller sewers is brought together. Thus sufficient quantities of sewage are assembled to require larger mains. These mains are laid between such points, a method which permits them to be constructed so as to flatten grades. In this way the sewage is gradually moved by gravity through much of the system; but where there is not sufficient slope to permit of this, intermediate lift pumping stations have been installed. It is thus seen that the sewage passes either by gravity or by the aid of the intermediate lifts to the pumping station, where it is discharged under pressure into the Mississippi at a point below the thickly habited part of the city. The pumping service consists of seven automatic electrically operated low-lift pumping stations designed to perform the functions of intermediate lift; and three high-lift pumping stations for discharging the sewage into the river. Five of the former stations are entirely below ground; two have superstructures above them. The striking feature of the pumps in these stations is that they operate entirely without attendance, and pass the sewage on without screening. In this way a considerable economy of labor is obtained. The raw sewage is screened only upon arrival at the high-lift pump. The screenings are dried and burned at the station. The lines are laid straight between manholes to facilitate cleaning. Automatic flush tanks are located wherever necessary.

The Mississippi affords a safe and convenient means for the ultimate disposal of the city wastes. The estimated cubic flow of the river is 3/s',WIDTH,80)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 191,000 cubic feet per second, or an average of 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 500 cubic feet of stream flow per 1,000 inhabitants of New Orleans. This insures a dilution of the sewage of the city far in excess of the standard of — three feet per second recommended by sanitary engineers. This method is known as the "dilution method." No hard-and-fast standard of permissible stream pollution can be set up, each stream being a law upon itself; but expert p581opinion is agreed that at New Orleans the margin is exceedingly large. Below the city there are only a few small settlements. There is no reason therefore to fear that the sewage of the city will pollute the water supply of other communities. The only problem is to dispose of the sewage without creating a local nuisance, which is effected by taking advantage of the river current at the shore line, where it sweeps downstream without eddies. The problem raised by the seeping into the sewer pipes of storm water at times of exceptionally heavy rainfall is disposed of by discharging the increased flow into the drainage system at a point near the outskirts of the city. Otherwise the New Orleans sewage system is strictly of the "separate" type — ? that is, is separate and distinct from the drainage system. At present the daily discharge of the sewage system is 3',WIDTH,110)" onMouseOut="nd();">? nearly 40,000,000 gallons of which 3',WIDTH,80)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 15,000,000 is estimated to be seepage.

The history of the water supply of New Orleans has been told in detail elsewhere in this volume.d For other than drinking purposes the supply was originally drawn from the Mississippi, and handled by a waterworks company. The report of the Board of Health for 1850 indicates that the supply of drinking water was already inadequate. "It is painful to reflect upon the frequent sufferings of the working classes for the want of an abundance of pure water. Cisterns are at times of drought soon emptied, the means to purchase water hauled from the river to the back parts of the city are soon exhausted, and then no resource remains but an impure well water." The board went on record as believing that the use of this polluted water was responsible in large measure for the cholera of recent years. For many years thereafter the river continued to be a principal source of drinking water. Its purification was left to individual initiative. It was most frequently effected by treating it with alum in large earthenware jars, some of which may be seen today on the lawns and gardens of the city. Later, wooden cisterns were used to collect and store the rain water. In 1892 the entire city depended upon this source of supply.28 The present water system was begun, as stated above, in 1905, and went into use in 1908. When the work was commenced, there were in the city — 125 miles of water mains, with about 5,000 connections, but the supply, as already stated, was relied on for uses other than human consumption. The creation of the present system is due to the skill and energy of the same men who are responsible for the sewage and drainage systems.

The source from which New Orleans now takes its drinking water is the Mississippi River. The project was first broached in a report by Mr. Earl in April, 1900. In June the Advisory Board of Engineers took up the matter. It did not seem practicable then to purify the river water to a degree where it would be fit for human use. A year of study and experiment, however, showed that the scheme was entirely possible, and in 1903 a plan was worked out for the installation of a modern system. The principal obstacle which had to be overcome at this stage of the work was the prejudice against the river water, arising from the idea that it was contaminated by the sewage of the cities in the upper Mississippi Valley, all of which is discharged into the Mississippi. But an exhaustive series of tests showed that the raw water at New Orleans was free of all p582pollution, so far as it is possible for human senses to detect it. The nearest cities above New Orleans which discharge sewage into the river are Vicksburg, Alexandria, Baton Rouge and Natchez, the nearest being — 135 miles away; the farthest, — 554 miles. It was ascertained that the sewage from these places underwent a dilution nearly 1,500 times greater than required by the ideal engineering standard — ? — three cubic feet of flow to every 1,000 inhabitants. An additional factor of safety is found in the fact that this highly dilute sewage travels over a hundred miles before it reaches New Orleans, thus affording ample opportunities for self-purification. Moreover, in designing her own system of sewage, New Orleans was careful to avoid the possibility of contaminating her own water supply.e The intake in the upper part of the city (at Eagle Street, in the Seventh District) is situated — ten miles away from the point where the city sewage is discharged into the river, at the foot of Spain Street.

The other difficulty which had to be surmounted was mechanical. The turbidity of the Mississippi water is due to large amounts of suspended mud. This sediment amounts to — nearly a ton in every 1,000,000 gallons of water. An efficient system would have to provide means to eliminate economically this suspended matter. This was ultimately effected by adding a coagulant to the water before passing it through a layer of sand. At the Eagle Street plant the water is drawn from the river through an intake pipe, from which low-lift pumps take it into the head house, which is the controlling center of the reservoir system. The water then passes into one of a series of grit reservoirs, where the gross particles of mud settle by gravity. After this preliminary sedimentation the water returns to the head-house, and is discharged thence into a lime-mixing reservoir. As it passes along the baffles of the reservoir, sulphate of iron is added. This, in combination with the lime, serves as a coagulant. This softened, prepared water passes back through the head house into the coagulating reservoir, where it remains until the mud in suspension is precipitated. It is then ready for filtration. Again it passes through the head house, and then goes on to mechanical type filters. After having passed through the filters it is received in the clear water, or equalizing, reservoirs which connect with the clear water well. Here a battery of high-lift pumps discharge the water into the distribution main.

The reservoir system consists of eight reinforced concrete reservoirs grouped around the head house. These include two grit reservoirs, with a combined capacity of 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 6,560,000 gallons; two lime mixing reservoirs with a capacity of 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 5,660,000 gallons; four coagulating reservoirs, the total capacity of which is 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 30,000,000 gallons; and ten concrete filters of the mechanical type. Each filter covers an area of 2',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 1,431 square feet, and has a daily capacity of 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 6,000,000 gallons. The sand used in these filters is brought from the Gulf of Mexico. It is taken from the bed of the sea — five miles from shore, in order to guarantee its purity. Beneath the filters are concrete equalizing reservoirs with a total capacity of 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 750,000 gallons. The clear water reservoir is used to store water against emergencies. It is built of concrete and covered, and has a capacity of 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 15,000,000. The entire plant at Eagle Street covers — 70 acres. It is located — 4,000 feet back from the river. It is thus safe from any possible pollution from the shipping, which does not lie at the river bank in this part of the city.

p583 The distribution system consists of four low-lift pumps with a combined daily capacity of 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 140,000,000 gallons, and four high-lift pumps, with a combined daily capacity of 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 93,000,000. At present the consumption of water per day in New Orleans is 3',WIDTH,50)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 33,000,000. There can be no question of the adequacy of the installation for many years to come.

The water supply of the Fifth District (Algiers) is entirely independent of that on the other side of the Mississippi. The principal plant is a miniature of the Eagle Street plant. The supply is taken from the Mississippi. The character of the Mississippi River bed makes it impossible to pipe across to Algiers. It is for this reason, among others, that a separate drainage and sewage system had also to be installed there.

The organization of the drainage, sewage and water systems, under the general board and the general superintendent, is distinct for each branch of the service. The drainage work is divided into canal system and the pumping service. An efficient engineer is at the head of each department. The sewage system is arranged also in two general departments — ? a construction and a maintenance department. There is also a plumbing inspection department. These are each headed by competent and highly trained men. The water supply consists of the purification department and the maintenance departments.

The desirability of consolidating the work on sewerage, water and drainage under one control was obvious, if for no other reason than to avoid the repeated disturbance of the city streets. Therefore, in 1903, steps were taken to merge the Drainage Board with the Sewerage and Water Board. The effect was, not only to increase the general efficiency of the whole enterprise, but to curtail the size of the directing body. By eliminating the members from the Orleans Levee Board, the membership of the board was reduced from sixteen to thirteen. Thereafter all three systems were harmoniously developed under Mr. Earl's superintendency. It was not found necessary to dispense with any of the experienced men in the drainage department, inasmuch as the work there slackened, that in the other departments increased, and they were transferred thither as the need appeared.

In conclusion a word may be said regarding the recent financial history of the board. The drainage, sewerage and water systems as far as completed in 1908 proved of immense utility, but still left much to be desired in the way of increased facilities. To maintain the service at its then standard strained the resources of the board. It was clear that, to perfect the three systems over the whole populated area, the issuance of new bonds could not be avoided. The two mill tax and the one-half surplus of the one per cent debt tax yielded a total sufficient to justify a bond issue up to $8,000,000. The general superintendent and the secretary recommended this course as early as 1894. In 1906, at the request of the board, the Legislature passed an act authorizing the new bond issue.29 There was great difficulty in placing these bonds.30 Additional legislation had to be procured before they were sold. It was not until May, 1911, that the sale was finally effected. But with the proceeds of this bond issue the board was enabled at length to prosecute its work. Without repeating the detail of these recent operations, it may be said that up to the end of the year 1920 the amount expended by the Drainage Commission, p584and by its successor, the present Sewerage, Water and Drainage Board, for the construction of the three systems, has been over $30,000,000. Of that sum $20,000,000 has been derived from outstanding four per cent bonds. The remainder was, for the most part, an accumulated surplus yielded by the two-mill tax and the one-half surplus of the debt tax. At the present time 97 per cent of the premises of the city are served by the waterworks system, and 95 per cent by the sewers. It seems likely that the present revenues of the board will suffice to maintain the systems at this capacity, as well as to meet interest charges and provide sinking funds. A hundred per cent service, however, will not be possible as long as five per cent of the population continues to reside in homes scattered over a vast area, isolated in such a manner that the extension of the sewers and water mains to them can be accomplished only at prohibitive costs.31

The Author’s Notes

1 Martin's "Louisiana," Condon's "Annals," 438.

2 Report on the Drainage of the City of New Orleans by the Advisory Board, 1895, p47.

3 Act 179 of 1859; Act 57 of 1861.

4 Ibid., 48. The statement that Act 165 of 1858 divided the city into four drainage districts is erroneous.

5 Statement of J. D. Hill to author.

6 Ordinance No. 1148, N. S.

7 Report on the Drainage of the City of New Orleans, 1895, p48.

8 Act 30 of 1871.

9 Statement of J. D. Hill to author.

10 See letter from A. C. Bell in Times-Democrat, December 31, 1894.

11 Picayune, April 8, 1881.

12 Charles Louque, in Picayune, January 28, 1895.

13 Act 16 of 1876.

14 Ordinance No. 3448, passed April 5, 1876.

15 See Ordinance 3539 of May 29, 1876, which directs the purchase and transfer before G. LeGardeur, N. P. The act of transfer was executed June 7, 1876. See the Picayune, April 8, 1881, where these details are set forth.

16 Times-Democrat, July 18, 1880.

17 Picayune, April 14, 1881.

18 Report on the Drainage of the City of New Orleans by the Advisory Board, 1894, p50.

19 Ibid., 51.

20 Ordinance 8327, C. S., adopted November 24, 1893.

21 Report on the Drainage, etc., letter of transmittal, p. ix.

22 Eighteenth Semi-Annual Report of the Sewage and Water Board, December 31, 1908, pp56-60.

23 Act 14 of 1896.

24 Eighteenth Semi-Annual Report Sewage, Water and Drainage Board, 61.

25 Eighteenth Annual Report Sewage and Drainage Board, 59.

26 Dodd, "Report on the Health and Sanitary Survey of the City of New Orleans, 1918-1919," 108-111.

27 Act 6 of 1899.

28 Dodd, "Report on the Health and Sanitary Survey of the City of New Orleans," 94.

29 Act 19 of 1906.

30 Item, May 30, 1914.

31 Statement of George T. Earl to author. I am indebted to Mr. Earl for a very careful revision of this chapter.

p585 Chapter XXXVII

The City Debt

The history of the finances of a great municipality ordinarily is a dry and uninviting subject. To it turn none but those who, for professional or technical reasons, have a special interest in an intricate subject. But New Orleans in this respect, as in many others, is exceptional. Her financial history is of exceptional interest. It includes the tentative financial projects of the earlier part of the nineteenth century, when the problems of municipal finance were not well understood. Then follows the period of the Civil war and reconstruction, from which the city emerged with resources greatly impaired, and carrying a heavy burden of debt. Since then its problem has been to meet the requirements of this debt without overwhelming the taxpayers and without impairing its credit at home and abroad. How this has been done is a record of which any city might well be proud.

The history of the public debt of New Orleans begins in 1822. In that year the State Legislature passed an act authorizing the municipality to issue bonds to the amount of $300,000.1 This act was adopted on March 14. The city did not immediately take advantage of this permission. The act was amended in 1825 and again in 1827, and it was not till 1830 that the bonds were actually floated. Thus slowly and carefully did the early fathers of the city proceed with what they appear to have regarded as a very dubious experiment. But money was needed to pave the streets and provide some system of water supply. The bonds are somewhat quaintly described in the act as "city stock." They bore interest at 6 percent per annum and were payable twenty years after date. On them appeared the signature of Denis Prieur, mayor, and C. Genois, recorder. One-half of the proceeds was, according to law, used for "paving and watering" the Faubourg St. Mary, and the remainder in "the square of the city," on such streets "as for their commercial importance the city council" might "deem proper."

This beginning was followed three years later by a financial experiment which, while in accord with practices at that time very generally approved in United States, hardly commends itself to our present-day judgment. This was the purchase by the city of stock in private corporations, and the flotation of bonds to pay for the investment. There are several such ventures on record in New Orleans between 1833 and 1854. The first instance relates to the acquisition by the city of $500,000.00 stock in the Commercial Bank. This bank was organized partly to carry on a banking business, but principally to operate a system "whereby the water of the Mississippi River might be conveyed into the city and its faubourgs, and into the houses of its inhabitants." It had a capital of $3,000,000, divided into 30,000 shares of $100 each. By its charter it was required to begin the construction of the waterworks within twelve months. The city's authorization for subscribing to the stock of this concern was Act No. 40 of 1833. The next instance of this sort was the purchase of an interest in the New Orleans & Nashville Railroad and in the New Orleans Drainage Company. The former p586corporation was organized in 1835, under an act of the State Legislature, to build a railroad from New Orleans to Nashville. Its capital stock was placed at $6,000,000, of which the municipality took $500,000, and issued a corresponding amount of bonds to pay therefor. The drainage company was incorporated in 1835 for the purpose of draining swamps, etc. The city was authorized by the State Legislature to subscribe for $350,000 of its stock, and did so, issuing a like amount of bonds to pay the purchase price.

In order to complete the record of these successive investments, we may here depart a little from the strict chronological order of this narrative and say that again, in 1854, the municipality bought stock in similar public-service corporations. The New Orleans, Opelousas & Great Western Railway Company, the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern Railroad Co., and the New Orleans & Pontchartrain Railroad Company were chartered in that year. The city subscribed for $4,000,000 worth of stock in these companies and, as usual, issued bonds to pay therefor. It is scarcely necessary to say that the city derived little real benefit from any of these investments. They were made on the assumption that, being organized to perform quasi-public works, it was the business of the municipality to support them. The last two cases might have proven profitable if the Civil war had not intervened to destroy the value of all such investments. The city parted with its stock in these corporations many years ago.

An interesting phase in the financial history of the city was opened in March, 1836, when the State Legislature passed an act dividing New Orleans into three separate municipalities, each with a recorder and a council of its own, but all under the jurisdiction of a joint mayor and common council. Each of the municipalities accumulated a debt. It therefore became necessary in 1850 to liquidate the debt of the city as a whole, and of these municipalities as such. Accordingly, a board of liquidators was created by Act 203 of the State Legislature of 1850. Of this board the mayor was ex-officio president. The other members, six in number, were chosen two from each of the municipalities. The object was "to ascertain precisely the amount of the debt, and to apportion its justly" among the three municipalities. "The amount thus apportioned to each municipality," reads the act, "shall constitute the separate debt of each municipality, and shall, when added to the separate debts contracted by each municipality since the passage of the act of March 8, 1836, be known and denominated as the debts of Municipality Number One, Number Two and Number Three, respectively." The existence of this board was not prolonged. On March 5, 1852, the act establishing it was repealed. By the terms of the repealing act the members were required to hand over to a new body, the commissioners of the consolidated debt, "all jewels, monies, credits, papers, and books of any description then in possession of said board of liquidators." This action had been rendered necessary by the enactment of legislation abolishing the separate municipalities, and placing them and the City of Lafayette under one city government.

The new government went into operation on April 12, 1852. The Board of Commissioners of the Consolidated Debt of the City of New Orleans — ? to give it its full title — ? was made a part of the city machinery under an act passed early in that same year. It met for the first time on April 13, 1852, with the following members present: A. D. Crossman, p587mayor; O. DeBuys, comptroller; W. H. Garland, treasurer; W. P. Converse, chairman of the financial committee of the board of aldermen; L. H. Place, chairman of the finance committee of the board of assistant aldermen. Mayor Crossman was elected chairman, and Adolph Layet was made secretary.

The financial situation which the board had to consider was fairly complex. The debt contracted by the city prior to 1836 was known as the "old city" debt. The debts of the three municipalities contracted after 1836 were, as we have seen, identified by their respective numerical designations. The act annexing the City of Lafayette provided that the City of New Orleans should also assume the debt of that municipality. Thus there were five classes of debt. Taken collectively, these constituted the "Consolidated Debt of the City of New Orleans." Much of these indebtednesses was contracted in building wharves, school houses, and other obviously necessary public improvements. The amounts were on April 12, 1852, as follows: Old city debt, $2,923,760; First Municipality debt, $1,051,510.63; Second Municipality debt, $2,359,458.92; Third Municipality debt, $855,191.06; City of Lafayette debt, $504,825.65; a total of $7,694,746.26. The board proceeded to issue bonds with which to refund these debts. Of such bonds $5,534,000 were issued between April 12, 1852 and April 1, 1853; $3,300,000 of which total was sold at a premium of $18,207. The remainder was exchanged for bonds representing the outstanding debt, which in this way was reduced to $3,182,516.34.

Such was the situation when the Civil war began. Disastrous as were the effects of the struggle upon the South generally, they were particularly unfortunate in New Orleans. In 1861 the total assessed valuation of the city was $125,192,403. These figures diminished steadily from that time to 1865, when the assessment was $98,788,325. There was thus a loss of over one-fifth of the taxable wealth of the city in less than five years. The loss was principally in what is termed "personal property"; comparatively little in real estate. As an illustration, it may be said that the emancipation of the slaves struck from the assessment rolls one item of $6,609,210 — ? that being the valuation of the slaves owned by the people of New Orleans when the assessment was made. While the city's assets thus decreased, the expenses of carrying on the city government showed a remarkable increase. Under the reconstruction regime the expenditures of public money went on with incredible prodigality. Thus, by 1876, the bonded and floating indebtedness of the municipality had accumulated to an amount of more than $23,000,000. The tax rate which, in 1861, was 15 mills, gradually increased to 30 mills in 1876. The credit of the city was impaired so far that practically all bond issues floated at this time bore not less than 7 percent interest, and one issue, put out in 1871, actually bore 10 percent . Naturally, in the face of such conditions, the city was driven to some unusual and quite drastic measures in order to save itself from collapse. But it must be said, to the eternal credit of the city, that even in the darkest days of this eventful epoch, there never was any serious idea of repudiating its legal obligations. Instead, ways and means were found to readjust its affairs to the ultimate satisfaction of its creditors and of the tax payers.2

It is impossible in the space here available to go very deeply into the various circumstances which contributed to the creation of the mass of p588debt which oppressed the city in this period. All that can be done is to list the various bond issues and other financial operations, which were responsible. There was, for example, the city currency. What this was may be inferred from a passage in a report dated May 5, 1868, in which Mayor Heath said: "The city currency is a subject which has painfully occupied a good deal of our attention of late. It is a paper currency which represents not precious metals, but rests solely upon the credit of the city. The present city government is not responsible for its introduction. We found it in circulation when we came into office. It was the offspring of the war. It originated with the council of 1861. It has its precedent — ? not a venerable one, though rather time-worn — ? in the shin-plasters of 1836-1837; a convenient kind of money, but which soon flooded the community in such quantities that the Legislature was compelled to intervene and prohibit the over-issue of it. [. . .] No one doubts that a city as wealthy as New Orleans is, and possessed of her commercial prestige and advantages, will, sooner or later, fulfill all of her obligations."

In order to help the city meet its current expenses, the State Legislature passed Act No. 52 of 1868, authorizing the city to issue $1,000,000 in bonds. This came to be known as the "Million Loan." These bonds bore 10 percent interest per annum, and the proceeds were to be used to pay the payrolls, and "warrants for all salaries and wages due the city employees, the police, school teachers, judgments against the city and costs of same, etc." Two other issues of bonds took place in 1869, the first, amounting to $3,000,000, being intended to fund the floating debt and liquidate the city's indebtedness. This loan, known as the 7 percent bonds of 1869, was specifically for the purpose of converting the obligations of the city, known as the city notes and floating debt. The other emission was of bonds dated January 1, 1869, to run thirty years with annual interest at 5 percent , and was for $1,393,400. These bonds were issued to the Commercial Bank in payment for the waterwork department which that corporation was operating.

The new city charter of 1870 contained provisions for the appointment of an administrator of the floating debt, whose duty it was to administer $3,000,000 worth of a new issue of bonds bearing 7 percent interest, "said bonds to be sold provided they bring 75, and the proceeds applied to the payment of the floating debt, meaning judgments, warrants, registered bills, and city notes; the holders of these evidences of the floating debt to be paid at par." These bonds were duly issued, and added to the mounting aggregate of the municipal debt. In the same year an ordinance — ? No. 47, C. S. — ? was passed appointing the Bank of New Orleans fiscal agent of the city and administrator of the floating debt for the period of two years. The ordinance authorized the mayor to sign seven notes of $100,000, to be delivered to the bank in pledge as security for loans and advances which it was to make to the city; and moreover, a general mortgage on the city waterworks was executed in favor of the bank as a further security therefor.

In 1870 wharf bonds amounting to $709,000 were issued specifically to pay for improvements on the river front. The following year bonds bearing 10 percent interest for an amount in excess of $1,000,000 were issued to pay the deficit and to satisfy old claims. In addition to this indebtedness the city had unpaid loans aggregating over $600,000. In 1872 it was necessary to issue $4,000,000 gold seven percent bonds, to pay the floating debt, the deficit, and to exchange for matured railroad p589bonds, and pay for drainage canals and protection levees. Moreover, street assessment bonds were issued amounting to $291,000. Finally, in 1874, the annexation of the suburb of Carrollton compelled the city to assume its debt of $194,000.

This is a dreary catalogue but it serves to show the successive steps by which the city debt was piled up during these troubled years. No community, however intrinsically rich, could long withstand the burden thus placed upon it. Real estate was almost without marketable value, commerce was declining, industries were paralyzed, and all other classes were sinking under the load of public indebtedness. Taxations amounted to confiscation.3 On December 1, 1874, the City of New Orleans defaulted on the interest on its bonded debt. A few months later it was computed that the city debt aggregated the sum of $22,000,000, bearing an average annual interest of about 7 percent . It was obvious that some drastic remedy must be applied at once if the city was to be saved from complete financial collapse. Fortunately at this critical moment there was at the head of the financial department of the city government a man who lacked neither courage nor resource. This man was Edward Pillsbury. In August, 1875, he addressed to the city council a communication in which he outlined a plan for the liquidation of the entire city debt, principal and interest. As he said, the solution required the abandonment of "the ordinary forms of finance as unequal to the situation" and obliged the city "to seek other and perhaps novel means of meeting the exigency." His was that known thereafter as the "Premium Bond Plan."

The main proposition in the plan, which was ratified by the Legislature under Act 31 of 1876, was to convert the bonded debt of the city into "premium" bonds, redeemable in from one to fifty years, and bearing interest at the rate of 5 percent per annum, plus certain prizes. These new bonds were to be one million in number, of the denomination of $20, divided into 10,000 series of 100 bonds each, of which a certain number was to be redeemed every year. To determine the particular series which should so be redeemed, all the numbers of the bonds were put into a receptacle — ? where they have ever since remained — ? and four times a year, on January 31, April 15, July 31, and October 15, as many numbers as there are series to be redeemed are drawn out of the wheel by a blindfolded orphan boy. Twice a year, on January 15 and July 15, these drawn series participate in a "premium" drawing, at which 1,176 prizes, ranging in value from $20 to $5,000 and totaling $50,000, are distributed. All bonds which do not win any special prizes are paid at their par value, plus interest since July 15, 1875. The interest is not compounded, but, computed at 5 percent per annum since 1875, gives 50 cents every six months, and, therefore, the minimum value of each bond continues to be greater with every prize drawing until 1925, when the last of these bonds will be drawn, at which time the minimum value of each bond will be $70.4

This plan, which deferred the payment of the interest on the city debt over a long period of years, was exactly what the situation demanded. Moreover, the element of chance associated with it recommended it to a large number of the holders of the outstanding city obligations, who consented to exchange their old securities at par for this new bond. But there were also bondholders who refused to avail themselves of the Pillsbury p590plan. To them the prospect of surrendering securities which yielded them semi-annual interest — ? a fixed income at regular intervals — ? for another on which no interest would be collectable till an uncertain date in the future — ? made no appeal. Hence, in spite of earnest efforts to carry out completely the Pillsbury plan, only about $13,500,000 of the "premium" bonds were actually issued, and nearly $7,000,000 of the old bonds remained outstanding, continuing to bear their high rate of interest. This comparative failure of the Pillsbury plan implies no criticism of its ingenuity. It was approved by the leading financiers of the city. They patriotically made every effort to induce the creditors to fall into line. An open letter which was published in the newspapers at the time indicates their point of view:

"Our city is making a great effort to free itself from the difficulties that embarrass its government. We deem it our duty to give it our encouragement and approval. We would deprecate the idea of trusting our views upon others of different convictions, or to provoke angry discussions, but the gravity of the financial condition of our city, and the relations we occupy to those who have most at stake, not only justify us, but imperatively demand that we should contribute something to the efforts which are now being made to obtain relief from existing grievous burdens. [. . .] Our city administration have, after due deliberation, adopted a plan styled the 'premium bond plan,' by which the city can pay every cent of her debt, truly and surely and within a reasonable time.

"This plan is no invention of theirs or of ours; it is well-known in Europe, adopted by many large municipalities. [. . .] We have neither time nor space, nor is it our special province, to argue here on the merits of this plan. Suffice it to say that there has been presented to the administrator of finance the sum of upwards of four million dollars to be converted into premium bonds, which afford practical proof of the confidence in the arrangements and soundness of the scheme of the parties whose names are hereto affixed. [. . .] To repudiate would be to fix upon our community a blot of commercial dishonor that endless years of prosperity and fair dealing would not obliterate. [. . .] The plan should not be condemned in advance. We ask the public to wait and see; it cannot be expected that every soul in the city can be convinced and understand such matters at a glance. The solutions of questions of political economy and finances, under such difficult circumstances, require special aptitude.

"We further claim that any tax-payer, however small his tax, is directly interested in this premium bond plan, and it is the only possible way in which taxation can be reduced to its minimum, giving protection at the same time to the bondholders."5

This address was signed by a committee composed of John G. Gaines, Samuel H. Kennedy, J. H. Oglesby, August Bohn, and George Jonas, and several hundred other prominent business men and taxpayers.

The partial failure of the premium bond plan resulted in the city getting only a fraction of the relief which it was hoped would result, but the reduction in 1876 of both the assessment and the tax rate may fairly be imputed to the operation of the scheme. However, the litigation which arose between the city and the holders of the old, and in some cases past-due, bonds, was a source of embarrassment for a long time. The constitutionality of the premium bond act itself was involved. For a p591time the value of the bonds fell to less than half their face value. The matter was finally taken to the State Supreme Court, which handed down a decision affirming the legality of the bonds. After this decision, the value of these securities rapidly rose. In the interval, the city received considerable sums of money from the sale of franchises to the New Orleans City Railroad, the St. Charles Street Railroad Company, and from the proceeds of drawn premium bonds. This money was by law dedicated to the public debt. The city therefore took advantage of the low prices at which the bonds were selling to go into the market and covertly purchase $3,567,360 of them, at a price which averaged about one-third of their face value. These bonds, together with those which were never issued, continue to participate in the drawings, and it happens from time to time that the city has the singular experience of winning some of its own prizes.

The year 1880 brought to a close the haphazard system of public finance which had been followed so long in New Orleans, with the disastrous effects described in the foregoing pages. Since that year, the bonded indebtedness of the city has been under the control of a self-perpetuating board created by the Legislature of the State of Louisiana. The act by which this board was created was subsequently incorporated into the state constitution. Its enactment served at once to restore confidence among the city bondholders. The object which this legislation had in view was to call into existence a body of representative business men who would formulate and carry out a sound financial plan, whereby the entire bonded debt of the city could be cared for in a manner absolutely free from political consideration, in order that the city's credit might be re-established. This body constitutes the so-called Board of Liquidation of the City Debt. "It may safely be said," observes Mr. Hecht, in his paper on the municipal finances of New Orleans, "that the creation of this Board of Liquidation really constituted the turning point in the city's financial troubles, and the splendid and unselfish work done by this body of men from the date of the creation of the board to the present time, cannot be too highly praised."

This board is a permanent syndicate body of six citizens, with the mayor, city treasurer, and city comptroller ex-officio members. In the title of the act creating this board, which occupies an anomalous position in the city government, inasmuch as the continuing members control the policy of the board, the purpose for which it was established was stated as being to liquidate the indebtedness of the City of New Orleans and to apply its assets to the satisfaction thereof. At the meeting held on June 3, 1880, the board organized, with Joseph H. Oglesby, a leading local banker, as president. The other syndicate members were E. A. Palfrey, John Phelps, Henry Gardes, A. J. Gomila and S. H. Kennedy, all prominent business men. On June 15, 1880, the board elected T. Wolfe, Jr., to be secretary and B. C. Shields to be assistant secretary. Both of these gentlemen had previously held similar posts for many years under the commissioners of the Consolidated Debt of New Orleans. Mr. Wolfe remained as secretary to the new board till his death on January 18, 1917, when he was succeeded by Mr. Shields.

Upon the death of Mr. Gomila in 1885 he was succeeded by J. A. Shakespeare. Mr. John Phelps died in 1886 and was succeeded by R. M. Walmsley. On the death of Mr. Oglesby in 1888 he was replaced by J. C. Morris, as member, while the presidency of the board, thus made vacant, was filled by the election of R. M. Walmsley. Mr. Gardes p592resigned in 1888 and was succeeded by John T. Hardie. When Mr. Kennedy died in 1893 his place was taken by W. B. Schmidt. The death of Mr. Hardie in 1895 led to the election of W. T. Hardie; and Mr. Shakespeare's death in 1896 made necessary the addition of W. B. Stauffer to the board. Mr. Palfrey died in 1901 and was succeeded by A. Brittin. Charles Janvier was chosen a member of the board in 1901 on the death of W. M. Schmidt. Mr. Morris died in 1904 and was succeeded by Ashton Phelps. The resignation of Mr. Janvier in 1906 resulted in the election of C. J. Theard to the board. On the death of Mr. Walmsley in 1920 the presidency becoming vacant, that office was filled by the election of Mr. Brittin, and Mr. Walmsley's place as a member was filled by the election of Rudolph S. Hecht. In succession to Mr. Phelps Mr. Janvier was made a member of the board for a second time. Thus the chain of membership is complete from the beginning of the board's existence to the present time, with the exception of the city officials, who, being ex-officio members, automatically retired from membership when their terms expired.

Under the act of 1880 by which the board came into being, it was intended that it should retire and cancel the valid debt of the city, except premium bonds, by refunding it into an issue of consolidated 4 percent bonds. It was, however, soon found that the holders of the city's outstanding obligations bearing 6 and 7 percent had little desire to exchange them for the proposed issue at a lower rate of interest. Another plan was therefore evolved. In 1881 a special committee was appointed to "ascertain as nearly as possible the valid indebtedness of the City of New Orleans [. . .] and to enter at once into negotiations with the creditors of the city [. . .] and present a just and equitable plan of settlement." The report of this committee, presented in February, 1882, appraised the debt at $24,000,000. As a result of its investigations Act 52 of 1882 was passed by the State Legislature, by which all valid outstanding bonds, other than premium bonds, were extended for forty years from January 1, 1883, at 6 percent interest, but the privilege was reserved to the city to call in bonds so extended for payment at par after the year 1895 upon three months' notice of its intention. The holders of the old bonds, with comparatively few exceptions, agreed to the proposed extension. There were, however, left outstanding about $100,000 of 7 percent bonds of 1872, and a number of the consolidated bonds of 1852. The former are still outstanding, but the latter finally fell due in 1892 and were paid and refunded into 4 percent bonds under legislation enacted subsequent to the date under consideration.

With the election of Mr. Walmsley to the presidency of the board the real achievements of the board may be said to have begun. In preceding years the board had, as it were, been merely gathering up the loose ends of the city finances and preparing the way for the latter substantial achievement. With Mr. Walmsley's accession, however, came new methods of financing, which were destined within comparatively short time to produce results scarcely anticipated by the members of the Legislature which passed the act creating the board. The debts bearing 6 and 7 percent were now approaching maturity. It was also necessary to pay the judgment rendered against the city in the celebrated Gaines case. The board therefore went before the State Legislature in 1890 and secured permission to issue $10,000,000 of constitutional bonds of the City of New Orleans, bearing 4 percent interest per annum, and dated p593July 1, 1892, for the purpose of refunding the city debt. But in the year 1894, perceiving that the financial situation was such that the refunding plan could not continue to be carried on successfully, the board, upon the advice of President Walmsley, secured from the State Legislature an authorization to pay a commission to brokers negotiating the sale of the bonds, which inducement was sufficient to cause the prompt disposal of $4,503,000 of the bonds — ? sufficient to cover the indebtedness of the moment, excepting the premium bonds. A like amount of the extended bonds bearing 6 percent interest per annum, the maturity of which was originally extended for the period of forty years from the 1st of January, 1883 ("provided the city shall have the right to call in said bonds so renewed or extended for payment at par after the year 1895"), were called in for redemption and paid in anticipation of their callable date.

Through Mr. Walmsley's personal influence with the stockholders of the Louisiana National Bank the first of the refunding series (constitutional bonds) was successfully put through.

In the early '90s for the first time since the Civil war city 4 percent bonds sold at par.

A few years later another portion of the 4 percent constitutional bonds were sold to redeem certified bonds and certificates, all of which were bearing 6 percent interest. The final sales of the constitutional 4s were made at from 105.01 to 107.25, the price afterwards going as high as 110.

The refunding of all the old issues of bonds by the issuance of the constitutional 4s paved the way for later issues of other classes of bonds. In the year 1898 the city issued $233,000 of floating debt bonds bearing 4 percent and having fifty years to run, which were authorized for the purpose of taking up certain floating debts of the City of New Orleans. The city was supposed to turn over to the Board of Liquidation certain back taxes from the years 1879 to 1895 for the purpose of redeeming these bonds. As a matter of fact, these back taxes never became available for this purpose. The bonds were actually secured only by the good faith of the City of New Orleans. However, the Board of Liquidation, out of free funds in its hands derived from interest received from daily balances in bank, has taken care of the interest when due on these bonds, and has purchased and redeemed $15,000 of the bonds themselves.

The finances of New Orleans were thus put upon a very satisfactory basis. There appeared to be no further need of this sort of work, when upon the initiation of Mr. Brittin a conference was called of the members of the city council, of which he was president, for the purpose of considering matters connected with the drainage and sewering of the city. This meeting was held in the mayor's parlor on November 17, 1898. A committee was appointed by this meeting, with Mr. Brittin as chairman, which ultimately adopted his views and formulated a plan destined to result eventually in the great system of drainage and sewerage that is now being carried to completion in the city. It thus became necessary to float additional bonds to pay for the contemplated improvements. E. H. Farrar, a prominent attorney, volunteered to draw up the necessary legislation. He received no fee for very onerous and responsible work. This legislation was submitted to the Legislature and resulted in the passage of a constitutional amendment authorizing the City of New Orleans to issue $12,000,000 of public improvement bonds bearing 4 percent interest to be devoted exclusively to the p594installation of a modern system of sanitation, including waterworks, sewers and drainage canals. In order properly to secure these bonds the constitutional amendment capitalized the 1 percent tax levied under the act of 1890, and, more especially, that part of the surplus which under the original law was transferred to the permanent public improvement fund, and which had of course become larger from year to year as the assessment increased. That there should be no question about the security of these new bonds and to insure their advantageous sale, the citizens of New Orleans voted an additional special tax of two mills. At the same time the 1 percent debt tax, which was originally only voted until 1942 (when the last constitutional 4s would be paid), was extended until 1950, that being the date of the ultimate maturity of the public improvement bonds. The entire issue of $12,000,000 was sold at a premium of $46.19 per bond.

Within a few years, however, it became apparent that the funds realized from the sale of the $12,000,000 public improvement bonds would be insufficient to complete the proposed installation. The assessment of the city had, however, increased notably. In 1906 the figures stood at $204,585,967, as against $139,235,101 only six years previously. It was therefore possible to capitalize still further the surplus remaining out of the 1 percent debt tax and the special two-mill water, sewage and drainage tax. Looking to that end, the State Legislature passed Act 19 of 1906, authorizing the city to issue a total of $8,000,000 "new public improvement bonds." These bonds bore 4 percent interest, and were intended to defray the expenses connected with completing the water, sewage and drainage system. This act was subsequently incorporated in the state constitution. Under this amendment the surplus remaining out of the 1 percent debt tax and the two-mill sewage, water and drainage tax — ? after meeting, first, the premium bonds; secondly, the $10,000,000 constitutional 4s; and, thirdly, the $12,000,000 public improvement 4s — ? was assigned towards the payment of the principal and interest of these new bonds. Although these bonds are to run till 1942, the Board of Liquidation has the option, after 1928, after providing for the interest and sinking fund required in connection with previous bond issues, of devoting the surplus to the retirement of these new bonds by lot. In all probability this privilege will be exercised to retire the last of these bonds long before the date of their ultimate maturity. But, anticipating the remote possibility that the city should not be in a position to provide a sinking fund for the retirement of these bonds by 1942, the amendment stipulates that all of these bonds remaining unpaid at that time shall be extended for a period of twenty years, with the same interest and the same right to call, and the 1 percent debt tax will in that event be extended also, with the further condition, that from 1950 on the entire proceeds of this tax shall be used to pay interest and principal on such of these bonds as may then be outstanding.

The remaining bond issues and the other recent financial operations of the board can be only very briefly described here.

The building of the new courthouse in New Orleans occasioned the flotation of another issue of bonds. These were issued under an act of the State Legislature passed in 1904. They bear 5 percent per annum. In all, $750,000 of these bonds were issued. The act requires the city to appropriate out of the annual reserve fund $41,000 to be turned over to the Board of Liquidation, to be applied to the payment of the semi-annual p595interest on these bonds, the surplus remaining, if any, after paying such interest, to be utilized in the retirement of the bonds, calling them in the reverse order of their issue. Under this provision $40,000 of these bonds have already been retired.

Two years later the Legislature authorized another issue of $200,000 in bonds to pay back salaries due certain school teachers and portresses for the years 1885-1887. Of these bonds $198,000 were issued at 4 percent . As one-half of the surplus of the 1 percent debt tax was under the law payable to the public schools, the Board of Liquidation was empowered to hold out of that fund money sufficient to pay the interest on these bonds. The act also required the board to set aside, beginning in 1917, sufficient funds to retire the entire issue on or before January 1, 1927, but in 1916 a fresh constitutional amendment was carried whereby these bonds were ordered paid immediately, which was accordingly done, and these bonds are no longer to be listed among the city's liabilities.

In 1914 the beautification of Audubon Park necessitated the issuance of bonds to the amount of $100,000 at 5 percent per annum. These bonds were secured in the same manner as the courthouse bonds — ? that is, the city is required to set aside out of the reserve fund annually the sum of $20,000, of which $5,000 per annum during the first three years and $6,000 annually thereafter as long as necessary shall be paid to the Board of Liquidation to form a special fund to pay the semi-annual interest, while the remainder is to be applied to the gradual retirement of the principal. The entire issue was floated, but the board has been able to retire $2,000 since that date.

The most important financial operation undertaken by the Board of Liquidation in recent years was the bond issue floated under the authority of Act 4 of 1916, passed by the State Legislature and subsequently incorporated in the state constitution. This issue was necessitated by the accumulation of various indebtedness, particularly that due to the anticipation of revenues for public improvements. To meet these obligations the board was empowered to issue $9,000,000 serial gold bonds bearing 4 percent interest per annum, but it has been found necessary to sell so far only $4,500,000. The one-half of the surplus of the 1 percent debt tax previously dedicated to the public schools has, by the act, been set aside for the payment of the principal and interest of this bond issue. It is provided, moreover, that if for any reason this fund should ever prove insufficient to take care of these bonds, the city shall levy a special tax upon all taxable property adequate to pay both principal and interest. The revenue thus lost to the schools is compensated by a direct tax instituted for their benefit by the amendment to the constitution.

The serial maturities of these bonds, were so fixed that the amount of bonds retired each year increases as the amount of interest decreases: in other words, the total amount required to pay principal and interest will be about the same annually, but the total dedicated to the former purpose will augment in proportion as the latter diminishes. Under the act all matters connected with the issue of these bonds are placed under the control of the Board of Liquidation, which, therefore, is perpetuated in office until the last one of the bonds shall have been paid.

The board possesses the authority to call in and refund any of the existing bond issues whenever it finds that course possible or advantageous after the bonds attain their callable date. While nothing of the sort can be done until after 1928, at the earliest, still the law is p596broad enough and looks far enough ahead to invest the board with the right to issue bonds for refunding purposes, if by so doing it deems it possible to save the taxpayers' money or otherwise improve the financial condition of the city. This important privilege, which the board derives from the constitutional amendment of 1916, goes another step forward by providing for the financing of any additional improvements which the city may undertake. It is foreseen that the growth of New Orleans will be rapid and that inevitably it will become necessary to expand the municipal utilities in various ways. But while the board has the right to issue bonds to provide the money necessary for these purposes, the city is restrained from indulging in any extravagance in this direction by certain definite and very reasonable provisions. It is highly desirable that the amount of the debt should not be increased beyond the limits which will be regarded everywhere as safe under all circumstances.

These restrictions, therefore, include the stipulation that, while the city can issue bonds to the amount of $500,000 at any time under joint resolutions by the Board of Liquidation and the Commission Council to meet such emergency, such as fire, flood or pestilence, no other bonds can hereafter be floated without submitting the proposition to the vote of the taxpayers of the City of New Orleans. Only after a majority both in number and amount of taxable property has signified its approval can the projected issue be made, and not even then, unless the total outstanding debt of the city is less than 10 percent of the total assessed valuation of its property. As the city's assessments in 1917 were $255,476,976, and have grown steadily ever since, the present bonded debt is well within the limit. At the present moment, if so desired, the city could therefore issue further securities under the authority given by Act 4 of 1916.

In closing this rapid sketch of the financial history of the city, it may be well to append a brief explanation of the "reserve fund" and the "1 percent debt tax" so frequently mentioned in the foregoing pages. The city now levies a 6 -mill "alimony" tax, a 3 -mill school tax, a 1 percent "debt" tax, and a 2-mill "sewerage, water and drainage" tax. These four taxes are separate and distinct from one another. Of the income from the 6 -mill tax, the city spends 80 percent for general purposes, the remainder constitutes the "reserve fund." This fund is augmented by 20 percent of the income from other sources, such as fines, fees, etc. The reserve fund, as such, was available for public improvements only. In recent years the fund has averaged about $800,000 per annum. Out of this total the city is obliged by law to allot $41,000 to the Board of Liquidation on account of the courthouse bonds, $20,000 towards the Audubon Park bonds and $15,000 to the City Park fund. For some time the remainder was practically all absorbed in the payment of principal and interest due semi-annually on the "anticipated revenues" already expended. The "anticipated revenues" represented sums spent by the city some years in advance of the collection of its alimony under a system popular with American municipalities whereby the payment for public improvements was transferred to the future. Recently, however, the Board of Liquidation undertook to care for these debts also. Thus the reserve fund, properly so called, has become largely available for other purposes.6

p597 Following is a statement by years of the city debt from its inception to the present day:

1830 300,000.00

1831 300,000.00

1832 300,000.00

1833 1,327,000.00

1834 2,081,000.00

1835 2,390,000.00

1836 2,982,000.00

1837 3,378,000.00

1838 3,953,000.00

1839 4,338,660.00

1840 4,399,660.00

1841 4,483,660.00

1842 4,483,660.00

1843 4,483,660.00

1844 4,483,660.00

1845 4,488,660.00

1846 4,429,880.98

1847 4,863.856.58

1848 5,032,319.07

1849 5,694,590.52

1850 5,663,638.39

1851 5,509,620.39

1852* 7,694,746.26

1852 7,903,937.27

1853* 8,716,516.54

1854 11,774,261.91

1855 12,279,667.71

1856 11,939,086.25

1857 11,792,136.25

1858 11,659,136.25

1859 11,453,136.25

1860 11,252,136.25

1861 10,974,136.25

1862 10,930,136.25

1863 10,494,136.25

1864 10,447,136.25

1865 10,357,476.25

1866 10,045,656.25

1867 9,930,096.25

1868 10,762,912.58

1869 15,256,550.00

1870 17,436,700.00

1871 19,415,748.00

1872 22,246,378.00

1873 22,329,696.18

1874 22,812,179.89

1875 22,041,378.60

1876 21,369,727.90

1877 21,260,452.46

1878 20,671,903.96

1879 17,896,970.27

1880 17,976,170.15

1881 17,352,933.34

1882 17,407,169.81

1883 19,418,079.41

1884 19,832,597.01

1885 20,159,315.33

1886 21,310,822.48

1887 21,247,122.05

1888 21,279,340.92

1889 21,373,796.25

1890 21,072,064.62

1891 20,705,797.23

1892 21,397,295.72

1893 21,001,550.28

1894 20,811,741.50

1895 20,680,396.00

1896 20,555,312.50

1897 20,416,835.00

1898 20,444,296.50

1899 20,342,769.50

1900 20,206,604.50

1901 23,442,769.50

1902 23,867,000.00

1903 23,572,451.00

1904 24,167,276.50

1905 24,947,576.50

1906 25,104,713.50

1907 26,763,895.00

1908 30,414,405.00

1909 32,527,581.00

1910 32,155,862.50

1911 38,828,004.50

1912 38,400,517.50

1913 37,937,568.50

1914 37,499,229.50

1915 37,088,613.50

1916 36,601,145.50

1917 40,408,812.50

1918 39,898,231.00

1919 39,304,648.00

1920 38,594,954.00

The following table shows the state of the bonded debt of New Orleans on December 31, 1919:

p598 NAME Amount Maturity Interest Annual Interest Dated

Constitutional Bonds (Coupons) $9,722,000.00

" " (Regis. Certificates) 278,000.00 $10,000,000.00 1942, July 1 has '+BadF+'percent '+CloseF+' thruout the table;

I\'ve abbreviated it to help fit. 4 percent $400,000.00 July 1, 1892

Premium Bonds $1,156,480.00 Allotted Semi-annually

Accrued Interest on Outstanding

Premium Bonds to Jan. 15, 1920 2,573,168.00 3,729,648.00 As Allotted 5 percent . . . . . Sept. 1, 1875

Public Improvement Bonds (1950) 12,000,000.00 1950, July 1 4 percent 480,000.00 July 1, 1900

New Public Improvement Bonds 8,000,000.00 1942, Jan. 1 4 percent 320,000.00 Jan. 1, 1907

Floating Debt Bonds 218,000.00 1948, Oct. 1 4 percent 8,720.00 Oct. 1, 1898

Gold Bonds 117,000.00 1922, July 1 7 percent 8,190.00 July 1, 1872

Court House Bonds 697,000.00 1955, Jan. 1 5 percent 34,850.00 Jan. 1, 1905

Audubon Park Bonds 98,000.00 Various 5 percent 4,900.00 Jan. 1, 1915

Serial Gold Bonds (Coupons) $4,200,000.00

" " " (Regis. Certificates) 245,000.00 4,445,000.00 Various 4 percent 200,025.00 Jan. 1, 1917

Total $39,304,648.00 $1,456,685.00

The Author’s Notes

1 Nolte, "Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres," Chaps. X, XI.

2 R. S. Hecht, "Municipal Finances of New Orleans, 1860-1916," pp4, 5.

3 Inaugural message of Mayor Leeds, November 30, 1874.

4 Hecht, "Municipal Finances of New Orleans," pp5, 6.

5 Quoted in Hecht, op. cit. pp8, 9.

6 Horace P. Phillips, "The Bonded Debt in the City of New Orleans," Louisiana Historical Quarterly, October, 1920, 396-611.

7a 7b April 1.

p599 Chapter XXXVIII

The Work of the Dock Board

"Two ports only, New Orleans and San Francisco," observes Herbert Knox Smith, in a famous report on the commerce of the United States, "are noteworthy for their high degree of public ownership, control, efficiency, and equipment." And he adds: "New Orleans is one of the most important as well as one of the most interesting harbors in the country, particularly in its advanced terminal facilities, its organization, and its methods of public administration," and, "in general, the physical conditions, control and organization of the harbor of New Orleans are worthy of careful study by other municipalities, as an example of a modern system of a well-equipped and co-ordinated harbor, with a high degree of public control."1 This fortunate result has not been attained without long labor and in the face of grave obstacles. War, pestilence, and other disadvantages have had to be overcome; erroneous theories of administration have been experimented with, to be discarded only after much mischief had been done; and the public mind, trained away from habits of co-operative endeavor, has had to be educated at much expense of time and money.2

Few, among the great ports of the United States, are so fortunately located as New Orleans. It is in communication by a vast system of navigable inland waterways with practically all parts of the Mississippi Valley. Its situation is equally favorable with regard to Mexico, Central America, South America, and the West Indies. Through the Panama Canal it has access to the western ports of North and South America, and the Orient. Moreover, the fact that it is removed from the sea a distance of — 110 miles insures to shipping protection from the effects of most of the storms which sweep over the Gulf of Mexico. The river in front of the city varies in width from one-half to three-quarters of a mile, and in depth, within 3 m of the shore line',WIDTH,150)" onMouseOut="nd();">? from 40 to 100 feet within ten feet of the shore line. The port is capable of indefinite expansion. It is served by twelve lines of railroad, nine of which are trunk lines. These advantages indicate that the rapid growth of recent years will continue on a constantly expanding scale in the future.

The history of the port can be traced back to the beginning of the city. Under the act of Congress admitting Louisiana to the Union, the state, as sovereign, has control of navigable streams and harbors. Since the state must necessarily act through an agent in administering the trust, as early as 1827 we find that the administration of the port was committed to the city. The Act of March 9, 1827, "made it the duty of the council to regulate the port of New Orleans, so as to admit ships and other sea vessels to anchor along the levee from Esplanade Street to Canal Street, and so as to admit steamboats to moor at the levee from p600Canal Street to Notre Dame Street." The charter granted to New Orleans by the State Legislature in 1836 specifically grants to the city the administration of the port, with the right to fix and collect wharfage rates.3 The city was slow in taking advantage of the latter privilege, and still slower in recognizing the possibilities implied therein.

From 1836 to 1865 the city administered its own wharves. But, in the latter year, the financial condition of New Orleans was such as to render the continuance of municipal control impossible. A contract was therefore made with the firm of Eager, Ellerman & Co. to take over this important department. The contract ran till 1881. During this period the limits of the port were gradually extended from Louisiana Avenue and the lower limits of Jefferson City, to Jordan Avenue. The wharves were not built continuously along the whole length of the river front. Long stretches of empty levee intervened between the units of the system. There were a few scattered wharves in the Third District. There was a connected stretch of wharves from Market Street to a point above Soraparu. There was another wharf at Seventh Street. At Eighth Street there were piers or slips. The Cromwell Steamship Company had wharves in the Second District. The steamboat wharves ran from Julia Street down to St. Louis. The most difficult problem which the lessees had to face, however, was not the building of new wharves, but the preservation of those already in existence through each recurring spring, when the river rose to flood levels. At the close of every winter they stripped the piers and outer wharves, and allowed the piles to be swept away by the rising waters.

In 1875 the first definite scale of charges was established by the City Council.

A new lease was made in 1881, with the firm of Joseph A. Aiken & Company, which ran till 1891. The agreement provided that the company should expend $25,000 per annum in making improvements, and pay an additional sum of $40,000 per annum for policing the harbor and providing the services of other employees, as needed. Their jurisdiction extended from Louisiana Avenue to Jordan Avenue. There were sixty-six wharves and a wharf for river steamers and barges — 1 miles long. The company at once began to build wharves. In a short time the pier or slip system was done away with entirely. It remained for Joseph A. Aiken & Company to solve the problem of saving the wharves during high water. It was found that the sand and mud driven under the docks by the action of the current, and deposited there during high water, cut the piling and was forced out when the river fell. One of the company's first acts was to purchase a powerful tug boat. By backing this vessel up to the wharves, and working her propeller at the highest possible speed, the accumulation of mud and sand was washed out. In this way it was found possible to preserve the wharves through the annually recurring period of danger.

During the first year of their lease, Aiken & Company expended $58,000 in revetting the levee between Piety Street and Jordan Avenue, wherever no wharves existed. They were required to maintain this levee. Although the company expended annually in new constructions the sum p601stipulated in their contract with the city, the work did not have the lasting character of the improvements made by the Board of Commissioners of the port since 1901. The wharves built under this lease being temporary in character were, therefore, not to be depended on for any considerable period. There were on the whole river front no sheds for the protection of freight, except those at the foot of Erato Street, over the Illinois Central landing. These sheds were built of wood, and were unimportant, both in extent and type of construction. As the lease drew to a close, it was found that the existing wharf system, such as it was, owing to the conditions under which it was evolved, was in a bad state of repair.

On April 25, 1891, the City Council adopted Ordinance 5256, providing for a reconstruction of the wharf system by the municipality, through farming out of the revenues. This ordinance was passed in anticipation of the termination of the lease with Joseph A. Aiken & Company. The comptroller was instructed to advertise for bids for sealed proposals for a further lease, under the terms and conditions prescribed in the new law. Among the bidders who appeared and submitted proposals were Joseph A. Aiken & Company, and Charles K. Burdeau. The latter bid was $465,000, to be expended for improvements on the river front during the first two years of the lease. This bid was accepted. Thereupon the successful bidder and associates formed the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company. The principal stockholders in this corporation, aside from Mr. Burdeau himself, were James D. Houston, M. D. Lagan, M. D. Lagan, Jr., Mrs. Catherine M. Aiken, Walter R. Wasson, E. T. Leche, Maurice J. Hart, and John C. Bach. On May 20, 1891, the transfer of Mr. Burdeau's lease was authorized by the City Council to this company.

The ordinance by which the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company thus acquired control of the wharves was full and elaborate. It was especially explicit with regard to the obligations of the lessees. The rates, charges, wharfage, etc., were to continue the same as they had been under the agreement with Joseph A. Aiken & Company, the principal of these being: wharfage on all ships and other docked vessels, steamships, etc., 1,000 tons and under, 20 cents per ton; excess over 1,000 tons, 15 cents per ton. The rate applied to all barges and sailing vessels, and an extra charge of one-third of these rates was to be paid by all vessels remaining in port over two months, the charges to be recovered before departure. Another charge of one-third the rates was made in addition to the first extra charge on vessels remaining in port over four months. There was a discount of 20 percent allowed on these rates, in certain contingencies hereafter referred to.

Wharfage on steamboats not over five days in port was fixed at 10 cents per ton, and for each day thereafter, $5. Wharfage on boats arriving and departing more than once a week was assessed at 5 cents per ton for each trip. Wharfage on vessels laid up during the summer months and occupying such space as was not required for shipping, was assessed at $2 per day for the first 31 days, and $1 per day for each subsequent day. The same charge was made on barges, flatboats, etc. When not lying at wharves or piers, but tied up alongside the levee, where suitable conveniences were available, steamboats were to be charged $1 per day; ships and steamships, 5 cents per ton for every 60 days; p602flatboats and barges, 2 cents per foot; rafts, 3 cents per log; and a charge of $3 was exacted for each flatboat broken up and sold for cordwood.

Pirogues and other craft of from 5 to 15 tons, trading with the city were required to purchase a license which cost $15 under penalty of a fine of $50 and prohibition to engage further in business in the port. All steam towing vessels, as a condition precedent to doing business in the harbor, were required to procure a license costing $150, under a penalty of a $250 fine and forfeiture of the right to do business. Barges, flatboats and other craft not using steam, engaged in transporting brick and other building material or produce to the city, not measuring over 25 tons, were to pay $30 per year; the same kind of vessels, averaging over 25 tons but not exceeding 50 tons burden, $60 per annum; over 50 tons and under 75 tons, $80 per annum; over 75 tons and under 100 tons, $120 per annum; and over 100 tons, $200 per annum. Scows and coastwise pirogues of not more than 25 tons, not trading directly with the City of New Orleans, were charged $2 per trip. A section of Ordinance 3112, adopted by the City Council, May 12, 1875, which was embodied in the new ordinance, made provision for vessels coming into port in ballast. Such vessels were allowed five days in which to discharge their ballast, providing that the ballast were sold to the city. Vessels which loaded grain after discharging ballast, were required to pay 5 cents per ton for the first fifteen days, and one-third of a cent per ton for each day thereafter. All government vessels were to be allowed to use the wharves without charge. Vessels in distress entering the port were required to pay only half of the existing rates.

Under the ordinance by which the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company was placed in control of the river front, the existing improvements were transferred to its care. These improvements comprised wharves already constructed in the First, Second, Third and Fourth districts, from Toledano Street to Piety. The ferry and nuisance wharves, and all private wharves, within these limits, were, however, exempt from the new company's control, until the grants whereby they were held should expire, when they, too, should fall under the jurisdiction of the company. The wharf space was defined as extending from the water line to the street, a distance which varied considerably, — from 48 to 100 feet.

One of the principal stipulations in the contract was that the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company should accept the existing wharves in the condition in which they were on May 29, 1891, that the lessees should keep them in repair and in good order; should provide "inclines" to the steamboat wharves, and build such additional wharves as might be necessary, provided that the expenditures necessitated by such work should not exceed $35,000 per annum. These provisions, of course, did not apply to the ferry, nuisance, and private wharves until such time as they, too, came under the control of the leasing corporation. The lessees were also required to put in order immediately the landing in the First, Second, Third and Fourth districts, and to grade them from the outer edge, covering the grading with some hard substance — ? gravel, lake shell, or oyster shell. The landings were to be raised to the grade established by the Orleans Levee Board. All the landings were to be lighted by electricity from Toledano Street down to Poland. The subdivisions of the wharves were to be marked by signs with white letters painted on a white field.

p603 The wharves between Harmony and Ninth streets, except the portion between Eighth and Ninth streets, and those at the head of Soraparu Street, were to be used by steamships and sailing vessels. A space — 250 feet long immediately below the West India & Pacific Steam ship Company's wharf was set aside for the use of flatboats and stave carrying boats. A salt wharf was established between Fourth and Fifth street,4 and an incline between First and Second streets, was set apart for the use of salt carrying barges and vessels. The wharf between the New Orleans Gas Light Company's wharf at Race Street and Market Street, was assigned to the use of coal vessels. From Henderson Street to the upper line of the New Orleans & Pacific Railway wharf was reserved for the use of steamships. From the lower end of that wharf to a point 250 feet below the Louisville & Nashville Railroad landing, the wharf was to be used by both steamships and sailing vessels. A space of — 650 feet below the point just described was set apart for barges; below that space, the river front as far as St. Louis Street was for the use of steamboats; and between the steamboat landing and the lower end of the Harrison line wharf, for steamships and sailing vessels. The "Picayune" tier, which extended from the Harrison line wharf to the foot of St. Philip Street, was assigned to steamboats and sailing vessels. Another section between St. Philip and Ursuline street became the regular landing place of the picturesque luggers manned by Italian and Malay fishermen and trading between the city and the sea coast west of the mouth of the Mississippi. Finally, the interval between Ursuline Street and the lower end of the New Orleans & Northeastern wharf was assigned to steamships.

The distribution of space described above is interesting. It was evidently made arbitrarily. There was no attempt to adjust the landing places to meet particular requirements — ? no scientific allotment of wharves owing to the needs of various classes of sea-going vessels entering the port. The idea of such distribution was practically unknown at this time. It was to come later, and was brought to a relatively high degree of efficiency only after the construction of the Public Belt Railroad.

In consideration of the lease on these conditions, the lessees agreed to pay the city annually the sum of $40,000, of which $30,000 was to defray the expenses connected with policing the harbor, and the remainder was to be devoted to the salaries of wharfingers and other employees. The lessees also took over the plant of the previous lessees, Aiken & Company, at a price fixed by a board of appraisers, on which the company appointed one member, the city another, and these two jointly selected the third member. The Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company was required by its contract of lease to expend the sum of $465,000 between 1891 and 1893. As soon as the company took charge, the work of reconstruction and of building new wharves began. The total outlay in the first two years of the lease was about $350,000 — ? or less only by $100,000 than the sum stipulated in the contract. In the ten years over which the company's control of the wharves extended, it practically rebuilt the entire wharf system. After the first two years the annual expenditures fell to the sum stipulated in the ordinance — ? $35,000 per annum. On May 28, 1891, a reduction of twenty percent was made in all the port charges. This was done in accordance p604with the provisions of Ordinance 3112, adopted by the Council, in 1875. The reduction as contemplated in that measure was to continue to May 20, 1901. This particular feature of the ordinance of 1875 was incorporated in the lease to the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company. In spite of the large outlay involved in the improvement of the wharves, and notwithstanding this reduction in the fees and charges, the company had a paying investment. Apart from the construction of new wharves and the repair of old ones, little or nothing was done in the way of structural work. Only two or three sheds were erected on the railroad wharves, and these were frail, wooden buildings.

In 1896 the Illinois Central Railroad Company obtained a grant from the city of that portion of the river front from Louisiana Avenue to Napoleon Avenue. The Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company naturally contested the legality of this concession. The matter was taken into court, and the company obtained decisions in its favor both in the District and in the State Supreme Courts. But the Constitutional Convention held in New Orleans in 1898 confirmed the grant and incorporated the same in the State Constitution. On the site the Illinois Central then erected the great Stuyvesant Docks. This extensive plant was destroyed by fire in 1905 and immediately afterwards rebuilt on a larger and more substantial scale.5

Prior to 1888 the limits of the Port of New Orleans were co-terminous with the boundaries of the Parish of Orleans. In that year, however, an act of Congress extended the city front so as to include a portion of Jefferson Parish. "New Orleans," reads this enactment, "shall be a port of entry, to include the Parish of Orleans and that portion of the parish of Jefferson lying between the Mississippi River and Lake Pontchartrain, and between the upper line of the Parish of Orleans, left bank, and a line running parallel thereto, commencing at the Mississippi River, at the upper line of the City of Carrollton, and extending to Lake Pontchartrain."6 An act of Congress passed at the same time added to the Port of New Orleans that portion of Jefferson Parish known as Southport, where important railroad docks were situated. "The limits of the port of entry of the City of New Orleans, Louisiana, shall be and the same are hereby extended so as to include that portion of the Parish of Jefferson lying between the Mississippi River, Lake Pontchartrain, the upper line of the Parish of Orleans, left bank, and a line running parallel thereto, commencing at the Mississippi River at a point — two miles above the upper line of the said Parish of Orleans, and extending to Lake Pontchartrain." In 1896 the port limits were further extended to include a portion of Jefferson Parish on the opposite side of the river, including the terminal docks at Westwego, and also a portion of St. Bernard Parish, where the Chalmette Terminals, controlled by the New Orleans & North Eastern Railroad, were located and where subsequently the docks of the New Orleans Terminal Company were erected at a cost of $2,000,000. The act making these extensions was approved March 20, 1896. "The limits of the port of entry of New Orleans," runs the essential portion of this law, "shall be, and the same are hereby extended, so as to include that portion of the Parish of Jefferson on the west bank of the Mississippi p605lying between the upper line of the Parish of Orleans, west bank, the west bank of the said river to a point opposite the upper boundary line of the Parish of Orleans, east bank, a line drawn thence back 4,000 feet, perpendicular to said river, and a line drawn thence parallel to the Mississippi until the intersects said upper parish boundary line, west bank; and so as to further include that portion of the Parish of St. Bernard lying between the lower boundary line of the Parish of Orleans, east bank, the east bank of the Mississippi River to a point — three miles below said lower boundary, a line drawn thence back 4,000 feet parallel to the Mississippi River until it intersects said lower boundary line of the Parish of Orleans."

On the expiration of the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company's lease on May 29, 1901, the control of the wharf system passed into the hands of the Board of Commissioners of the Port of New Orleans. As the time approached for the lease to end, a number of public spirited citizens in New Orleans, animated by the desire to see the wharves brought once more under the control of the people, so that the same might be operated in the interest of shipping on a strictly maintenance basis, took up the matter with the commercial bodies of the city. As a result an act was introduced into the State Legislature at its session in 1896, providing for the creation of a board which would take over control of the entire Port of New Orleans as the agent of the state. A special reason in favor of this action existed in the extension of the Port limits. It will be seen from the foregoing resume of the various acts of Congress that, in 1901, the boundary of the port had been extended over three parishes, namely, Orleans, Jefferson, and St. Bernard, with the result that a ship entering the port often had to pay three parishes their several sets of fees in order to satisfy the requirements of the three parishes forming one port. It was clear that only by concentrating authority in the hands of a single organization, having jurisdiction over the entire port, could the disadvantages under which commerce thus labored, be cured.

The act passed by the Legislature in 1896 provided for the creation of a board of five members, to be selected from among the residents of the Parishes of Orleans, Jefferson and St. Bernard, who, at the time of their appointment, should be prominently identified with the commerce or business interests of the port. One commissioner was to hold office for three years, one for four years, one for five years, one for six years, and one for seven years. At the end of each term the governor was empowered to appoint a successor to serve five years. The board, however, had the power to fill vacancies occurring through death, resignation, or otherwise. This board was invested with power "to regulate the commerce and traffic of the Harbor of New Orleans [. . .] to have and enjoy all the rights, powers and immunities incident to corporations; [. . .] to take charge of and administer the public wharves of the Port of New Orleans; to construct new wharves where necessary and erect sheds thereupon; to protect merchandise in transit; to place and keep the wharves, sheds, levees, and approaches in good condition; to maintain sufficient depth of water and provide for lighting and policing such wharves and sheds."

In order to provide a revenue to meet the expenses of the board, the board was authorized "to charge upon the shipping visiting the port, for the use of the wharves, etc., of the Port of New Orleans, not exceeding p606one percent net register per ton per twenty-four hours (commencing at midnight just preceding the arrival of the vessel) for the first six days, providing that the minimum charge upon sea-going vessels shall not be less than $5. Where sheds are provided by the said Board of Commissioners, shipping using same shall pay an additional charge of one-half cent per net register ton for twenty-four hours (to be calculated same as above), said charges, however, in any case, not to exceed cost of construction, maintenance and management of said improvements." But it was stipulated that "should the income within the maximum rates herein authorized be more than sufficient to carry out the duties of the commissioners, they shall make said charges conform to the necessary expenditures. Should the total amount paid by any vessel reach 6 cents per net ton [. . .] the vessel shall not be liable for any further sum until after she has remained at the wharves thirty days. The charges on barges, steamboats and other river craft and luggers shall be carefully calculated by the commissioners and the reduction in same shall accord with the charges on seagoing vessels."

The board was further authorized to appoint a suitable number of persons, not to exceed five, to be known as Deputy Commissioners, to perform the duties previously discharged by officials known as wharfingers, harbor masters, masters, wardens, etc. To compensate these officials a fee not to exceed $10 might be levied upon all vessels arriving in ballast or loaded with green fruit, and a further sum of $5 for vessels with general cargo, and a fee of $1 might be collected for each copy of certificates of inspection of hatches, surveys of cargo, etc. From among the deputy commissioners the board was directed to appoint a superintendent, to be the executive officer of the port. The closing section of the act contained provisions authorizing the acquisition of the lease of the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company, either by purchase or appropriation; and making it the duty of the City Council of New Orleans to provide the money necessary to carry out this provision.7

As a matter of fact, however, the board did not immediately avail itself of the rights conferred by this concluding section of the act. From the time the board came into existence — ? September 5, 1896 — ? till the expiration of the lease of the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company on May 29, 1901, the commissioners contented themselves with discharging the duties formerly performed by the commissioners of public works, harbor masters and port wardens in connection with the administration of the port. The funds in the city treasury were appropriated to other important enterprises, and the city was thus financially unable to provide the means necessary to purchase or expropriate the lease in advance of its expiration, as the act of 1896 contemplated.8 In 1900, the lease being about to expire by limitation the State Legislature re-enacted the legislation, reducing the port charges and bringing the landings under the jurisdiction of the board.

Pursuant to the authority thus granted the Governor of Louisiana proceeded to appoint the first Board of Commissioners of the Port of New Orleans. In the month of September, 1896, Hugh McCloskey, a well known business man, and W. A. Kernaghan, a prominent real estate dealer, both of New Orleans, were appointed. They were the first commissioners. p607The board formally began its duties on September 3, 1896, but did not take charge of the wharf system until the expiration of the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company's lease in May, 1901. Branch M. King was the third member of the board. Wm. H. Byrnes was appointed to the board in 1899. The death of Mr. King in 1905 created a vacancy which was filled by the appointment of Jeff D. Hardin. Colonel Byrnes died in 1910 and was succeeded by T. J. Kelly. After serving sixteen years as president of the board Mr. McCloskey resigned in 1911, and was succeeded by W. A. Kernaghan. Adolf Dumser was appointed a member in 1901.

The presidents of the board have been: Robert Bleakley, 1896-97; Hugh McCloskey, September, 1897 to October, 1911; W. A. Kernaghan, October, 1911 to May, 1913; W. P. Stewart, May, 1913, to July, 1913; R. G. Guerard, July 13, 1913, to May, 1914; Ernest Loeb, May, 1914, to August, 1916; B. B. Hans, August, 1916, to December, 1916; W. B. Thompson, December, 1916, to October, 1919.

The act of 1896, creating the board, was amended in 1900 with respect to the fees to be charged upon the shipping and the location of the landings. The board was now authorized to charge all sea-going vessels "2 cents per day, based upon the gross tonnage, for the first three days, and the sum of 1 cent per day for the next three ensuing days, making a maximum charge of 9 cents on the gross tonnage, and thereafter the said vessel shall be free from charge for a period of thirty days. That any part of a day be considered a full day as to the above charges, and the above charges shall be based upon a single voyage. Where sheds are provided by the said Board of Commissioners, the shipping using same shall pay an additional charge. Said charge shall not exceed in any case the cost of construction, maintenance and management of said improvements"; but it was specially enacted that nothing in the act should apply to "wharves owned by riparian proprietors, already constructed or hereafter constructed, whether individuals, firms or corporations, and maintained or used by the owner or owners or lessees."9

When the Board of Commissioners assumed control in 1901, the wharves could comfortably accommodate about forty vessels, but of a smaller type than those which visit the port today. The only sheds for the protection of transit freight from the weather were one at the Illinois Central fruit wharf, two at the New Orleans & Northeastern wharf, and a few other structures of a temporary character. At that time, as had been the case for many years, freight on the levee was protected by tarpaulins, which were spread over the piles of merchandise. The business of supplying these tarpaulins was a large and lucrative one. Of the private wharves in existence at that time, the Illinois Central's Stuyvesant docks ranked first. At Westwego the Texas & Pacific had wharves. The same company had other wharves at the foot of Thalia Street. The New Orleans and Northeastern Railroad had wharves at Press Street and a terminal of large size at Chalmette; the New Orleans Gas Light Company had a coal wharf near Robin Street; the St. Louis & Mississippi Valley Transportation Company's barge wharf, relinquished by the corporation, was utilized as a steamboat landing, Jos. A. Aiken & Company providing the "aprons" necessary for that use. Over these wharves was handled p608only that business which was consigned to the owners of the grants. They did not, therefore, compete with the public wharves.

The policy adopted by the Board of Commissioners was a very progressive one, but its execution was hampered by lack of funds. Nevertheless, within seven years the entire wharf system was practically rebuilt, and steel sheds of the most modern construction were erected from Canal to Clouet street, and on a number of the wharves between Harmony and Julia streets. The new wharves were constructed of heavy timbers, resting on creosoted piles. In the opinion of engineers, they will have a life of fifty years. Two-thirds of the wharves themselves were constructed of this treated material, to insure long life. At the same time the wharves were widened and lengthened. As compared with the system taken over from the Louisiana Construction & Improvement Company, the facilities were increased about 100 percent . Moreover, suitable approaches and paved roadways were constructed so as to give better means of access to the wharves. Dredges and towboats were added to the equipment for dredging; the fire protection system was improved and extended, and the lighting and policing of the wharves amplified and reorganized.

In 1908 the State Legislature recognized the necessity of providing further funds with which to carry out the board's plans. An act10 was passed by which the commissioners were empowered to issue $3,500,000 of 5 percent tax exempt bonds. A portion of the proceeds of the sale of these securities was to be applied to the retirement of valid outstanding obligations of the board. Provision was also made to submit to the people of the state a constitutional amendment authorizing the contemplated bond issue and ratifying the provisions of the act. The revenues of the board were pledged to the extent necessary to secure the payment of the loan. It was stipulated that the commission should continue in existence until the bonds, principal and interest, were all paid. The bonds were made payable between July 1, 1924, and July 1, 1959. The amendment was adopted by the people of the state at an election held in November, 1908. Under this authority the board proceeded to sell the bonds and provide the funds of which it was so greatly in need. — Five and one-half miles of permanent wharves were thus completed and the steel sheds were extended to cover a total area of 3',WIDTH,90)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 2,642,689 square feet. These improvements were instrumental in greatly reducing the port charges upon shipping.

But if New Orleans were to realize the greatness to which it was manifestly destined, further improvements in the nature of storage facilities were essential. The board was without the means to provide them. Application was therefore made to the State Legislature to provide additional funds for the purpose. In 1910 a constitutional amendment was accordingly submitted to the people, empowering the board "to erect and operate warehouses and other structures necessary to the commerce of the Port of New Orleans," and "to expropriate any property necessary for said purposes, and to pay for same by issuing mortgage or mortgages, bond or bonds, against the real estate and buildings erected thereupon; said mortgage or mortgages, bond or bonds to be paid out of the net receipts after the payment of operating expenses."11 This amendment p609was approved at an election held in the following November. Differences of opinion were at once expressed as to the interpretation to be placed upon this amendment, and as to what, if anything, could be accomplished, from a legal and financial point of view, under its terms without enabling legislation. The argument was advanced that, even were such legislation enacted, the bonds authorized by the Constitution were limited in payment to the net receipts from the warehouses, and consequently, as no receipts were available from that source to support the bonds, they would be unsalable. Hence, it was considered that the proposition was an impossible one, particularly in view of the fact that the board had no land which it could mortgage as an alternate security for the debt, and no fund to which it could resort to pay interest during construction.

In 1913 a solution of the problem was worked out. The proper interpretation of the constitutional article was arrived at. The board was advised that the amendment was self-executing; that the board was authorized to carry it into effect by ordinance or otherwise; that the authority granted was a continuing authority, and that the bonds were to be paid by preference out of the receipts of the warehouses, and to the extent that these receipts were insufficient, or non-existent, out of the receipts and revenues from all other sources, subject only to the prior bonded indebtedness. This view was subsequently admitted to the Constitutional Convention of 1913, and adopted by that body as Article 322 of the instrument which it framed.

The board, moreover, as the agent of the state, was informed by its legal advisors that it had authority to reclaim the batture, or land between high and low water mark, mortgage it as additional security for the warehouse bonds, sell the bonds, and with the proceeds build the warehouses. This was promptly done, and $3,000,000 of bonds were thus sold, and the work of construction was begun. This solution of the difficulties posed by the amendment, opened the way for an indefinite expansion of the port's storage system, the amount of indebtedness and the number of structures being limited only by probable revenue to be earned by the new structures, computed on the demonstrated revenues of the earlier buildings and the general increase in the revenues of the port.

The next step taken by the board was to employ a staff of efficiency engineers and to call upon the local commercial organizations, exchanges, shippers, and other interested parties to make known their needs. This investigation led to the formulation of a more or less definite policy for the continuous development of the port's facilities which has been followed consistently ever since. The board found that the "through" shipper enjoyed some advantages over the local shipper, and that consequently the New Orleans "market of deposit" was languishing. A large part of the commerce used New Orleans as a shipping point only, when it properly should use New Orleans as a port market of deposit. It was found that true economy in handling import and export commerce would be promoted by creating such concentration and warehouse facilities on the river front as would enable shippers to use New Orleans as a market of deposit, assembling import commodities here, and distributing them to the interior as needed, and assembling export commodities here and distributing them to foreign consumers as occasion might arise. New Orleans should, therefore, be made the port market of deposit of least resistance, at least insofar as the area extending from Pittsburgh to Chicago and Denver was concerned. In other words, the steel sheds p611already installed along the wharves must be supplemented with a system of the most economic warehouses and concentration and handling facilities that could be built.

(p610)

United States Army Supply Base at New Orleans and Commodity Warehouses, Board of Commissioners of the Port of New Orleans

The first of these facilities to be undertaken, as before stated, was a river front cotton warehouse and handling plant. This was begun in 1914 and finished in that year at a cost of $3,500,000, exclusive of the land. It has been enlarged every year since. The importance of this structure is so great that a detailed description in this place is justified.

The plans for this structure were prepared after careful study of the latest types of construction in the United States and abroad. They were then submitted to the local Cotton Exchange for criticism and approval. The first units of the plant were completed in 1914. It covers an area of — 100 acres. The site includes — fifty acres additional, not as yet utilized. There is a yard trackage for about 2,000 cars. The warehouse and terminal proper provide a storage capacity of 400,000 bales, the sorting shed 80,000 bales and the wharf 60,000 bales. There are three high density compresses. The compress room has a capacity of 6,000 bales. It is estimated that the facilities are capable of handling an annual cotton movement of approximately 2,000,000 bales. Within the terminal there are — about four and one-half miles of overhead and floor-level runways for the accommodation of electrically operated trains for conveying cotton from cars and compress to compartments, from cars to ships, or otherwise, as may be required. Within the compartments are traveling cranes with appliances for pulling, pushing and grappling cotton bales which are truly remarkable in the extent to which they render service, exceeding in efficiency and similar devices previously employed.

The plant is operated by the port commissioners through an operating organization, the manager and other officials of which are recommended by a Civil Service Board composed of representatives from the New Orleans Cotton Exchange, the Board of Trade and the Dock Board itself. No employe of the warehouse drawing more than $75 per month can be removed except for cause, after trial upon charges and specifications. Samplers, weighers and inspectors are employed only on recommendation from the Cotton Exchange, but such employes are, of course, subordinate to the warehouse management. The responsibility for sampling, inspecting and classing cotton passing through these warehouses is assumed by the Cotton Exchange, and in order that receipts of cotton stored in these fireproof, state-owned warehouses may have a wide negotiability, the New Orleans Clearing House Association approves the form of warehouse receipt. The economies arising from the creation of this great plant have been numerous. The most obvious is a reduction in the minimum insurance rate of about one-fourth of the previous cost. Finally, the cotton is delivered directly to the warehouses from all railroads by the Public Belt Railroad.

In 1917 a public grain elevator and terminal was completed under the authority of the warehouse article in the state constitution. This, also, is a structure of so much importance to the port of New Orleans that a fairly complete description must be given here. The plans were made after a careful study of modern grain elevators in the United States, Argentina and Canada. The completed plant incorporates advantages over other elevators in regard to the rapid handling and relatively large receiving and shipping capacity; great flexibility in conveying, distributing and grain blending systems and loading, unloading and transportation p612appliances. Located on the east bank of the Mississippi, at the head of Bellecastle Street, the plant communicates directly with the Belt Railroad, and immediately adjoins the public cotton warehouses and terminals already described. The main plant consists of a track shed, drip shed, workhouse, storage annex, drier house, shipping conveyor gallery, dock gallery and marine tower. All these buildings are of re-enforced concrete except the galleries and marine tower, which are of structural steel with the roofs and floors. The buildings are fireproof. They are supported on pine piles, jetted in place, cut off well below the water line and capped with concrete. The elevator equipment consists of four shipping legs, with a capacity of — 25,000 bushels per hour each; two receiving legs, with a capacity of 25,000 bushels per hour each; one utility leg, with a capacity of — 10,000 bushels per hour; four conveyor gallery shipping belts, with a capacity of 25,000 bushels per hour each; two shipping conveyor belts under the annex, three distributing conveyor belts over the annex and three transfer conveyor belts in the workhouse, each with a capacity of 25,000 bushels per hour; and one drier conveyor belt with a capacity of — 20,000 bushels per hour. There are eight unloading sinks, with interlocking device, equipped with positive electric control and having a capacity of — 2,000 bushels each. A pneumatic unloader with a capacity of — 6,000 bushels per hour is provided to unload from vessels and barges. Finally, there are two Morris driers, with a capacity of — 1,000 bushels per hour each; two Monitor oat clippers, with a capacity of — 1,500 bushels per hour, and one Monitor separator, with a capacity of — 3,500 bushels per hour. In addition, the elevator is equipped with a complete signalling system, strand indicators, journal alarms, intercommunicating telephones, fire protection and dust collecting systems. All the machines are electrically operated.

The handling machinery is designed for a simultaneous storage capacity of approximately — 4,000,000 bushels. The present storage has a capacity of — 2,622,000 bushels. The storage consists of 172 circular tanks and 137 interstices. The capacity of the tanks is — 12,100 bushels each, and of the interstices — 2,690 bushels each. In addition, the workhouse has a storage capacity of — about 200,000 bushels. Several special features are worth noting in the design of this structure, as, for instance, the basement, which is provided with head room from the bottom of the binds to the basement floor of — 17 feet 6 inches. The basement is entirely open, affording ample light and ventilation, while the head room permits of the use of turn heads under the storage bins, giving delivery from 110 bins on any one of the four shipping conveyors. The bin floor and the cupola are also of interest. Above the bin floor of the annex is the installation of Mayo spouts and storage belts, which forms the most complete distributing system to storage yet installed in this type of elevator. The great flexibility of the system is shown by the fact that the center belt is capable of delivering grain through the Mayo spouts to 254 bins.

The shipping conveyor gallery leaves the south side of the workhouse just below the four shipping bins, at an elevation of — approximately 60 feet above the ground, and extends out to the dock gallery a distance of — 400 feet at a grade of about 10 percent . In this gallery are four — 40-inch shipping belts, which discharge into hoppers in the marine tower, which in turn discharges onto the 40-inch belts in the dock gallery. The p613dock gallery extends — 650 feet parallel to the wharf both east and west from the marine tower, a total distance of — 1,300 feet. The capacity of the four shipping conveyors per hour is — 100,000 bushels, all of which may be used to load one, two, three or four vessels at the same time. Along the dock gallery a system of spouts — 60 feet on centers is provided for loading. At the center of the marine gallery stands the marine tower. On account of the large amount of grain which can be shipped to New Orleans by the river and the desirability of bagging that product at the dock front and also in order more readily to accommodate the variation in water level and the varying dimensions of barges and ships, this tower has been equipped with a pneumatic unloader and ample storage capacity is accessible in the center of the dock gallery, at a point where the shipping conveyor joins the dock gallery. The grain when lifted from vessel or barge is discharged into hoppers located at the top of the marine tower, and from these hoppers to one of the 40-inch shipping belts, all of which are arranged for reversible operation. For bagging the grain, there is a platform in the marine tower — about 15 feet above the wharf, where grain is weighed into the bags by automatic scales. Similar provisions are made on the first floor of the workhouse, where the bagging platforms are located.

As has already been mentioned, the shipping capacity of this elevator is greater than that of any similar elevator at any Gulf or Atlantic port in the United States. This renders it particularly attractive to ocean vessels, in view of the minimum loading time required to take on cargo. The plant went into operation on February 1, 1917, to date has received — approximately 48,000,000 bushels of various kinds of grain.

This great elevator may be classed as the second most important commercial enterprise undertaken in New Orleans. As a factor in developing the efficiency of the port, it ranks next in value only to the state-owned and operated cotton warehouse and the municipally owned Belt Railroad. As the great cotton trade of New Orleans required the construction of the cotton warehouses, so the rapidly increasing export grain business made the erection of the grain elevator imperative.

At the present time the improved wharfage facilities of the port cover eight miles of water front, of which — 5.21 miles are under direct control of the port commissioners, with steel sheds — 3.64 miles in length. Vessels lie alongside the wharves; there are no slips necessary in this, one of the world's most capacious harbors. The wharf area of the public docks is 2',WIDTH,100)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 4,133,182 square feet, of which 2',WIDTH,100)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 2,629,186 square feet are covered with eighteen steel sheds. The docks and sheds are of the best modern construction and provided with all facilities for loading and unloading vessels, storage of freight, including banana conveyors, escalators, electric traveling cranes, electric trucks, etc. In addition to these facilities, the railroad wharves add 2',WIDTH,100)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 2,358,088 square feet, of which 2',WIDTH,100)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 1,849,288 are covered. There are private warehouses for special commodities like sugar, coffee and sisal which aggregate 2',WIDTH,140)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 1,500,000 square feet additional.

The Author’s Notes

1 Report of Commissioner of Corporations on Transportation by Water in the United States, Part III. Water Terminals. September 26, 1910, pp15, 16.

2 W. B. Thompson. Address before the Liberal Institute, March 31, 1912, on "Our Public Ownership, Control, and Operation of Terminal Facilities at the Port of New Orleans," published in "Facts about the Port of New Orleans, Compiled by the Board of Port Commissioners," pp40-51.

3 Preliminary report of the Inland Waterways Commission (1908), pp147-148. For these references I am indebted to Prof. M. J. White, of the Department of History, Tulane University of Louisiana, whose paper "New Orleans as a port," read before the American Historical Society, is a valuable study of the recent history of the port.

4 Now Washington Avenue.

5 This frontage is subject to expropriation by the Board of Commissioners of the Port of New Orleans, at any time, under article 200 of the Constitution of the State of Louisiana.

6 Section 2568, Revised Statutes of the United States, approved July 23, 1888.

7 Act No. 70 of 1896, State of Louisiana, approved July 9, 1896.

8 Preliminary Report of the Inland Waterways Commission, p148.

9 Act No. 36 of 1900, approved July 3, 1900.

10 Act No. 180 of 1908, approved July 3, 1908.

11 Act 133 of 1910, approved July 5, 1910.

p614 Chapter XXXIX

Commerce and Business

Modern New Orleans, the second largest seaport of the United States and the greatest manufacturing center of the new South, presents a graphic illustration of the frequently quoted saying, that American energy and enterprise can accomplish all things. It has often been said that New Orleans is a European city set down in the United States. This is an error. New Orleans of is full of romance; it cherishes the memory of its singular and picturesque history; but builded around and upon this is one of the most truly American of American cities. Although much of the foundation on which the present commercial importance of the city is based was laid a quarter of a century ago, the real development of New Orleans as a port began with the present century. The unique position of the city at the point of convergence of railroad lines which serve all of the principal divisions of the country and at the entrance to one of the world's greatest waterways, is primarily responsible for its pre-eminence. But it is likewise due to the fact that, within the last two decades, great sanitary works have been brought to completion in the city, making it one of the most healthful spots in the United States; that municipal ownership has been systematically fostered along the harbor front, and that unusual inducements have been offered everywhere to capital and enterprise. New Orleans aspires to be the first port in the country; and in the shifting of commercial tides which is in progress at the present time, this ambition is neither impossible nor improbable. — Nearly four miles of steel and concrete docks, protected from the weather; gigantic warehouses and grain elevators equipped with the most modern apparatus; a harbor in which the largest vessels may ride in perfect safety; an inner harbor with a depth of — 32 feet of water assured at all times of the year, and a ship canal extending from the Mississippi through the heart of the city to Lake Pontchartrain and the sea; modern shipbuilding plants; a wonderful climate which makes possible twelve months' work in the year; the city itself a progressive business center, meeting every demand of progress in the way of civic development — ? these are the conditions which justify and make feasible the idea of the ultimate pre-eminence of New Orleans among the country's ports.

The position of New Orleans as second largest port in the country was definitely established with a total for 1919 of $740,359,086 imports and exports. This amount was more than $63,000,000 in excess of the total import and export business of Philadelphia, and nearly twice as much as Baltimore. In 1920 the proportions were still more striking. The total commerce of New Orleans in that year was $986,453,444, while that of Philadelphia was but $724,442,853, of Galveston $679,982,468, of Boston $585,554,985, and of Baltimore $451,384,973. It will thus be seen that at the present time New Orleans leads her nearest rival for second port, Philadelphia, by the enormous total of $262,000,000; her nearest Southern rival by $307,000,000; and Baltimore and San Francisco together by p615$97,000,000.1 Compared with 1919 the trade of New Orleans increased in 1920 by 33 percent , while New York's increased only 12 percent , and that of the whole United States but by 14 percent . The percentage of the total commerce of the United States which passed through the port of New Orleans increased from 1917 to 1919 as follows: Imports, from 3.93 percent to 4.54 percent ; exports, from 4.85 to 7.10 percent . The ship tonnage of the port increased from 6,611,070 in 1919 to 9,454,802 in 1920 for vessels engaged in the foreign trade alone. The ownership of these vessels was distributed among 60 foreign nations, but 54 percent of the total tonnage was American.

Of the total exports of the United States New Orleans in 1920 handled one-third of all the barley, one-half of the rice, one-quarter of the wheat, one-half of all the shell fish exclusive of oysters, one-third of the harness and saddlery, one-third of the unrefined paraffine, one-quarter of the boat oars and paddles, one-quarter of the hogsheads and barrels, one-third of the box shooks, one-third of the staves, and one-quarter of the zinc. Of the imports of the whole United States there passed over the wharves at New Orleans no less than one-third of the bones, hoofs, etc., one-quarter of the coffee, one-half of the bagging used for cotton, one-half of the bananas, one-half of the sugar, and one-third of the mahogany. New Orleans handles one-fifth of the total imports and exports of a great variety of other products, but it is not necessary here to carry this computation out in detail. The figures cited suffice to indicate the enormous volume of business done at this port — ? a volume which shows every sign of steady annual increase.

The principal exports from New Orleans are: Cotton, sugar, lumber, oil, rice and other grains, iron and steel, foodstuffs, cooperage, soap, tobacco, and paraffine. At the present time about one-half of the value of the total exports are cotton. The following table interestingly exhibits the amount and value of this article, as well as the wideflung distribution of it:

country exported to — ? dollars pounds

Austria 410,832 1,175,207

Belgium 8,619,754 22,635,706

Denmark 267,442 830,544

France 25,349,389 67,315,495

Germany 10,901,119 36,309,597

Greece 100,784 288,701

Italy 48,174,453 128,490,856

Netherlands 4,338,862 10,983,357

Norway 258,364 701,342

Portugal 587,760 1,698,920

Spain 11,139,119 28,599,756

Sweden 7,568,121 19,859,120

Switzerland 2,824,690 7,615,972

England 102,211,409 245,457,539

p616 Guatemala 194,648 586,510

Panama ........ ........

Mexico 1,697,763 7,199,712

Cuba 1,556 4,835

Argentina 4,803 21,757

Colombia 50,329 123,794

Ecuador 300 1,500

Peru 252,195 875,331

China 457,364 1,142,100

Japan 21,809,322 56,094,825

Czechoslovakia 443,742 1,027,274

Poland 982,674 2,254,115

Totals $248,646,794 641,293,8652

The exports of cotton from New Orleans are fairly constant year after year. In 1911, for example, the total exported was 792,194,503 pounds, valued at $115,653,172. In 1919 the totals were 700,587,627 pounds valued at $230,159,326, the immense increase in value being due to the abnormal conditions which then prevailed. It may be of interest to append a few figures as to the exports of articles manufactured from cotton, as, for instance, of duck cloth, etc. There were exported in 1920 802,758 yards of unbleached duck and 185,358 yards of bleached duck; 3,246,921 yards of other cloth, unbleached, and 3,496,174 yards of other cloth, bleached; 2,189,020 yards of printed cloth, 3,126,908 yards of cloth dyed in piece and 6,960,402 yards of cloth dyed in yarn. Wearing apparel for men, valued at $1,751,214 and for women, valued at $117,430, represent a recent development in a promising field.

The exports and imports of sugar and molasses have shown remarkable increases since 1900. The following table shows the amount and value of the imports during this period:

year

pounds

value

1911 422,595,136 $10,779,680

1912 417,876,354 12,035,790

1913 602,244,066 13,781,045

1914 796,381,702 16,232,633

1915 581,021,321 18,869,897

1916 580,156,153 23,930,187

1917 786,608,408 34,298,285

1918 788,613,182 37,334,142

1919 930,403,513 52,536,769

1920 1,080,877,439 136,208,296

The following table exhibits the exports of sugar over the corresponding period:

year

pounds

value

1911 1,430,531 $68,247

1912 1,106,116 54,648

1913 1,788,211 82,995

1914 2,313,880 102,422

1915 21,372,467 799,394

p617 1916 84,518,025 4,642,905

1917 123,806,557 7,867,212

1918 50,791,514 3,211,199

1919 236,780,486 17,593,242

1920 105,916,893 10,112,410

The exports of molasses in 1920 amounted to 224,795 gallons and the imports to 80,267,569 gallons.

The magnitude of the figures of the sugar business at New Orleans is explained by the fact that in or near the city are located four very large exclusively commercial refineries — ? the American, the Henderson, the Colonial and the Godchaux — ? which confine their operations entirely to the conversion of raw sugars, principally foreign imports, into the refined products. In 1919 there were twenty of these commercial refineries in America, the combined imports of which were 7,019,690,475 pounds, of which New Orleans handled an amount only exceeded by that imported at Philadelphia and New York. The refinery at Chalmette, completed in 1910 by the American Sugar Refining Company, is one of the largest and most modern establishments of its kind in the world. While it exceeds in capacity the other three refineries, they, also, are notable examples of efficiency among the great industrial plants of the globe.

New Orleans leads all the southern ports in the volume of lumber exports. This is natural in view of the fact that for many years Louisiana has been the second largest lumber producing state in the Union, with an annual production of 4,000,000,000 feet. In volume of production it is exceeded only by the state of Washington. In 1919 the exports of lumber from Louisiana amounted to 173,354,000 feet. This compares unfavorably with the export for the last year before the war when 377,987,000 feet were shipped, but represents an increase over the years during which the war was going on. The principal wood exported was pine, but cypress, oak, cottonwood, willow, ash, red gum and tupelo were also included.

The following table exhibits the development of the lumber business at New Orleans in 1919 and 1920:

Dollars Thousand Feet

p618 Class of Lumber 1920 1919 1920 1919

Logs??

Yellow Pine

Hardwood

Other Softwood

12,072

121,832

45,929

5,013

16,708

24,338

234

1,711

342

113

309

155

Hewn Timber??

Hardwood

Softwood

7,944

5,660

1,390

18,348

116

41

12

324

Sawed Timber??

Pitch Pine (long leaf)

Hardwood

Other Softwood

1,400,087

4,704

8,950

1,823,823

17,987

22,285

25,564

49

192

36,218

143

284

Boards, Planks and Scantlings??

Cypress

Fir

Gum

Oak

White Pine

Yellow Pitch Pine (long)

Same (short leaf)

Other Yellow Pine

Poplar

Spruce

Other Hardwood

Other Softwood

Totals

287,283

39,794

870,415

1,655,413

69,337

6,691,704

32,798

73,202

33,441

1,511

953,807

15,690

$12,331,573

220,665

64,218

1,193,497

1,483,027

16,178

3,331,457

........

49,146

134,506

19,020

2,214,139

47,320

$10,703,065

3,155

572

9,345

13,591

569

89,438

209

634

245

32

4,734

135

150,098

3,611

1,009

23,129

20,607

237

68,336

........

656

1,683

317

16,247

626

174,016

Railroad Ties $643,240 $237,467 No. 476,240 204,635

Shingles 12,254 7,635 No. 1,342,000 1,306,000

Other Lumber 1,397,068 662,945 ........ ........

Total value $14,384,145 $11,611,112

SUMMARY

Dollars Thousand Feet

1920 1919 1920 1919

Logs $179,833 $46,059 2,287 577

Hewn Timber 13,604 19,738 157 336

Sawed Timber 1,410,741 1,864,095 25,805 36,645

Boards, etc. 10,724,295 8,773,173 122,659 136,458

Totals $12,331,573 $10,703,065 150,908 174,016

In recent years the exports of oil have increased by leaps and bounds. In 1915 there were practically no oil developments in New Orleans; today there are six refineries, with a combined daily output of 54,000 barrels of 42 gallons each; two with a daily capacity of 10,000 each, and 14 oil-storage plants, with a capacity of 3,175,765 gallons. In 1919 the exports amounted to 318,263,861 gallons of mineral oil products valued at $38,983,760. In 1920, however, these totals had changed to 434,464,545 gallons, valued at $75,462,011. In 1919 New Orleans already led the United States in crude-oil exports, was second in crude-oil imports, was first in gasoline exports. The following table gives the figures for 1920:

Dollars

Gallons

Crude oil $5,167,743 34,895,806

Fuel and gas oil 7,414,743 85,567,940

Illuminating oil 17,534,319 132,170,776

Paraffine oil 283,127 581,026

Other lubricating oils 3,772,475 14,396,023

Gasoline 29,142,235 118,378,433

Other naphthas 12,147,579 48,474,441

Residuum 31 100

Totals for 1920 $75,462,011 434,464,545

Totals for 1919 38,893,760 318,263,861

Increase in 1920 $36,478,251 116,200,684

p619 The growth of the rice business at New Orleans from year to year is remarkable. The exports in 1919 represented an advance of over 20,000,000 pounds upon those of the preceding year. In addition there were coastwise shipments of 800,000 pockets, and interior shipments by rail aggregating 640,000 pockets. The figures for 1920 are: Exports, 176,788,178 pounds; imports (cleaned), 3,164,662 pounds. In that year the coastwise shipments amounted to 832,410 pockets, and the shipments by rail during the same period were 764,765 pockets. Of the exports, Cuba took 41,198,283 pounds; Germany, 31,102,163 pounds; Belgium, 21,396,882 pounds; France, 16,489,556 pounds. The importance of New Orleans as a rice port is due principally to the fact that out of the total rice crop raised in the United States in 1920 of about 54,000,000 pounds, Louisiana produced approximately one-half. The total acreage in the United States planted to rice in 1919-1920 was 1,337,000, in which Louisiana was represented by 700,000 acres. The rapidity with which the rice exports at New Orleans are growing may be estimated from the following figures showing the total exports:

year total pounds exported

1915 40,714,201

1916 59,724,837

1917 61,509,058

1918 147,358,646

1919 169,700,153

Much of the rice exported from New Orleans is prepared in the city. There are nine mills with a capacity of 8,400 sacks per day.

The exports of grains other than rice are, as may be inferred from the fact that the facilities for handling such articles at New Orleans are extensive and important, steadily growing in volume. The following are the figures for 1920: Barley, 5,949,073 bushels; corn, 1,142,998 bushels; oats, 907,068 bushels; rye, 177,857 bushels; wheat, 48,571,864 bushels. Breadstuffs other than grains included: Bran, 2,310,000 pounds; corn meal and flour, 27,836 barrels; oat meal, 988,342 pounds; wheat flour, 1,617,169 barrels; mill feed, 4,112 tons; bread and biscuit, 1,944,013 pounds; cereal preparations, $197,255; other foodstuffs, $344,140. The imports of breadstuffs, however, are small, being limited to cleaned rice, of which 3,164,662 pounds were brought in during the year, and 89,015 pounds of uncleaned rice.

The exports of foodstuffs other than grains and cereals amounted to a large total, which can here be but approximately indicated through the citation of a few items. The hog-products sent out of the port in 1920 aggregated nearly 50,000,000 pounds. Confectionery valued at $184,604 was also exported. Of eggs no less than 725,340 dozen crossed the city wharves. Nearly 1,000,000 pounds of herring, 3,000,000 pounds of dried salmon, and 1,000,000 of cod fish, 900,000 pounds of dried fruits, 1,000,000 pounds of vegetables, more than half a million dollars worth of canned fruit, and $52,500 worth of spices are included in the list. Salt to the amount of 41,902,423 pounds was exported. The exports of corn starch amounted to 4,143,298 pounds. In this connection we may note also the exportation of 15,986,673 gallons of alcohol, and 71,198 gallons of whiskey. There is, of course, a considerable importation of foodstuffs, but the items not specifically described elsewhere are comparatively small.

p620 Iron and steel in various forms also constitute an imposing feature of the commerce of the port. The bulk of these articles are exported. Only a few items out of several hundred can be instanced, the classification made by the Association of Commerce being too elaborate for complete reproduction here. In 1920 there were exported 74,634,000 pounds of pig iron, 2,866,152 pounds of bar iron, 11,152,025 pounds of wire rods, 2,176,796 pounds of bolts, nuts, etc., 12,439,857 pounds of wire nails, 20,358,484 pounds of cast pipe, 76,062,159 pounds of wrought pipe, 12,952,075 pounds of galvanized plates, 101,715,008 pounds of steel plates, 16,061,703 pounds of barbed wire, 30,599,731 pounds of other wire, 21,980,000 pounds of structural iron, and 2,667,986 pounds of tin plates. The exports of machinery in 1920 exceeded $12,000,000 in value.

The other principal exports of New Orleans may be briefly disposed of. The exports of cooperage and allied articles are considerable, including in 1920, 10,075,234 pounds of hoops and 20,000,000 staves. New Orleans shipped out in that year toilet soap valued at $83,021 and other soaps to the amount of 21,585,434 pounds. The tobacco business, which has long been important in New Orleans, has shown a steady increase in recent years. The exports of leaf tobacco in 1920 totaled 93,242,870 pound; stems, etc., 2,548,829 pounds; cigarettes, 56,464,000; plug tobacco, 66,205 pounds, and other varieties to about 100,000 pounds additional. There is also some small import of tobacco, chiefly fillers, of which 81,896 pounds were received during the year. Unrefined paraffine was exported to a total of 29,032,662 pounds, and refined to 41,044,758 pounds. A few other items merely mentioned to complete this hasty survey of a wonderfully varied and constantly expanding commerce: Exports: Resin, 301,006 barrels; turpentine, 1,034,423 gallons; oakum, 68,198 pounds; oil cake and meal, 44,373,604 pounds; cottonseed oil, 18,650,317 pounds; zinc spelter, 48,173,338 pounds; and zinc sheets, 1,012,683.

The principal imports at New Orleans are coffee, bananas, sisal, nitrate of soda, nuts, oil, mahogany, sugar, molasses. New Orleans has been, since 1915, recognized as the second greatest coffee port in the United States. The total imports for 1920 were 380,293,701 pounds. The greater part of the coffee received through this port comes from Brazil. In 1919 2,434,199 bags were imported from that country, as compared with 251,897 from other countries. Expressed in pounds, the total imports of coffee at New Orleans in that year were 358,912,417, valued at $73,367,711. After Brazil the most important source of coffee handled at New Orleans is Colombia, from which is received the celebrated Bogotá coffee, said to be the best in the world. Coffee is also received from several Central American republics. Until recently the facilities for handling green coffees have not been of the best, but in 1919, through the exertions of the New Orleans Green Coffee Association, expert methods and modern methods have been introduced, the most impressive feature of the work being the loan by the association of $600,000 to the dock board for the extension and repair of the Poydras Street landing, where most of the coffee received at the port is handled. This improvements also include the installation of a conveyor which handles the cargo directly from the ship's hold into the warehouse, obviating all of the hand labor which has hitherto been necessary. There is also some export of coffee, aggregating 5,992,438 pounds in 1920.

p621 The business in tropical fruit, while dating back in New Orleans to the early '80s, has been built up since 1899 chiefly through the gigantic enterprises of the United Fruit Company. In 1920 the value of the bananas imported at New Orleans was $8,895,652, representing 20,071,440 bunches. During that year there were also imported 12,682,089 of cocoanuts, 7,357,792 pounds of palm nuts, and other fruit valued at $603,791. The last-given figure includes the valuation of lemons, almonds, filberts, desiccated cocoanut meat, and peanuts, all of which does not necessarily originate in tropic countries. A part, notably the lemons, proceeds almost exclusively from Italy.

The other principal imports are (figures for 1920): Sisal, 105,252 tons; burlaps, 65,352,285 pounds; nitrates and other fertilizers, 25,067 tons; crude mineral oil, 623,412,819 gallons; mahogany, 16,139,000 feet; bones, hoofs, etc., 55,631,338 pounds; oil cake, 11,239,016 pounds; spool thread, 838,367,260 yards; laces, 149,813 yards; and spices, 294,217 pounds.

On account of their almost limitless possibilities of development a special interest attaches to the commercial relations between New Orleans and Latin America. In 1895 (fiscal year) the imports from Latin America amounted to only $196,516,050; in 1910, they had grown to $392,955,257; in 1914, the year of the war, to $469,082,667; and in 1920 to $1,805,516,408. Of the total imports, 26.85 percent came from Latin America in 1895, and 15.05 in 1920. In 1895 New Orleans exported $74,422,739 of merchandise to Latin America; in 1910, $242,123,502; in 1914, $282,070,153; and in 1920, $1,221,099,099. Of the total exports, 9.22 percent went to Latin America in 1895 and 15.05 in 1920. Thus the most undeveloped and least populated section is supplying 34 percent of the local needs and taking 15 percent of productions. Nearly one-fifth of New Orleans' total exports in 1920 went to Latin-America. Of the total value of New Orleans' exports for the calendar year 1920, Latin-America took $141,338,418.3

The 1920 totals by countries were:

British Honduras $2,367,653

Costa Rica 1,571,651

Guatemala 3,300,838

Honduras 10,911,276

Nicaragua 2,963,199

Panama 5,773,637

Salvador 415,825

Mexico 31,457,963

Jamaica 3,583,955

Trinidad and Tobago 62,731

Cuba 52,207,710

Dutch West Indies 372,130

French West Indies 1,702,611

Haiti 396,494

Dominican Republic 2,906,084

Argentine 9,935,975

Bolivia 290,258

Chile 3,271,913

Colombia 2,540,073

p622 Ecuador 1,686,705

Peru 2,908,400

Venezuela 1,196,294

Brazil 8,530,508

Paraguay 7,550

Uruguay 976,925

Total $141,338,418

In the three last decades of the past century the exports and imports of New Orleans varied between $70,000,000 and $100,000,000. Since the beginning of the present century the figures for each year ending on June 30 down to, and including 1918, are as follows:

Year

Imports

Percent of U. S. Totals

Exports

Percent of U. S. Totals

Imports & Exports

1900 $17,490,811

. . . . . $115,858,764

. . . . . $133,349,575

1901 20,462,307

. . . . . 152,776,599

. . . . . 173,238,906

1902 23,763,480

. . . . . 134,486,863

. . . . . 158,250,343

1903 28,880,744

. . . . . 149,072,519

. . . . . 177,953,263

1904 34,036,516

. . . . . 148,595,103

. . . . . 182,631,619

1905 33,933,298

. . . . . 150,936,947

. . . . . 184,870,245

1906 39,464,982

. . . . . 150,479,326

. . . . . 189,944,308

1907 46,046,772

. . . . . 170,562,428

. . . . . 216,609,200

1908 42,785,646

. . . . . 159,455,773

. . . . . 202,241,419

1909 45,713,098

. . . . . 144,981,625

. . . . . 190,694,723

1910 55,712,027

. . . . . 140,376,560

. . . . . 196,088,587

1911 66,722,295

4.37percent 172,835,293

8.43percent 239,557,588

1912 75,089,887

4.55percent 149,160,910

6.77percent 224,250,797

1913 82,399,100

5.54percent 169,980,277

6.89percent 252,379,377

1914 89,382,261

4.72percent 193,839,961

8.20percent 283,222,582

1915 79,754,404

4.76percent 209,373,159

7.57percent 289,118,563

1916 90,045,564

4.09percent 211,498,749

4.88percent 301,544,313

1917 104,516,862

3.93percent 303,510,401

4.83percent 408,027,263

The figures of the total exports and imports of New Orleans for 1918, 1919 and 1920, in each case for the full calendar year, follow:

Year

Imports

Exports

Total

1918 $124,258,353 $399,996,933 $524,255,286

1919 177,386,076 562,837,782 740,123,858

1920 274,073,005 712,380,439 986,453,4444

Following is a list of the eighty-one principal steamship lines operating from the port of New Orleans in 1920:

Acme Operating Corporation

Aluminum Line

American Line

Anglo-American Oil Co.

Atlantic Gulf & Far East Line

Beninato Fruit & S. S. Co.

Bluefields Fruit & S. S. Co.

Caribbean Line

Compania Naviera Mexicana

Congress Line

Cosmopolitan Line

Creole Line

Crescent Line (Present., A. R. Williams)

Cuban-American Line

p623 Cuyamel Fruit & S. S. Co.

Delta Line

Elder Dempster Line

Ente Trasporto Cotoni

Federal Line

French Line

French American Line

Gans Line

Gans S. S. Line

Green Star Line

Gulf & International S. S. Co.

Gulf & Southern S. S. Co.

Gulf Navigation Co.

Harrison Line

Head Line

Holland American Line

Isthmian S. S. Lines

Kerr S. S. Co.

Lamport & Holt

Leyland Line

Lloyd Brazileiro

Lloyd Royal Belge

Lykes Bros. Lines

Maclay Line

Manchester Line

Mayer Lines

Mexican Fruit & S. S. Co.

Miller, A. K. & Co.

Mississippi Shipping Co.

Moore & McCormick Line

Morgan Line

Munson Line

Nosa Line

New York & Porto Rico S. S. Co.

Nippon Yusen Kaisha

Northern Transport Line

Northway, Mexico & Gulf Line

Osaka Shosen Kaisha

Otis Manufacturing Co.

Pacific, Caribbean & Gulf Line

Pan American Petroleum & Trans. Co.

Pan American S. S. Co.

Panama Far East Line

Pinillos Line

Polis-American Navigation Corp'n.

Prince Line

Royal Holland Lloyd

Shore Line

Shore Line (1119 Whitney)

Segari Line

Società Nazionale Di Navigazione

Società General de Tranp. Mar. a Vap.

Southern Pacific S. S. Co.

Standard S. S. Co.

J. H. W. Steele Co.

Swedish American Mexico Line

Tampa Inter-Ocean S. S. Co.

Taya's Jose Sons

Texas Transport & Terminal Co.

Toyo Kisen Kaisha

Trans-Atlantic S. S. Co.

Trosdal, Plant & Lafonta

Union Fruit Co.

United American Line

United Fruit Co.

United States Shipping Board

United Steamship Co.

Vaccaro Bros.

Ward Line

Western Fruit & S. S. Co.

Total eighty-four

The countries with which New Orleans had no trade during the period 1911-1919 were: Argentina, Australia, Barbadoes, British Guiana, British South Africa, Dominican Republic, Finland, French West Indies, Gibraltar, Haiti and Venezuela. With the Philippine Islands its trade amounted to only $92.

p624 The following table presents in brief form the most significant features of the New Orleans shipping in 1920:

American Vessels in Foreign Trade Foreign Vessels in Foreign Trade

Entered Cleared Entered Cleared

No. Tonnage No. Tonnage No. Tonnage No. Tonnage

Jan. 66 130,664 74 170,552 58 102,400 67 148,233

Feb. 72 144,580 77 160,306 51 121,508 58 121,914

Mch. 98 193,431 82 168,970 67 117,274 71 148,604

Apr. 86 175,303 85 188,181 62 125,470 67 142,300

May 102 212,746 87 171,830 71 136,583 82 168,646

June 104 222,531 85 199,913 82 179,844 77 170,089

July 108 248,849 104 222,531 83 187,193 94 209,400

Aug. 106 237,202 91 237,193 95 232,966 95 227,548

Sept. 99 245,676 101 270,548 84 207,501 92 235,646

Oct. 101 241,511 119 279,294 80 175,455 109 266,058

Nov. 96 217,842 97 254,061 89 210,808 76 197,492

Dec. 98 267,770 90 223,862 104 252,576 122 283,948

1,136 2,538,105 1,101 2,547,241 926 2,049,578 1,010 2,319,878

Summary for 1920 No. American Tonnage No. Foreign Tonnage No. Total Tonnage percent American

Entered 1,136 2,538,105 926 2,049,587 2,062 4,587,683

Cleared 1,101 2,547,241 1,010 2,319,878 2,111 4,867,119

Totals 2,237 5,085,346 1,936 4,369,456 4,173 9,454,802 53.8percent

The railroads serving the port are the New Orleans Public Belt, Illinois Central, Yazoo and Mississippi Valley, Gulf Coast Lines, Louisiana Railway and Navigation Company, Louisville and Nashville, Louisiana Southern, Missouri Pacific, Texas and Pacific, New Orleans and Lower Coast, Morgan's Louisiana and Texas Railroad and Steamship Company (Southern Pacific), Southern Railway System, New Orleans and Great Northern. The track storage facilities of these lines amount to 15,156 cars. The actual track facilities alongside the wharves for the entire port will accommodate 600 cars at one setting and there would be no difficulty in making four or more settings a day. The railroad operating conditions at the port are such that the number of settings is limited only by the ability of the ships to take the cargo. The Joint Traffic Bureau estimates that the port can handle a total of 3,000 cars a day, made up of 1,800 cars of general commodities and 1,200 cars of grain.

The Illinois Central Railroad has extensive terminal facilities at the Stuyvesant docks in the upper part of the City of New Orleans and at Southport above the city, the Southern Pacific has fine facilities and extensive waterfront privileges at Algiers, that part of New Orleans on the west bank of the river; the Texas and Pacific has a wide frontage at Westwego on the west bank opposite the upper limits of the city, while the terminal and slip at Chalmette below the city furnishes a water terminal for other roads.

p625 An important element in the port facilities of New Orleans is the Public Belt Railroad, the only municipally owned and operated railroad in the United States. The idea of a road of this sort was first broached in 1888, but nothing of a definite nature was done till 1897. In that year an effort to obtain support from the South Legislature for the enterprise failed, but a systematic campaign was then begun to secure a right of way along the river front which could eventually be used for a belt road. This was naturally opposed by the roads which enjoyed a monopoly of the river front at that time, but the ensuing litigation, having been carried up to the State Supreme Court, was decided in favor of the city, and measurably cleared the way for ultimate success. The first link in the projected road was constructed in 1899 by the Illinois Central, from the upper limits of the Parish of Orleans to Audubon Park, under an agreement with the city by which the company received the right to lay its tracks on what is now known as Leake Avenue and to reach the river-front from the rear of the city. In August, 1900, an ordinance providing for a belt railroad successfully passed the city council.5 However, nothing was done under this law. In 1903 injudicious ordinances passed by the city council granted to certain railroads the right to make use of the public belt tracks as far as laid. These franchises were clearly incompatible with the idea of a municipally owned and operated road, and were fought in the courts, with a result that they were declared without effect. In 1904 the local commercial exchanges recommended to the city council the adoption of the system which is now in existence. This system involved the creation of a Public Belt Commission. An ordinance to cover the proposed organization was passed in October of that year.6

Unfortunately, at this time there were no funds available for the construction of this work. However, a survey was made of the route around the city. Practically the entire right of way along the river-front which the commission proposed to follow was so complicated by anterior franchises that it seemed impossible to clear them away without prolonged litigation. This, however, was achieved, principally as a result of the firmness with which the mayor asserted the rights of the city in the matter. The financial difficulty was eventually solved by the city council making appropriations in anticipation of the revenues of the city, against which five percent interest-bearing certificates were issued, the aggregate appropriations, up to December 31, 1916, being no less than $534,691.68. The city, however, could not provide the entire amount necessary to carry out the plans of the commission. In November, 1908, an amendment to the state constitution was adopted by which it became possible to issue bonds to the amount of $2,000,000, with interest at five percent , predicated upon the earnings of the road and amply secured by the City of New Orleans. The road is not yet completely built. It began operation on August 18, 1908.

The public belt road is a terminal switching railroad, the purpose of which is to supply an adequate, economical, and non-discriminatory switching service to all who require and can use that service. It transfers car from railroad to railroad, from railroads to wharves, from railroads to industries and public delivery tracks; from industries to all transportation p626outlets to the city; and finally, it makes available to all railroads desiring an entrance into the city, all of the necessary wharf and individual switch connections at a low and uniform charge. The belt receives cars from the several railroad companies at different points, and handles them with its own equipment up to the several points of delivery. The operation of any railroad over its tracks is prohibited by law. It is the policy of the commissioners of the port of New Orleans, who have jurisdiction over the public wharves, that all of their properties shall be served exclusively by the public belt road. When completed, the double track of the belt will extend from the line dividing New Orleans from Jefferson Parish, down the river front a distance of — approximately eleven miles to the Inner Harbor (Navigation Canal). Both sides of the canal are to be served. Beyond the Inner Harbor lock a branch extends through the rear of the city to the upper protection levee, and from there to the point of commencement. At present the operation of the road is confined to the active commercial front of the city, and to industries in contiguous territory. Ultimately, the entire city will be belted, and the line extended to the west bank of the Mississippi for which purpose a bridge across the river is now under consideration (1921). At this time the belt owns — 24.05 miles of main line and — 46.77 miles of switches, including connections with all public wharves, etc., a total of — 70.82 miles. It has thirteen locomotives, a roundhouse, and machine shops. The belt assumes the obligations of a common carrier, operating under appropriate traffic rules and regulations. It is an associate member of the American Railway Association, and a member of the Per Diem Rules Agreement, Master Car Builders' Association and Freight Claim Agents' Association. On car-load competitive traffic received or forwarded for or from industries, switches and warehouses located on the tracks of the public belt the switching charges are absorbed by the connecting lines. The belt has a storage track capacity for 956 cars on the river front and a total storage track capacity of 2,429 cars. During the year 1920 it handled 243,674 cars.

Two other important enterprises which will, when completed, have a beneficial effect upon the commerce of the city, remain to be noticed. Upon the heels of the construction of its other public facilities, the board of commissioners of the port began the construction of a coal tipple at a cost of $600,000, and an industrial canal, the cost of which will be approximately $20,000,000. The coal tipple is nearly completed. It is on the river between Alonzo and Joseph streets. It is of the conveyor belt type and will be used for cargo and bunker coal. The plant consists of a hopper house into which cars are unloaded, a storage pile of 25,000 tons capacity over two re-inforced concrete reclaiming tunnels, upon which the coal is dumped through a series of gates in the roof of the tunnel, to be carried on belts to the loading towers; a "T" dock with barge loading docks at both ends. The estimated loading capacity aboard ship is 600 tons an hour from the storage pile, 225 tons an hour from cars and 250 tons an hour from barges. Automatic scales weigh the continuous stream of coal as it is carried along by belts, and a recording device furnishes direct readings constantly. With the exception of the steam unloading tower, the entire plant is operated electrically.

p627 The river front and wharves of the port are publicly owned, and while this is considered of great advantage to the public, the idea was conceived some years ago of building an inner harbor or canal on which industrial plants could be built by private capital, with the advantage of its own water-front control, giving access both to the railroads of the country through the public belt, and to the ocean through the Mississippi River. It seems that as far as back as 1845, some New Orleans merchants petitioned the State Legislature to grant them permission to construct a shed on the river front so that flour shipments brought down by boat from Cincinnati might be protected from the weather while awaiting sailing ships to the New England states. The Legislature refused this request on the grounds that the river front was public property and could not be leased to any private interests or turned over to anyone for development. Interest soon waned and the project was dropped. It was revived fifty-six years later — ? in 1902. A new arrival in New Orleans picked up a volume of DeBow's Review published in 1846 and read the story of the unsuccessful attempt of New Orleans merchants to build a shed on the river front to protect Cincinnati flour cargoes. He saw the need of better port facilities for New Orleans, and then and there was born the idea of the Industrial Canal and Inner Harbor.7

In July, 1914, after twelve years of propaganda, an amendment to the state constitution was adopted authorizing the Dock Board to build a canal, but the amendment provided no money to do the work. Neither did it authorize the Dock Board to sell any of the lands along the canal, though it might lease them. It did, however, authorize the Dock Board and the Levee Board the contract with each other to build the canal.8

On February 10, 1918, some of New Orleans' leading men met in the board room of the Hibernia Bank at which the need for the canal was discussed and fully recognized. City and state officials, as well as commercial exchange and bank products, newspaper editors and others present expressed a desire that the canal be built without further delay. The development of a financial plan was entrusted to one of the bank products. He suggested that the Levee Board (which was charged with the responsibility of the maintenance of levee lines along the canal, and which possessed taxing powers) make a contract with the Dock Board under which the Dock Board would build and maintain the levees along the canal, and the Levee Board would supply the money needed to pay the interest on the bonds to be issued for the building of the canal. The municipal belt railroad, in exchange for monopolistic rights along the canal, was to supply $50,000 a year during the life of the bonds.

In this way the canal was financed after some additional enabling legislation had been obtained from the State Legislature. Later on the arrangement was confirmed by an amendment to the state constitution.9

Work actually began on June 6, 1918. The dedicatory ceremonies were held on May 2, 1921. One of the greatest enterprises undertaken by the city in its entire history, the rapidity of the development of New Orleans may be judged from the fact that, while the work was in its initial stages, it was determined to enlarge the capacity of the canal some seventy percent , to give a 30-foot depth instead of sixteen feet, as originally p628projected, in order that the largest vessels which came to New Orleans might be comfortably handled. The canal is five and a half miles in length, and when completed, will be 300 feet wide on the surface, and 150 feet wide on the bottom. At present it is 150 feet wide and 26 feet deep. A little over one mile back from the river will be a turning basin 850 feet wide and 1,000 feet long for the use of ships leaving the Inner Harbor, via the river, after discharging or receiving freight. Thence a canal extends straight to Lake Pontchartrain, while at right angles branches off another waterway which runs in a generally eastern direction, ending in a barge canal by which communication is had with Lake Borgne. On either side of the canal the Dock Board owns lands, 597 acres in all, which are available for the location of industrial enterprises; and when these shall have been exhausted, additional areas, estimated at 50,000 acres in all, can be made accessible by the construction of laterals and basins.

The construction of the canal was undertaken by a company headed by Col. George Goethals, builder of the Panama Canal. The work was not without its own peculiar difficulties, comparable in many ways with those at the Isthmus. The lock which connects the canal with the Mississippi is a remarkable piece of engineering work. The soil in which it is located, formed by the silt of the Mississippi, proved exceedingly soft; filled with strata of quicksands, with an upward pressure of marsh-gas and a lateral pressure from the water of the gulf and the river. It was necessary to carry the foundations down 50 feet below the surface of the ground. The test borings failed to reveal the subterranean pressures. The engineers proposed an excavation 350 feet wide by 1,500 feet long, with sides gently inclined to avoid earth-slides, down to the center, where the lock, 150 by 1,020 feet, was to be built. It was necessary to place two coffer-dams to wall off the quicksands which had to be penetrated. As long as the lock-site remained full of water, no difficulty was encountered with the pressure, but as soon as the process of unwatering was begun, preliminary to driving the foundation piles and laying the concrete, the effects of earth-, gulf- and gas-pressures on the quicksands was such that they ran through all defenses as through so many sieves; slides began, and the bottom began to "blow" up. Only by turning in a great volume of water to restore the balance, could the situation be corrected. Then 186 artesian wells were sunk, which had the effect of relieving the quicksands and the gas pressures. A third coffer-dam — ? this time of steel — ? one of the largest of the type ever constructed — ? was put in position, heavily braced with large timbers. On November 18, 1919, the task of emptying the lock excavation of water was warily resumed. Only a foot of water was removed at a time, and that only every other day. This method gave entire satisfaction. With the exception of one section of the wooden cofferdams, which moved forward a few inches, over a distance of about 300 feet, until engaged and arrested by the bracing, everything held.

The foundations of the lock rest upon 24,000 piles driven to a depth of 100 feet below the surface of the ground. The lock itself is a solid mass of steel and concrete 1,020 feet long, 150 feet wide, and 68 feet deep, weighing 225 tons empty, and 350,000 tons when filled with water. The usable dimensions of the lock are 75 by 600 feet, with a depth of 30 feet at minimum low water. The top stands 6 feet above the highest level ever recorded in the Mississippi. There are five sets of gates and p629an emergency dam, the latter designed to be used only in the remote case that the lock-gates fail to work, and the city be threatened with inundation from that cause. Four pairs of the gates are of 55-foot size; the fifth is of 42-foot size. These gates are 4 feet thick and weigh 200 tons each. When open they fit flush into the lock walls. Each gate is operated by a 52-horsepower electric motor. Ships entering or leaving the lock will not proceed under their own power, but be worked through by capstans, of which there are six, two at each end of the lock, and two in the middle, each actuated by a 52-horsepower motor capable of developing a pull of 35,000 pounds.

A notable feature of the engineering work at this point is the enormous concrete syphon, the largest of its kind in the United States, which will carry the entire drainage of the city under the industrial canal and empty it into Bayou Bienvenu. This syphon is 378 feet long, and divided into two storm chambers each measuring 10 by 13 feet, one normal weather chamber measuring 4 by 10 feet, and a public utilities duct, in which will be laid gas and water mains, electric cables, etc. In ordinary weather the drainage will be sent through the smaller chamber. The larger channels will be employed as required. The syphon has a capacity of 2,000 feet per second. The floor of this great tube is located 46 feet below the surface of the ground. Its construction involved some of the same problems of quicksand and gas-pressures that the building of the lock involved, though, of course, on a smaller scale.

Four bascule steel bridges cross the Industrial Canal. Their extreme length is 160 feet; the moving leaf has a span of 117 feet. Three of them weigh 1,600,000 pounds each — ? superstructure only; the fourth, at the lock, 1,000,000 pounds; they are balanced by 800-ton concrete blocks. With a 30-foot right of way for railroad tracks, 11 feet for vehicles and trolley cars, and four feet for pedestrians, they are designed to meet traffic conditions of a great and growing city. They will support 50-ton street cars or 15-ton road rollers and trains a great deal heavier than any now coming to the South. Their tensile strength is from 55,000 to 85,000 pounds to the square inch, and they will bear a wind load of twenty pounds to the square inch of exposed surface of moving leaf. They are operated by two 75-horsepower electric motors; in addition, there is a 36-horsepower gasoline motor, to be used if the electrical equipment is out of order. To open or close the bridges will require a minute and a half.

Seventeen and a half million dollars in bonds have to date been issued to build the Industrial Canal. Almost this entire amount has been spent, and it will soon be necessary to draw against the $2,500,000 for which provision was made when the last issue was floated. At the meeting of October 17, 1919, called by the Dock Board to consult with the business interests of the city it became apparent that from five to seven and a half million dollars more would be needed. This was promptly guaranteed.

The advantages of the canal are, that it affords navigable water-front industrial sites, closely served by the public belt railroad, to which long-time leases may be acquired by private enterprises; the fixed-level navigable water, necessary to some enterprises which cannot readily use the frontage on the Mississippi, where there is a difference between the high and the low water level of as much as 21 feet; and a shorter route from New Orleans to the sea — ? about one-half of the one by the Mississippi. p630The banks of the canal have been already offered for the development of private industrial undertakings, and already two large ship-building plants, those of the Foundations Company, and of Doullut & Williams, have been established and are in operation there. But the benefits from the canal will begin to be most definitely felt when the National Government shall have adopted the free port system, by which other countries have pushed their foreign trade to such heights. Free ports are zones established in which imports may be stored, repacked, manufactured and then exported without the payment of duties. The present law makes provision for the refund of duties so paid, but only after vexatious delays and expensive red tape. In the preliminary investigations and recommendations by the department of commerce, New York, San Francisco and New Orleans have been designated as the first free ports that should be established. With the ample space that it offers for expansion, the Industrial Canal is the logical location for the free zone. It is only a question of time when the Government will open a new ship-route to the sea, by dredging a channel, from the Industrial Canal through Lake Pontchartrain or Lake Borgne. This would put New Orleans fifty miles nearer to deep water, and would have other commercial advantages. The United States engineers have for some months been studying the routes. Not only are both of these routes feasible, but because of the hard bottom and the slight action of cross-currents, the maintenance cost would be cheaper than any of the artificially dredged channels leading into the gulf at Mobile Bay, Gulfport, Atchafalaya, or Houston. It is estimated that the annual fill would be about 112,000 cubic yards a mile. The nearest second to that is the outer end of the Gulfport channel, where the shoaling is at the rate of 200,000 cubic yards. The cost of dredging the channel is estimated by engineers at $10,000,000.10

In connection with the Industrial Canal important benefits will accrue to the city from the army supply base erected by the United States Government in 1917. This enormous plant was intended for the use of the army quartermaster corps, and cost $13,548,000. There are three re-enforced concrete six-story warehouses, each measuring 600 by 140 feet, all equipped with the latest modern freight handling devices. These buildings furnish over 1,500,000 square feet of storage, not taking into account an additional area of 564,000 square feet, provided by a double-decked wharf and wharf-house in front of the warehouses.

The two decades immediately following the Civil war saw the rise of the Mississippi River steamboat traffic to its height, and its decline. At the beginning of the present century the river-business, which at one time constituted the backbone of New Orleans commerce, was practically extinct, the railroads having usurped the functions previously exercised by the river craft. An attempt with Government aid is now under way to revive the river trade by the utilization of large barges, and it is believed that the river will soon again become the important highway of commerce it was in the half-century 1830-1880.

In April, 1918, the Committee on Inland Waterways submitted to Congress a report recommending the utilization of the New York Barge Canal and the Lower Mississippi River. For the Lower Mississippi River it p631recommended a fleet to cost $8,200,000. On the Mississippi twenty steel flat-deck barges belonging to the United States engineers were chartered and temporary cargo houses erected on them, capable of carrying about 450 tons of freight each. A part of the fleet of the Kansas City-Missouri River line, consisting of two 1,000-ton barges, three 600-ton barges and two small towboats were purchased. Three other towboats were leased. The design of the committee in April, 1918, was a fleet capacity of 100,000 tons, to carry annually 1,080,000 tons. The result during the first year of operation was a fleet capacity of scant 10,000 tons, which carried 100,594 tons — ? about one-tenth of the designed traffic.

A classified statement of the tonnage and revenue handled on this Mississippi Barge Line from January 1, 1919 to December, 1920, showed these totals: Total tons, south and north bound, 104,769; total revenue, $400,643.30; average revenue per ton, $3.83. Virtually every shipper in the broad watershed between the Alleghany and Rocky mountains can take advantage of the barge line, which is designed not only to lower the freight charges in that vast territory, but primarily in time of lack of transportation facilities, to release that much rail equipment and service, and make it available to himself and all other shippers to be used in some other direction. In the first year of operation the barge line, with a small temporary fleet, supplied 75,000,000 ton-miles of transport service. With the fleet now under construction, when completed, it will be able to furnish 1,000,000,000 ton-miles annually.

A branch of the commerce of New Orleans the importance of which is underestimated even in the city itself is that on the New and Old Basins and their canals. The imports over these routes are valued at about $1,500,000 per annum. The Old Basin and Canal, more properly called the Carondelet Canal, was perhaps the first artificial waterway constructed in the great territory of Louisiana. It was built to connect New Orleans with Lake Pontchartrain through Bayou St. John. History tells us that Bienville established the capital of the province on the Mississippi River, but that empire builder probably had his eye on the Bayou as much as on the river. The bayou was the point of entrance to the new town site and in direct communication with the settlements on Mississippi Sound, whereas the route by the river was long and at times dangerous. Between the bayou and the little settlement was a swamp, traversed by an Indian trail, which later became Bayou Road Street. The portage from bayou to town was difficult and laborious and the earliest settlers must have seen the necessity for an extension of the bayou to the walls of the city. Nothing was done, however, until Carondelet became governor of the Spanish province.11

Bayou St. John was a narrow and shallow stream, without current, except during flood. It ran from a point in the rear of the spot where the town was located into Lake Pontchartrain, its source being about a mile and a half from the river. It broke through the Metairie Ridge, which runs from the river to a considerable distance beyond the point where the bayou cuts through it. The main French settlements were on the coast of the Mississippi Sound, at Biloxi, Dauphin Island, p632Pass Christian, Bay St. Louis and Mobile, and communication existed between these posts and the French posts in Illinois and Canada by means of canoes and pirogues. The main route was through Mississippi Sound, Lake Borgne, Lake Pontchartrain and Bayou St. John, and up the Mississippi River. After Bienville moved his headquarters from Mobile to New Orleans no attempt was made to improve the little bayou, which had a bar across the mouth, passable by even small schooners only at high water. The Spanish built a fort at the mouth of the bayou, because it offered access to New Orleans. This old fort still stands. During the French and Spanish dominations the bayou was navigable as far up as the settlement at the bayou, where the portage trail struck the stream, and where a rude bridge was built, but this navigation was confined to canoes, pirogues and "chalans" or bateaux.

Seventy-six years after the founding of the city, in 1794, Louisiana then being a Spanish colony, Baron de Carondelet, the royal governor, laid off a strip of land extending from Bayou St. John to a point adjacent to the ramparts of the city for the purpose of digging a canal to connect the city through the bayou with the lake. This strip was 150 feet wide. Through the center of this strip there was dug by slave labor, donated by the king's liege subjects, a ditch fifteen feet wide for the double purpose of navigation and drainage. It was intended that the strips on either side the ditch should be embellished with an avenue of trees, affording an esplanade for the recreation of the inhabitants. But "mañana" is no new word for in the Spanish language and the esplanade was never built. The canal was allowed to fill up with the sediment carried in the drainage from the town, and when the Americans took charge of the colony the ditch was practically useless for purposes of navigation. Pierre Baam testified that "this canal and basin did not last long; the canal got filled up by cattle passing through it." The territorial council of Orleans in 1805 vested the canal and bayou in the Orleans Navigation Company for the purpose of improvement and permitted the collection of tolls for its use. Up to November 15, 1821, the company expended $143,490.39 upon work in the bayou and canal, and $28,633.08 in the purchase of land. Ultimately $375,000 was expended in the digging of the canal, its basin, and deepening the bayou. In 1821 the state brought suit to forfeit the charter of the navigation company but was unsuccessful. The company continued to operate until 1852 when it became insolvent, and its charter was judicially forfeited. The property was purchased by Currie and others, who organized the New Orleans Canal and Navigation Company and transferred the property to that corporation. The company was to have corporate existence for fifty years from March 10, 1858, after which it was to revert to the state under certain conditions. After the expiry of this half century the state entered claim to the property, which claim has been contested in the courts since that date and is still before the Supreme Court of the United States, where it promises to remain for some years.

The canal served for over a century to supply the needs of the city in the commodities of the parishes across Lake Pontchartrain, the principal entries being schooners loaded with charcoal, firewood, lumber, sea food from the lakes and sound and various other articles. Until a new canal was dug in 1835 it was practically the only means of traffic with that territory. A proposition is now being urged to have p633the State of Louisiana purchase this property and operate it for the public benefit.12

The history of the New Basin Canal and Shell Road is not less interesting than that of its rival. In 1831, when the capital of Louisiana was at Donaldsonville, an act was passed by the Legislature to incorporate the New Orleans Canal and Banking Company. There was to be a capital of $4,000,000 to be raised by seven commissioners to be appointed by the governor. It was provided the charter was to run until 1871 and that the company should build a canal at a point above Gravier Street to Lake Pontchartrain. There were to be one or more basins and a breakwater extending into the lake. The work was to be accomplished within four years or the charter was to be forfeited. The company was given absolute right to enter upon the lands of anyone, and in case of disagreement as to value the judge of the parish was to appoint appraisers.

Incidental to building the canal the bank was to carry on a banking business at New Orleans and other points in the State. In March, 1831, the commissioners announced they would receive subscriptions and a month later the subscribers met to select thirteen directors for the corporation. The company purchased valuable properties for the location of the canal — ? city lands for $90,024.12, four thousand acres of the McCarty plantation for $130,000, the Redon plantation for $29,000 and part of the Augusta plantation for $4,800.

It is not generally known, but the record shows that Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, later great senator from that state and member of the president's cabinet, was selected by the Canal Bank to manage its canal property, and it was under his direction that the canal was dug. The entire excavation of the canal and basins to Metairie Ridge, a distance of — over three miles, was completed in August, 1834. The second division to the Lake, — considerably over two miles, was finished in July, 1835. The entire cost of the work, which was hampered greatly by outbreaks of cholera and yellow fever, was $1,226,070.

In 1848 the Legislature provided that a levee should be constructed along the upper side of the canal to protect the city from breaks in the river levees up stream, and it provided also for the construction of a road not less than 25 feet wide along the whole length of the canal, which was to be surfaced with shells or other hard substance. This became the shell road which was famous throughout the United States, and was the locus of the expression "2:40 on the shell road," when that was the limit of speed of trotting horses. It was also required by this act that the canal should be utilized for draining the contiguous swamps by the establishment of culverts.

The completion of this new waterway contributed largely to the trade of the city by opening another route to points across Lake Pontchartrain, and it aided greatly in the upbuilding of the upper (or new) part of New Orleans, building material in large quantities coming by lake schooners into the heart of the municipality. Soon after the canal was opened it did a larger business than the old canal, and it still does the bulk of the lake trade.

After the expiration of the charter of the bank, which has become one of the greatest of the city's financial institutions under a renewal p634of its life, the canal passed into the possession of the state and has since been operated as a state institution.

One of the most important features of New Orleans as a port is the fact that it is a "commodity port," where every kind of cargo may be obtained or delivered. Vessels calling for cotton have no difficulty in obtaining the necessary deadweight in iron and steel articles, spelter, or other metals. "An abundance of profitable freight is offered at all periods of the year. Rail and motor equipment, agricultural implements, cereals, canned goods of every kind, chemicals, confectionery, laces, piece goods, threads, ceramics, clothing, shoes, electrical goods, explosives, dried fruit, glassware, rubber goods, stationery, cutlery, enameled ware, hardware, machinery of all kinds, packing house products, condensed milk, dairy products, carbon black, paints, oils, papers, perfumes, silverware, silks and vegetables are some of the commodities which move in quantity and give the port its industrial standing."13 On the other hand New Orleans readily absorbs large quantities of fertilizers, crude rubber, raw cocoa, burlaps, hides, skins, hardwoods, notions, chicory, ferromanganese, clay, jute bags, toys and other goods in bewildering variety.

Still another advantage arises from the fact that the city itself is a great business center. The bank clearings of New Orleans increased from $972,165,000 in 1915 to $3,315,319,000 in 1920. The debits to individual accounts, which are the real index of business transactions, or purchasing power, were $4,178,562,000 in 1920 — ? more than the combined total of the next two cities in the Sixth Federal Reserve District. Thehas '+BadF+'the'+CloseF+' uncapitalized — ?

a piece of sentence may be missing.',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();"> total banking resources in 1920 averaged over $300,000,000. There are over forty banks and branches in the city, with a capital surplus and undivided profits of $24,300,000. While not primarily a manufacturing city, New Orleans possesses many such enterprises of importance. The value of manufactured products per annum is estimated at $150,000,000, the principal lines being boxes, boxcars, burlap bags, canned products, candy, cigars and tobacco, clothing, cooperage and staves, food products, furniture, cotton goods, cotton seed products, ice, lumber, machine shop and foundry products, naval stores, sugar, rice, saddlery and harness, ships and boats. In all there are in New Orleans at the present time between 1,500 and 2,000 factories and industries, including the largest mahogany manufacturing plant in the world. The retail trade zone of New Orleans is large and constantly growing. It is estimated to contain a population of 2,000,000. The domestic wholesale zone is, of course, much wider. The estimated annual distribution is $1,000,000. The city is a recognized jobbing center for groceries, dry goods, drugs, and hardware for five states and for Central and South America. It is an active agent in promoting not only the interests of the city but of the Mississippi Valley which, it recognizes, are intimately connected with the future growth of New Orleans.

A few figures may be appropriately appended here to illustrate the vast scale on which the commercial and mercantile development of the p635city has gone forward in the last twenty years. During that time the United States Government has spent $20,253,006.00 in the city, $13,548,006 on the army supply base, and $6,705,000 on the naval station. The dock board has expended $34,989,944.11, of which the largest single item has been for the Inner Harbor. The Orleans Levee Board's expenditures total $10,092,943.02. The Belt Railroad has involved an outlay of $1,970,000. The railroads have built river terminals which cost $15,954,000. If we add the amounts spent by the federal, state and city authorities and the property owners in various works of sanitation, amounting, in all, to over $41,000,000, we have a total expenditure at the port of New Orleans since 1900 of $124,758,510.24. The United States Government has spent $440,402,793.78 on the Mississippi River and its tributaries and upon the new barge line, which sum may justly be added to the foregoing total, giving a grand total of $565,161,304.02 expended in the city for its direct benefit — ? an average of over $24,000,000 per annum.14

The Author’s Notes

1 The preliminary figures for 1921 show that the total volume of exports and imports at New Orleans exceed that of both Philadelphia and San Francisco combined, as follows: New Orleans, $534,042,464; Philadelphia, $252,970,770; San Francisco, $226,224,655. The percentage of loss in 1921 for these three ports was: New Orleans, 45.8 percent ; Philadelphia, 65 percent ; San Francisco, 48.3 percent . The average loss for the United States in this period was 48.2 percent .

2 Table supplied by the Research Department, Association of Commerce.

3 New Orleans Item, May 1, 1921.

4 The foregoing tables are furnished by the Research Bureau of the Association of Commerce, William Dinwiddie, statistician.

5 Ordinance No. 147, N. C. S.

6 No. 2683, N. C. S., approved October 4, 1904.

7 Daily States, May 1, 1921.

8 Act 244 of 1914.

9 Daily States, May 1, 1921. See Ordinance No. 5098, C. C. S., which establishes the boundaries of the canal reservation.

10 T. E. Dabney, in Item, May 1, 1921.

11 Benjamin T. Waldo, of New Orleans, who has been engaged for years in the suit before the U. S. Supreme Court concerning the ownership thereof, has investigated the history of the canal, and the narrative here given is based on papers in his possession.

12 Times-Picayune, April 3, 1921.

13 Gulf Ports Magazine, July, 1920, p29.

14 I am indebted to Dr. William Dinwiddie, statistician of the Department of Research of the Association of Commerce, for the revision of this chapter, which he has, at my request, courteously and efficiently made.

p636 Chapter XL

The City's Charities

No feature of New Orleans is more characteristic and none more picturesque than its charities. Many of these are in the hands of the churches. Many others are governed by benevolent societies instituted for the purpose. There are, moreover, several funds in the custody of the city, the income from which is applied to eleemosynary purposes. The oldest of these are the Henderson and Girod funds; the latest the Delgado fund, instituted under the will of a wealthy citizen who was interested especially in the technical education of the poor. It is probable that no city in the United States has as many establishments of this order; certainly none the history of whose charitable funds is more strangely diversified with the incidents of war and reconstruction.

The Henderson Fund is a fund, the income of which is dispensed by a board of commissioners for the benefit of the poor of New Orleans. It was instituted under the will of Stephen Henderson, which bore the date of August 1, 1837. It contained the following remarkable paragraph: "I feel no obligation, however, for this act of charity. It is only done to help the poor, who, like myself, may be thrown upon the world without a penny or a friend. My greatest object is to do the greatest quantity of good, and to the greatest number of persons and to the poorest people." This object, however, was for a long time prevented by litigation. The will was probated March 14, 1838, before Judge Bermudez. A suit to annul the instrument was carried up to the State Supreme Court, where the chief justice, Thomas Slidell, handed down a decision declaring of no effect some of its most interesting provisions, particularly those arranging for the gradual liberation of the testator's slaves, provided they should voluntarily return to Africa; for the maintenance intact of the succession, and for the establishment on the Destrehan plantation of a city to be called Dunblane, after the Scottish town in which Henderson first saw the light. Involved in this litigation are some of the most famous names of the old bar of New Orleans — ? Grimes, Prentiss, Soulé and Briggs. Destrehan remains today a station on the railroad a few miles above New Orleans; and — half a mile away, in a tomb surrounded by an iron fence, in what is known as the Red Church cemetery, lie forgotten even by those who benefit from his generosity today, the remains of Henderson, by the side of his wife.

The Henderson will provided that the estate, after the payment of certain legacies, be kept intact and administered by a board of three commissioners, to act as such during their lives; vacancies to be filled by appointment by the governor, the chief justice, and the judge of the Probate Court (Civil District Court). The executors were P. A. Rost, Stephen Henderson, Jr., and Jonathan Montgomery. The commissioners were to receive $1,500 each per annum. Rost subsequently became a member of the State Supreme Court and was acting as such when the case of the heirs vs. the executors came before that court, in 1850, when he recused himself. Later on, after the partition of the property, he became owner of the Destrehan plantation. The will p637bequeathed to the Charity Hospital, the "Orphan Boys" (the Asylum for Destitute Boys) and the "Orphan Female Society" (Female Orphan's Asylum) the sum of $2,000 each; and to "the Firemen's Fund" (Firemen's Charitable Association) $500 per annum. A legacy of $2,000 per annum during a period of five years was left to Doctor Clapp's Church; of the same amount to the Catholic Cathedral, to "Maffit's Church" and to "The English Church in Canal Street" (Christ Church). One clause provided for the payment of $2,000 per annum during a period of ten years to the authorities of the City of Dunblane in Scotland to enable them to establish a school "for the education of the poor." To the same city Henderson left $2,000 annually in perpetuity for the relief of the poor.

Henderson owned, among other important properties, the Houmas plantation. This estate was his jointly with Henry Doyal. In the will elaborate provision was made for the acquisition of Doyal's interest in this property, together with the slaves thereon. This was to be done preliminary to the enfranchisement of any of such slaves as signified voluntarily their desire to return to Africa. Those who did not elect to return to Africa were to remain in slavery. The attempt of the executors to carry out the will insofar as concerned the Doyal interests resulted in litigation. In 1850, as has been said, Judge Slidell nullified the provisions relative to the liberation of the slaves, the creation of the City of Dunblane, and the perpetuation of the estate as an entity. Meanwhile there had been a partition of the property now occupied by the Shipper's Cotton Press, constituting the square bounded by Robin, Front, Fulton and Henderson streets,1 and of other property situated below Henderson Street. This property was appraised and partitioned in a fashion such as to guarantee the legacies of $2,000 per annum to the Henderson Poor Fund, thus created; the Charity Hospital, the Destitute Orphan Boys' Asylum, the Female Orphans' Asylum, and the legacy of $500 per annum to the Firemen's Charitable Association. This was in 1841. At that time Front Street was really what its name implies; all the land in front was "batture" or alluvial deposits. The edge of the river was — from 100 to 175 feet further inland than it is today. The center of the Mississippi was actually just a little beyond the edge of the present Henderson Street wharf. In the course of time all the property below Henderson Street was sold by those to whom it was assigned in the partition of 1841, and passed into the hands, first of Sam Boyd, and finally of the Texas & Pacific Railroad. Both Boyd and the railroad acquired ownership outright. The titles of the lots in the square bounded by Robin, Front, Fulton and Henderson streets established the relative interests of the various owners in the batture and all subsequent accretions in front of Front Street, from Henderson to Fulton. This arrangement has existed undisturbed from that day to this. The only change has been in the ownership of certain of the lots which were acquired by Sam Boyd, and upon which this gentleman erected the Shipper's Press.

The Press occupied the entire square. Some of the lots, as has been said, had been acquired outright by Boyd; but others were held on lease. Subsequently the Texas & Pacific Company secured in fee simple the lots held by Boyd in this square, and, incidentally, the rights p638which went with them to the batture property. The railroad eventually occupied under lease the whole of the batture and the square bounded by Henderson, Robin, Front and Delta streets. The terms of its lease were that the property be appraised at the end of each decade, and the rental established on the basis of that appraisement at the rate of eight percent per annum. The value of this property is large — ? probably over $120,000. By virtue of the fact that the railroad company is itself part owner of the square occupied by the Shipper's Press, part of its rent is returned to it. The rest, however, goes to the Henderson Poor Fund, the Charity Hospital, and the other institutions mentioned in Henderson's will, in proportion to their holdings outright in the Shippers' Press Square. This fund is administered by the Henderson Poor Fund Commission, which also administers the property, on behalf of itself and the other owners.

The distribution of the Henderson Poor Fund is effected through almoners appointed by the commission. There has never been any legislation with regard to the appointment of the commissioners. None has been needed. The Henderson will furnishes ample authority. By consent and custom the chief justice of the state and the senior judge of the Civil District Court, as successor to the Probate Court of Henderson's time, endorse the governor's appointments. The only requirement under the will is that the commissioner be "moral, correct, honest and intelligent men and under a good moral character." They serve without pay during good behavior, give no bond, and are accountable to no one as to their collections, disbursements, or methods followed in effecting either collections or disbursements. There has been a remarkable harmony with regard to the management of the property. The disbursements have usually been made through women, appointed as almoners, who by temperament, training and experience are competent to place the funds where they will do the greatest good to deserving persons. Just as Henderson's will contemplated the management of his estate by men of such probity that bonds would be superfluous, so in their turn the almoners have been persons worthy of absolute confidence. Hence, no restrictions are put upon the amounts which the almoners distribute. It will be seen, then, that insofar as the appointment of the commissioners is concerned, the Henderson fund is a public institution, but insofar as its management is concerned, it is a private charity.

The Girod fund, which, like the Henderson fund, was by its founder intended to subsist as an entity, and which would, had the wishes of the testator been observed, now amount to an immense sum, was distinctly a public institution. It was established, as has been narrated elsewhere, by Nicholas Girod, the first elected mayor of New Orleans. At his death, in 1840, Mr. Girod left $100,000 to the mayor of New Orleans, as custodian, for the purpose of establishing and maintaining an institution for the support and education of orphans of French parentage. The bequest was, however, immediately made the subject of litigation. Girod had been the executor of his brother's estate; a considerable portion of that brother's property had been acquired by him in payment of debts alleged to be due by the estate; and the claim was set up by a group of heirs in Europe that these claims were not well founded.

The Supreme Court of the United States handed down a decision in favor of the heirs, with the result that the amount finally handed p639over to the City of New Orleans was only a little more than $28,000.2 This sum, however, was carefully administered. By wise investments it was increased by 1870 to $75,703.43. It was then decided to carry out the provisions of the will and a group of buildings was erected in the rear of the city, on Metairie Ridge, in the rear of St. Patrick's Cemetery. These structures have now been demolished. They cost a large sum, however, and the amount of the fund remaining was so insignificant, that there was little prospect that the buildings and grounds would ever actually be utilized for the purpose which the founder had in view. For some time the place stood vacant. Then it was occupied by the city as a boys' house of refuge down to the time when the new reformatory was erected in Nashville Avenue. In April, 1894, the city council directed the comptroller to advertise the lease of the buildings and grounds for a period of ninety-nine years, the lessee binding himself to care for a certain number of orphans of French parentage throughout that period. On May 24, 1894, the bid of S. Vidalat, vice president of the French Orphan Asylum and of the Girod Asylum, was accepted. Mr. Vidalat bid $10 per annum and assumed the obligations described; but the board of health subsequently examined the premises and ascertained that they were unhealthful and unsuited to the purposes contemplated, and in consequence the council passed an ordinance releasing the society from its agreement. A few years later the buildings were turned over to the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, which established there a home for destitute colored boys who had been committed to the care of the society by the Juvenile Court. This arrangement was terminated six or seven years ago, when the city relieved the society of the charge of the buildings, the commissioner of public buildings being instructed to erect the new buildings which, with all modern improvements, mark the site and which are used as a house of detention for both white and colored boys. All that remain of the old buildings erected by the city with the Girod legacy are the chapel and part of the main building. These were utilized in the construction of the present structures.

The history of the Milne fund is something like that of the Girod fund in its record of the dispersal of what might have been a glorious heritage for the city. Alexander Milne was born at Fochabers, Scotland, in 1742. He started life as a footman in the family of the Duke of Richmond and Gordon. It is said that when this nobleman decided to put his household in livery, and required Milne to powder the fine head of bright red hair of which he was inordinately proud, he refused and, rather than submit, left his situation and emigrated to America. He arrived in Louisiana in 1776. It is not known what business he first followed in this city, but ultimately he established himself in the hardware trade, prospered, and then branched out into the manufacture of brick, in which business he utilized a large number of slaves. Most of the brick used in New Orleans in the latter part of the eighteenth century was his product. He is described as a small man, with hanging head, and eyes fixed constantly on the ground, oblivious to his surroundings, and dressed in such dilapidated garments that he was constantly mistaken by strangers for a beggar, but by his fellow citizens he p640was much esteemed as an honest, capable man, prudent and careful in his management of business. He resided on Bayou Road, near Robinson Street, in a singular, castellated mansion which was, after his death, converted into an asylum, or hospital, by a local French benevolent society. The building was remodeled, and in 1904 nothing remained of it except the walls, and these seem to have disappeared since then. From the Spanish Government Milne obtained large grants of land in the vicinity of the Gentilly farms. He became imbued with the idea that the swamp lands along the shore of Lake Pontchartrain would some day become valuable, and invested a considerable sum in the purchase of large tracts there until at the time of his death, in October, 1838, he owed — twenty-two miles along the margin of that body of water, extending from the Rigolets all the way into Jefferson Parish. In Milne's time persons going to and from Mobile usually made their way to or from New Orleans via the Old Basin Canal or Bayou St. John to Milneburg and there caught the steamer. Milne sold a great deal of his land in this town. These lots became very valuable. At one time the town was an important place, not much smaller than the City of New Orleans. It is said that in the course of a single week Milne once disposed of property in and around the town valued at $3,000,000. He also bought land in New Orleans. At his death it is estimated that his real estate was worth not less than $2,000,000 — ? an enormous sum in those days, equal to not less than $5,000,000 at the present time.

In his ninety-fourth year Milne, feeling that life was drawing to a close, made his will. He sent for Carlisle Pollock, the best-known notary then in New Orleans, and to him dictated a remarkable document. "I found him in his usual state of health and sound of mind, memory, and recollection," says the notary. Milne disposed of $30,000 in bequests to relatives in Scotland. He freed his two house servants, and made liberal provisions for their support. He assigned them ground on Esplanade Avenue and directed that $10,000 be used in building thereon two brick houses, the rent from which would suffice to keep them in comfort for the rest of their days; and until these houses were ready he authorized his executors to pay to each $3 per day for their support. But the most important feature of the will was the clauses dividing the residue of his estate into five parts, of which one part, valued at $100,000, was left to found a school in his native town in Scotland. The other parts, each estimated to be worth $500,000, he left to found two asylums and to endow two which were already in existence. "It is my positive wish and intention that an asylum for destitute orphan boys and another for the relief of destitute orphan girls shall be established at Milneburg, in this parish, under the name of the Milne Asylum for Destitute Orphan Boys and the Milne Asylum for Destitute Orphan Girls; and that my executors shall cause the same to be duly incorporated by the proper authorities of this state; and to the said contemplated institutions, and to the present institution of the society for the relief of destitute orphan boys of the City of Lafayette and parish of Jefferson in this state; and to the Poydras Female Asylum in this city I give and bequeath in equal shares or interests of one-fourth to each, all my lands on Bayou St. Joseph and on the Lake Pontchartrain, including the unsold land of Milneburg."3 Milne named as executors of his will G. W. Morgan, Richard Relf and Thomas Urquhart.

p641 The will was admitted to probate October 23, 1838. Five days later the original inventory was filed. From this it appeared that the estate amounted to $913,805.94, but as a matter of fact the real estate was appraised at purely nominal values, the whole immense trace along Lake Pontchartrain, for example, being set down as worth only $43,500. The executors made an effort to comply with the terms of the will. In 1839 the State legislature passed two acts duly organizing the asylums.4 The first board of directors of the girls' asylum was composed of Mmes. Daunoy, E. A. Canon, Marigny, Andry, Merle, Nott and Preston; Misses Barnet Brunetaire, and Messrs. Claiborne, Hennen, T. W. Morgan, Pollock, Clay and Kerr. The original board of directors of the boys' asylum was composed of Bishop Blanc, Relf, Morgan, Pollock, E. A. Canon, Louis Bringer, Charles Cuvillier, W. C. C. Claiborne and Hartwell Reed. Under the acts of incorporation it was stipulated that a meeting should be held annually on the first Monday in January, at which eight directors should be elected to preside over the destinies of each of these asylums during the following twelve-month. "If for any cause whatsoever," ran the charter, "an election of directors should not take place agreeably to the provisions of acts mentioned it is declared to be the duty of the state to appoint directors for the current year and also to fill any vacancies that may occur in that direction." Provision was also made for inspection of the institutions by government officials.

There has always been some uncertainty as to the actual existence of these asylums. Among the archives of the Civil District Court in New Orleans there are, however, papers audited and approved in 1840 which show that these institutions were actually opened and operated, though it appears that there never were more than a handful of children in either the boys' or the girls' asylums. These papers list sums of food, clothing, coffins, medicine, etc., which indicate that the energies of the directors were not wholly expended in other directions, and that they did make an effort to comply with the conditions of the Milne will. These asylums remained in operation down to 1865, when they "were closed on account of lack of funds." It is said that the boys' asylum was actually closed some time earlier, when the control of the Milne fund was put in the hands of a board of directors appointed by the United States military officials then in possession of the state. Definite information on this subject is not available.

The original directors are not wholly blamable for the haphazard way in which Milne's plans were carried out. They had many obstacles to contend against. There was, first of all, difficulty in getting the estate together. There was, secondly, long and costly litigation. A suit arose over the legacy to the Town of Fochabers. The Duke of Richmond and Gordon, on behalf of that town, brought suit for the legacy and finally obtained a decision against the executors. The point was, whether the legatees in Scotland were capable of inheriting under the law of Louisiana. That law provided that bequests could be made by citizens of the state only to persons residing in foreign lands the laws of which did not debar Louisianians from acquiring similar inheritances. The Scottish law, however, contained a provision requiring heirs to be citizens of the United Kingdom. It was held that this annulled Milne's bequest to the Town of Fochabers. The payment of the legacy with p642interest and the fees made a heavy inroad on the cash of the estate. However, this portion of Milne's fortune is the only one which ever proved of any benefit to anybody. With it was established a school of a technical sort, in which students were trained for the Government civil service. For a long time it was recognized as the best institution of the sort in Great Britain. Its excellence did much to establish the reputation of Scotland for the excellence of its educational system. It still exists. In the school building in Fochabers stands a statue of Milne, probably the only authentic portrait of the eccentric philanthropist that now may be seen.

Another expensive litigation resulted from the attempt of the Milne heirs to nullify the charitable bequests in the will. This suit was appealed from the Court of Probate in 1841. A decision was finally obtained against the plaintiff.

At the end of these long contests, in which participated all four of the institutions which Milne designed to benefit, there was left only the swamp land. Part of this was alienated as a result of contentions which arose regarding the division among the institutions interested; another part was forfeited in connection with the drainage warrants cases towards the close of the ante-bellum period; and still another portion fell into the hands of the railroad companies then building into the City of New Orleans. Then came the Civil war. At last, in 1864, one of the directors went to the then acting mayor and surrendered to him a few hundred dollars, with the statement that this, with the remainder of the land, was all that was left of what, under happier auspices, should have been one of the richest bequests to charity ever made in Louisiana. Later on, a large part of the land was sold for taxes due to the state and passed to private parties, whose titles thereto were confirmed subsequently by two decisions of the State Supreme Court.

After the Civil war no attempt was made to establish the asylums contemplated by Milne. The corporation has held a checkered career. The annual meeting for the election of directors seems to have been frequently neglected, and at intervals the governor of the state exercised the authority conferred upon him by the statutes of 1839 and named the board of directors in default of that which should have been chosen by the members of the corporation. The mayor of the City of New Orleans was usually a member of the boards thus appointed. There is in existence a report which shows that Mayor Flanders was a member on the board of 1870. Governor Wiltz issued a commission as director to Mayor Shakespeare in 1881. This fact, that the mayor was usually a member of the board of directors, accounts for the fact that the funds and the property of the asylums finally passed to the city; but nothing is definitely known of the history of the Milne bequest in all this period. During his term of office Mayor Flower turned over the money, bonds, and other property which had been placed in his hands by the predecessor to the custody of a board composed of the city treasurer, the city comptroller and himself. The property thus delivered to the board, which thereafter had charge of the administration, down to 1904, consisted in November, 1899, of $2,047.30 in cash, $4,000 in city constitutional bonds, $1,500 in "premium" bonds, and two pieces of real estate situated on Ursuline Street, in New Orleans. By judicious investment this fund showed thereafter a considerable increase.

p643 In the meantime the succession proceedings of the late Alexander Milne lay dormant in the Second District Court until the '90s, when they were transferred to the Civil District Court. In February, 1900, the State of Louisiana, through the attorney general, applied for the appointment of a trustee to take charge of the property of the two Milne asylums, and Charles Louque was appointed to that position. Mr. Louque was later also appointed receiver for these institutions, and in December, 1902, was authorized by the court to proceed to organize the asylums. There was, however, some question as to the right of the court to make these appointments, in view of the provisions in the acts of 1839, which conferred this function upon the Governor. The matter was brought before Governor Blanchard by Norman Walker, and in 1904 that official appointed new boards of directors, one each for the boys' asylum and one for the girls' asylum. To these appointees Mr. Louque turned over the property which had been put in his custody as trustee and receiver. The boards organized on August 24, 1904, with Mr. Walker as president of the boys' asylum and Miss Jean Gordon as president of the girls' asylum. The former board was composed of Norman Walker, F. J. Dreyfous, A. G. Ricks, Charles Louque, G. M. Leahy, F. F. Hansell and E. J. Hamilton. Mr. Dreyfous was elected vice president, Mr. Ricks treasurer and Mr. Leahy secretary. This organization still exists, with the exception that Mr. Louque has resigned from the board. This organization has limited its activities recovering and rehabilitating the real estate and assets of the fund. The real estate in the City of New Orleans has been sold; it holds now only the lands in and around Milneburg. The girls' asylum board also possesses considerable property at Milneburg. Under its auspices was established in 1920 a home for feebleminded girls at Kenner, La.5

One of the institutions which figured in the Milne will, but which appears not to have benefited thereunder was the Asylum for Destitute Orphan Boys. This institution is one of the oldest charitable institutions in the South. It was chartered about 1815 by an act of the Legislature. About 1865 the charter was renewed. The property of the institution is managed by a board of eight directors. Up to 1841 there was no permanent endowment but the asylum was supported by voluntary contributions from the community; in that year fire destroyed its plant and an appeal was made to the public for assistance. A legacy which was received a few years later from John McDonogh enabled the board to rebuild on an extensive scale on St. Charles Avenue, between Dufossat and Bellecastle streets. The buildings here, however, were badly damaged in the hurricane of 1915. The board thereupon sold its property in New Orleans and at the present time the asylum is located at Pass Christian, Miss., on the shore of the Gulf of Mexico. The legacy from McDonogh was the principal incident in the history of the institution. It was conscientiously conserved, and has been fruitful of the good desired by the donor.

McDonogh died in October, 1850, dividing the bulk of his enormous estate between the cities of New Orleans and Baltimore, for the establishment of free schools for the benefit of the poor. Out of this bequest p644has grown in large measure the present admirable school system of New Orleans. But McDonogh bequeathed to the Asylum for Destitute Orphan Boys one-eighth of the income of the net value of his estate, with the proviso, however, that the payments under this clause in his will should terminate when they aggregated a total of $400,000. This amount was never realized by the institution. Litigation and the Civil war are given as the causes which led to a reduction in the amount intended for this charity by the testator. The McDonogh estate became the subject of contention, the effect of which was to delay the distribution of funds among the legatees. In order to put an end to these delays, the City of New Orleans, in 1857, entered a suit in the Fifth District Court against the other corporations interested, and the court directed that a partition be made between the two cities named, subject to the then value of the annuities, of one of which the asylum was a beneficiary.

An appraisement of the estate by a commission appointed by the court showed that the estate was worth $1,465,680 instead of over $2,000,000, as had been previously estimated. On this basis it was figured that the then value of the annuity due to the asylum was $84,230.27. In arriving at this result it was assumed that the annual average income of the estate for twenty-four years would not exceed $64,000. On this basis the partition was effected under an order of the State Supreme Court in 1858. But the asylum actually received a larger sum. An entry in the books of its treasurer under date of August 1, 1859, shows that the sum of $100,039.25 was handed to the officials of the asylum. From this amount $5,258.40 in fees was deducted, leaving a net total of $94,779.85. It appears also that the city owed a further sum of $3,273.90 for an annuity payment decreed by the referees to whose consideration the asylum's claims had been referred. The sum thus received was expended in the purchase of the site on St. Charles Avenue and Dufossat Street occupied till recently by the institution. The fact that the asylum figured thus largely in the McDonogh will led to its receiving popularly the name of the McDonogh Asylum. The institution, however, also benefited under the Henderson will, as related above.

The other institution named in the Milne will — ? the Poydras Asylum — ? although a private institution in the sense that the municipality has nothing to do with its management, may be briefly mentioned here. It is the oldest orphanage in the city and probably the oldest in South. It was established prior to 1817 as the result of an appeal by the mayor of the city to Dr. and Mrs. George Hunter and a little group of devoted women, to help care for twenty orphan children brought into port by a plague-stricken immigrant ship. Up to that time the city had had no need of an orphanage. The disposition of these hapless arrivals was a grave problem. Mrs. Hunter, who was a Quakeress from Philadelphia, held a meeting at her home, at which a number of other ladies were present, with the result that the children were temporarily housed in private homes. A building was soon rented on Race Street and "Sycamore Grove." A charter was secured from the state on January 16, 1817. The incorporators were Mrs. A. H. Wolstoncraft, Mrs. M. A. Hunter, daughter of Dr. and Mrs. Hunter; Mrs. A. H. Finley, Mrs. S. F. Morgan, Mrs. A. Bryant and Mrs. H. H. Brand. The work aroused the interest of Julien Poydras, who gave $1,000 in cash and his home at the corner of Julia and St. Charles streets to shelter the little p645charges of the society. This site was occupied for thirty-nine years. Then, with the proceeds of the bequests of Poydras and Nicholas Girod, the present site at the corner of Magazine and Peters avenues was purchased. More than 2,000 children have been sheltered in this institution.

Still another great public charity, the fund for which, after many vicissitudes, was rescued and made to perform the splendid offices intended by its founder, is the Touro fund. On this fund the almshouse established by Mayor Shakespeare with the so-called "gamblers' fund" is now in part supported. Judah Touro, one of the wealthiest and most philanthropic of the great merchants of New Orleans, died in 1854. In his will he left a sum of money to establish an almshouse for the relief of the poor and aged. Previous to this time the city appears to have been without an institution of this character. There is, it is true, an old map, made in 1830, on which there is located at the corner of Canal and St. Philip (University Place) an "almshouse." But as the third charity hospital occupied that site, it seems clear that the almshouse, such as it was, was not an institution such as is implied in our present use of the word. The workhouse and the jail served in its place. An indigent was accorded quarters in these institutions and made to serve time really as a prisoner. Only in the numerous institutions supported by religion was the needy assured of sympathetic and respectful treatment. In fact, not until Touro suggested the necessity, does the need of a public "almshouse" seem to have been appreciated in the community. Touro's bequest was $80,000. It was left in trust with Rezin D. Shepherd. Associated with Mr. Shepherd as co-executors were A. K. Josephs, G. Kursheedt and P. A. D. Cazenave. By judicious investments Shepherd increased the original legacy to $130,000. He then added from his own funds the amount necessary to enable the purchase of a site on the river front, between Desire and Piety streets, which cost $43,000. The construction of a splendid building — 300 feet long and 60 feet deep, three stories high, in the Gothic style, was begun on February 22, 1858. In April, 1862, this edifice was substantially completed. It cost $206,000. The difference, estimated at $60,000, between this figure and the amount of the Touro bequest, is believed to have been contributed by Mr. Shepherd. The city was occupied by the Federals a few weeks later. The almshouse, not yet turned over to the city, was seized by the Federals under Butler, and used as a barracks. The date for the evacuation of the building was set at September 1, 1865. On the night before, however, fire broke out in the quarters occupied by Capt. Sylvanus Small's company and the building was completely destroyed. The flames seem to have caught inside of the structure. The soldiers had built an oven — 12 feet square against a ventilator shaft which was used as a chimney. While they were baking beans the shaft became overheated and ignited. The ruins stood for some years, but gradually crumbled away and the site was subsequently turned into a coal yard.

By order of Maj. Gen. E. R. S. Canby, a board consisting of three army officers was appointed to investigate the destruction of the almshouse. It met in New Orleans on September 10, 1865. It found that "the burning of the Touro almshouse on the night of September 1, 1865, was occasioned by a fissure in the ventilator, the impure air flue, used as a chimney for the bake oven erected in the right wing of the building, through which fire was communicated to the rafters." This report was p646adopted by the Court of Claims, which by some mysterious process of reasoning, found that "the reasonable rental value of said building during the said period of occupation, was $21,000, or $28,000 less than the Government had expended thereon in the completion and repair of said buildings [. . .] the reasonable value of the said building, including the expenditures so made by the Government, as aforesaid, was at the time of the destruction $94,400, which [. . .] represents the rental value and the destruction of the said building." The city put in a claim for compensation for the loss of the building. It asked $287,585, of which $206,000 represented the value of the structure itself, and the remainder was rent for the period from 1862 to 1865. This claim has not yet been settled, although recently Congress appropriated the sum of $21,000, which has been paid to the almshouse board on account.

As a result of the destruction of the almshouse the trustees of the fund found themselves with nothing but the site and $4,000 in cash. These were turned over to the city and deposited with the comptroller. The homeless and needy continued, as before Touro's time, to find a refuge in the workhouse or in the religious establishments conducted for their benefit. This continued down to 1882, when Mayor Shakespeare established the "gamblers' fund," an extra-legal system of taxation on vice, which enabled him to raise as much as $40,000 a year. With this income he purchased a site on Arabella Street, one block back from St. Charles Avenue, and there erected a handsome structure, capable of accommodating 150 persons, at a cost of about $100,000. The "gamblers' fund," in the nature of things, could not continue long; it ceased in 1886. From that date till 1900 the city council budgeted $10,000 annually for the support of the Shakespeare almshouse, as the institution was called, and finally, in that year, this sum was further reduced to $7,500. In 1901 the cost of maintenance was $901.60 in excess of the income. In 1901 Mayor Capdevielle, realizing that a necessary public institution was falling into decay, determined to take steps to reinstitute the almshouse. He appointed a new board of managers, composed of T. P. Thompson, J. P. Buckley, G. W. Roth, J. A. Pierce and G. A. Chiapella. With few changes this board has continued to manage its affairs ever since. T. P. Thompson is the president and J. P. Buckley the secretary. The board, on taking office, found itself confronted by a serious condition of affairs. The institution contained 100 inmates, the buildings required immediate repair, and the moral conditions were such as to invite sharp editorial comment from the city newspapers. It was found necessary to dismiss all employees. President Thompson discovered that there was in the hands of the city treasurer the balance left from the Touro fund, now by the slow increment of interest amounting to $14,610.85. This fund was under the management of a board of trustees, composed of the mayor and the city comptroller. He was able, with the co-operation of City Treasurer Penrose and City Comptroller Tujague, with the advice of the city attorney, S. L. Gilmore, to have this fund turned over to the board of which he was the head. With it was also turned over the site of the old almshouse. In this way under the present board the bequest of Judah Touro began at last to benefit those for whom it was intended, nearly fifty years before. In recognition of the new status, Mayor Capdevielle altered the name of the almshouse to its present form — ? the Touro-Shakespeare almshouse.

p647 Among the bequests designed to benefit the needy, of which the city has charge, none has served a better purpose than the Fink fund. It supports the Fink Home for Protestant Widows at 3643 Camp Street. This fund was bequeathed to the city by John D. Fink, who died in 1856. The amount set aside under his will was $215,000, which was invested in "premium" bonds, then worth 70 cents on the dollar, but now at par. The income, therefore, is between $700 and $800 a month. The Fink Asylum was opened in 1874. In 1875 the city council passed an ordinance authorizing the purchase of the present property. In 1874, also, the council provided for the appointment of a board of commissioners to manage the affairs of the institution, but with the condition that a quarterly report be rendered to it. This ordinance contained a provision to the effect that not more than $1,000 might be paid out from the fund at any one time. The board of commissioners is composed of representatives (usually two) of the different protestant denominations in the city, except the Lutherans, who are represented by one commissioner. It is not the policy of the home to care for orphan children, but children may be admitted with their mothers where such is deemed advisable.

At the present time the city has charge also of the Sickles fund, instituted in 1856, to supply gratuitously medicines and medical advice to the poor of the city. Simon D. Sickles was a druggist. He died in 1856. In his will, dated July 13, 1854, he bequeathed to the municipal authorities all of his property remaining after the payment of certain legacies. The first installment received by the city under this bequest was paid May 6, 1866, and amounted to $14,000; the second installment was paid April 19, 1867, and was $2,884.93. By an ordinance adopted by the city council in January, 1872, these sums were placed in the hands of the administrator of finance, subject to the control of the council. By successful investment the total was added to steadily until in 1897 it amounted to $66,000. But as the dispensary was not yet opened, the heirs of Sickles brought suit to revoke the bequest and recover the legacy. This suit was tried in 1893 and a decision in the United States Circuit Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana was rendered in favor of the city. The fund continues to be in the custody of the city treasurer, but the income is expended by the city board of health in the accomplishment of the purposes contemplated by the founder.6

The latest, and one of the most considerable of the beneficences which the city handles is the Delgado bequest. This fund is designed to permit of the erection and maintenance of a central industrial school in which boys of the grammar grade in the public schools of the city can be taught a trade. Isaac Delgado was a native of Jamaica, and like many of the other benefactors of New Orleans, notably Milne, McDonogh and Fink, was never married. He died in New Orleans January 4, 1912. His will, after making various bequests, including $100,000 to the Charity Hospital, provided that all the residue of his estate should be utilized for the establishment of the trade school referred to above. The fund was turned over to the city in 1913. It included $800,000 in cash and a plantation. The amount was, however, not sufficient to enable the school to be built at once and yet allow a sufficient p648income to operate it. The money was, therefore, invested. In 1914 plans were worked out with a view to putting into execution at the earliest possible moment the benevolent intentions of the testator. City Architect Christy had, in fact, drawn plans for the building when the outbreak of war with Germany caused the National Government to put its veto upon the project. Meanwhile, the fund accumulated, and at present amounts to $1,250,000 in addition to the plantation. The work of building was begun in August, 1919. The building, which was finished in 1921, cost $700,000. The site on which it stands cost $187,000. It embraces a tract of — 87 acres. The ground was purchased from the city park. A plan by which the school will have a revenue sufficient to enable it to operate effectively was worked out by Commissioner Lafaye before he resigned from office. Under this arrangement the school will receive $50,000 out of the state funds for education. This is provided for by a constitutional amendment. It will also share in the appropriations of the national government under the Smith-Hughes bill and it may be necessary for the city to budget a small additional fund. The cost will be about $75,000 per annum. It was opened in June, 1921, under the direction of H. G. Martin. The boys eligible to admission are those in the eighth grade of the public school, or the equivalent. Classes are held daily except on Sunday, and there are classes on three nights per week. The fund is administered by a commission created by an ordinance of the city council, composed of five members ex-officio and five appointed by the mayor. The present incumbents are Mayor A. J. McShane, John Koln, Wilbert Black, commissioner of public property; D. J. Murphy, president of the school board; H. C. Schaumburg, representing the school board; J. M. Gwynn, superintendent of the public schools; E. E. Lafaye, Douglas Anderson, G. J. Glover, and S. W. Weis. The secretary of the board is Louis A. Dodge.

The Author’s Notes

1 This street was named for Stephen Henderson.

2 See Michaud vs. Girod, 4th Howard, 503-564.

3 See Times-Democrat, May 13, 1904.

4 Acts 2 and 3 of 1839.

5 Times-Democrat, May 13, 1904. In the preparation of the foregoing narrative I have also had the advantage of statements from Norman Walker and George M. Leahy.

6 See the record of the suit of E. A. O'Sullivan vs. the City of New Orleans, as decided in the State Supreme Court.

p649 Chapter XLI

Artistic and Literary Progress

The material for a history of the development of New Orleans along intellectual and artistic lines probably does not exist in anything like completeness, but sufficient data is available to enable us to form some idea of that development in one or two sections. The musical and dramatic history of the city is given elsewhere. In the present chapter the attempt will be made to trace the evolution of the city's art institutions, and its libraries and museums. It is a fact not generally known that prior to the civil war New Orleans was one of the principal art centers of the United States. The wealth and culture of the inhabitants attracted to the city many of the leading American painters, works from whose brushes are still rescued from time to time from the grime of auction rooms or the attics of dilapidated homes. Such private collections as those of James Robb and Burnside would have lent importance to any community. When Robb's collection was sold, on February 26, 1859, sixty-seven canvases of importance were put up, including works by Rubens, Snyders, Salvator Rosa, Horace Vernet, Natoire, David, Roberts, and Lambdin. Some of these are now in public galleries in various parts of the United States. The Salvator Rosa and the two pictures by Vernet may be seen today in the Boston Athenaeum; and the Natoire, although the property of a private collector, hangs in the Delgado museum, in New Orleans. Fifteen of the pictures of the Robb collection were acquired originally at the sale of the gallery of King Jerome Napoleon, at Bordentown, N. J., in September, 1845. The other paintings, American and European, were added with good selective judgment. Some of these found their way into the Burnside collection, which was not dispersed till near the close of the century. Besides these two notable galleries, there were in New Orleans many isolated works of art of high merit, usually heirlooms, brought over from Europe by French or Spanish families. Napoleon's followers, some of whom sought to recoup their broken fortunes in New Orleans, brought thither their art-treasures, some of which remained in the city. The English-speaking people who settled in New Orleans after Louisiana became part of the United States, brought with them from the eastern and northern states portraits of parents and other relatives painted by the best artists. In this way a remarkable accumulation of important pictures went on, which even war and pestilence did not suffice altogether to destroy.

In this connection it is interesting to note that in the early '40s a society was formed in New Orleans to encourage the exhibition of works of art. Among the members were S. J. Peters, James Robb, Glendy Burke, R. D. Shepard, H. R. W. Hill, J. M. Kennedy, J. M. Dick and John Hagan, the latter a man whose enthusiasm for art led him to present a fine Italian marble statue of Washington to the first St. Charles Hotel. This work stood in a conspicuous position at the entrance of the hotel. It was destroyed in the fire of 1851. The society was first housed at 13 St. Charles Street, near Canal. To the establishment was given the rather magnificent name of National Gallery of Paintings. In 1844 a building was erected where pictures might be exhibited for sale, It was p651used, however, principally for loan collections. Mr. Robb's loans were the most considerable in number, and the most important in point of merit. The gallery was under the direction of G. Cooke, a local artist.

(p650)

Julien Poydras,

Louisiana's First Poet

Attention should perhaps be directed to a sale of paintings which took place in New Orleans, at the St. Louis Hotel ball room, in 1847. On this occasion 380 pictures were offered for sale. The catalogue of the collection, which still exists, enumerates works by David, Vernet, Del Sarto, Titian, Van Dyke, Raphael, Poussin, Leonardo, Salvator Rosa, Correggio, Claude, Guido Reni, Velasquez, Rembrandt, Rubens and Teniers. There was also a marble copy of the Venus de Medici, described as the work of Canova. These pictures were, it appeared from a statement prefixed to the catalogue, collected by Doctor Benvenuti, of the Academy of Fine Arts in Florence; Doctor Colignoni, of Rome, and the Cavaliere Montalvo, then director of the gallery of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. They were chosen from the collections of thirty-nine Italian noblemen, with the idea that the United States would purchase them as a nucleus of a national gallery of art. This project appears to have fallen through. The auction of these pictures was a great success. Only one of the pictures — ? a portrait of Marie of Austria, attributed to Van Dyke — ? has remained in New Orleans. The remainder was distributed widely over the United States and some appear to have found their way into important galleries. The late Worthington Whitridge, in a letter written shortly before his death, for example, has left on record the statement that he gained his inspiration in art from some of these pictures which were acquired by the Cincinnati Art Museum.1 The authenticity of the pictures disposed of at this sale may possibly not pass unchallenged by students of art; the significance of the event for our present purposes, however, is, that it occurred in New Orleans at a comparatively early date, and is, therefore, presumptive proof of the existence in the community of a real interest in art at a time when most American communities were acutely indifferent to such matters.

The catalogue of distinguished painters who were connected with New Orleans is a long one, and goes back to the close of the eighteenth century. The first painter of whom we have knowledge was Ferdinand Latizar (Salizar?), who flourished from about 1790 to about 1830. He was a portrait painter of great ability. Among his works which have survived are portraits of Silvan St. Amand and of Don Andrés Almonester y Rojas, the latter in the collection at the State Museum, in the Cabildo. He was followed by Duval, a miniaturist of distinction. Nothing is known of Duval's life. He painted the portrait of Governor Claiborne which is so frequently reproduced. A portrait of Lalande de Ferrier, executed about the same time, is one of the few other works of this gifted artist that has come down to our time. Of the same period was F. Godefroid, regarding whom we know nothing except that he had a studio in 1809 on South Burgundy Street, near Canal. Godefroid painted the fine portrait of M. Fortin, first grand master of the Masons in Louisiana, which now hangs in the Cabildo. This work was executed in 1807. Nothing is known about Jean François Vallée, either, except that he p653painted admirable miniatures in New Orleans about 1815. About that time he painted a miniature of General Andrew Jackson which the general pronounced the best portrait of him extant. He bought it and presented it to Edward Livingston, who had served on his staff at the battle of New Orleans.

(p652)

Luis de Penalver,

First Bishop of Louisiana

From a painting by Salagar'+SearchF+'Salazar'+CloseF+')',WIDTH,160)" onMouseOut="nd();"> in the Louisiana State Museum

One of the most distinguished of early American portrait-painters was John Wesley Jarvis. Born in South Shields, England, in 1780, Jarvis spent much of his life in America, and died in New York in 1840. He was a nephew of John Wesley, the celebrated preacher. He was one of the first artists in the United States to give attention to the study of anatomy as connected with art. Commencing about 1816 Jarvis was accustomed to take up his residence in New Orleans during the winter months. He boasted that in that time he used frequently to earn $60,000 — ? of which $30,000 he spent in New Orleans, and the remainder he took away with him. He had a studio in 1822 at No. 9 Custom Street. In 1830 his studio was located at No. 48 Canal Street. He was a portrait painter of the first rank, though at times he slighted his work. His connection with New Orleans lasted until 1834.

Another celebrated early American portrait painter who was identified with New Orleans for many years was Matthew Harris Jouett. Jouett was a Kentuckian. He was born in 1787, and died in 1827. He began to paint in 1810. He was not merely a painter, but a soldier, and served as paymaster in the army from 1813 to 1815. In 1817 he made his way on horseback to Boston, and there became a pupil of Gilbert Stuart's. From 1817 till his death he spent the winters in New Orleans and along the Mississippi, painting portraits. He painted Lafayette from life in 1824. Some of Jouett's work ranks with Stuart's best. In the New Orleans directory of 1824 Jouett is mentioned as "portrait painter, peintre en miniature." His studio was at No. 49 Canal Street.

Elias Metcalfe and Samuel F. B. Morse were also located in New Orleans at different periods during this early era. Metcalfe was born in 1785 and died in 1834. He resided in New Orleans between 1818 and 1823. He painted a long series of excellent portraits. In 1822 he had a studio at No. 25 Magazine Street, "above Common." The directory of that year mentions him as "portrait and miniature painter." Morse's visit to New Orleans cannot be so precisely located. It is known that he lived and painted portraits in Charleston from 1816 to about 1820, and during that time he must have visited New Orleans repeatedly, as portraits from his brush have been found in this city. Morse's fame as a painter has been eclipsed by his reputation as a scientist, but he was one of the best of the early American portrait painters.

A little later in date are Vanderlyn, Audubon, Collas, Sel, Godefroy, and Vaudechamps. These were all remarkable painters. Vanderlyn flourished between 1776 and 1852. He studied in London, Paris, and Rome, and was internationally famous as a historical painter, as well as a masterly portraitist. He was in New Orleans more than once between 1820 and 1830. He erected a building here and exhibited his panorama of "Versailles" and probably other similar works. During these visits he also occupied himself with painting portraits. Inman, who served a seven years' apprenticeship to Jarvis, was with him in New Orleans about 1820. Inman had an enviable reputation as a landscape and genre painter. His work in New Orleans was, like that of most of his contemporaries, p654in the line of portraiture. He flourished from 1801 to 1846, and was president of the National Academy of Design, in New York, from 1824 to 1825. At the same time that Vanderlyn and Inman were painting in New Orleans a young man also supported himself here in the same line. His name was John James Audubon, later to make himself immortal with the "Birds of America." Audubon was a native of Louisiana. He was born on a plantation belonging to Bernard Marigny, near Covington, on the opposite side of Lake Pontchartrain from New Orleans. He was in New Orleans painting portraits in 1821 and 1823. In 1824 he was in Philadelphia receiving instruction from Sully and Vanderlyn, and in the latter part of that year he started down the Mississippi on his way to New Orleans, painting portraits in oil, and drawing them in crayon, en route. He remained in Louisiana until 1826, when he sailed for Europe. Among the works executed in New Orleans was a bust portrait of Lafayette, drawn during the Marquis' visit in 1825.

Of Louis Collas nothing can be found today except the fact that he painted portraits and miniatures of a superior quality in New Orleans from 1820 to 1828. We find him listed in the New Orleans directory for 1822 as a portrait and miniature painter, with a studio at No. 44 St. Peter Street. In 1824 he had a studio at No. 81 St. Peter Street. Louis Godefroy p655is also known to us but as a name in the old city directories. He had a studio in 1824 at No. 139 Tchoupitoulas Street, and in 1830 at No. 31 Poydras Street, corner of Tchoupitoulas. J. B. Sel was a worker in miniature and in oil in New Orleans between 1820 and 1830. Belonging also to this period is the very distinguished artist, Jean Joseph Vaudechamps. He was born in France in 1790, and died there in 1868. He was a frequent exhibitor in the French Salon from 1817 onwards. He resided in New Orleans for several years during the '30s, and executed many fine portraits. In 1833 his studio was at No. 147 Royal Street.

The great name of Thomas Sully is identified with New Orleans only by influence. Portraits by him of distinguished New Orleans people have been found in the city. It is fair to presume then that he visited and worked here. This must have been in the early part of the last century. It is known that he visited the South, and it is very likely that he came repeatedly to New Orleans, which was a Mecca of portrait-painters at this period.

Count Bernard Mandeville de Marigny

Painted by Thomas Sully, 1808

Mrs. Bernard Mandeville de Marigny

Painted by Thomas Sully, 1808

A few portraits executed in New Orleans between 1830 and 1856 is all that we have of the work of Jaques Amans, or Amaus — ? the name is spelled both ways. Amans was, however, a remarkable painter. His work compares favorably with the best portrait painting of today. It p656may be said that in style and character the work was a century ahead of his time. Amans was born in 1801 and died in Paris, in 1888. In 1838 his studio was at No. 163 Royal Street; in 1840, at 184 Royal Street, and from 1854 to 1856 at the corner of Bienville and Customhouse streets. He painted a remarkable portrait of Gen. Andrew Jackson which has been fortunately preserved. It is now the property of Dr. I. M. Cline.

A few other painters may be mentioned among the ante-bellum artists of New Orleans. A. D. Lansot is known only from the fact that he painted in New Orleans from 1835 to about 1850. Judged by the style of his work he was a pupil of Amans. He had a studio in 1843 at No. 163 Royal Street, and in 1846 at No. 33 Toulouse Street. Ralph E. W. Earl, who is remembered as a good artist and as the husband of Miss Caffery, a niece of Gen. Andrew Jackson, painted in New Orleans in the later years of his life. He died in this city but was buried at the Hermitage.a Earl was an Englishman by birth but was identified with the United States from early childhood. His father was a distinguished portrait painter. Earl studied in Europe, and returning to America in 1815, settled first in Georgia, and then in Tennessee, where he met the lady who subsequently became his wife. Another widely-known painter who figured in New Orleans in the late '40s and early '50s was George Catlin. Catlin was over forty years of age when he came to New Orleans. During his stay here he was employed on one of the local papers, not in an artistic, but in a literary capacity. After leaving New Orleans he made a great reputation for himself by painting portraits of typical American Indians. Still another very distinguished painter who belongs to this period was Benjamin Franklin Reinhart, whose reputation as a portrait, historical and genre painter was international. Reinhart lived and painted in New Orleans in 1859 and 1860. His studio was located at 170 Canal Street. The name of A. G. Powers is preserved by the fact that a full-length portrait of Gen. Andrew Jackson, painted at Baton Rouge, in 1848, now hangs in the mayor's parlor, in the City Hall, in New Orleans. It is known that Powers had a studio in New Orleans in 1850 at 13 St. Charles Street, and in 1861 at 142 Canal Street. Otherwise nothing is known of his life. His portraits are good, but in the commonplace manner. Leon Pomerede is remembered for somewhat similar reasons, having executed the three large altar pieces still to be seen in St. Patrick's Church. Mention is also made of Julien Hudson, an octoroon, whose portraits were, in his day, considered good. There was also an artist named Ciceri, a French painter of established reputation in his own country, the government of which on one occasion sent him on an artistic mission to Egypt. He came to New Orleans in 1859 or 1860, on the invitation of the French Opera Association, to decorate the interior of the French Opera House, which was then being built. Ciceri made friends here, remained many years, and left behind him a series of small pastels and gouache drawings which are prized by their owners. He met with considerable success also as a teacher. Of about the same time, or a little earlier, was Canova, nephew of the famous Italian sculptor of that name. Canova came to New Orleans to decorate the dome of the St. Louis Hotel. In addition to this work he executed a few commissions for private parties. He decorated the interior of the residence of the wealthy banker, John Watt, on Baronne Street, near St. Joseph, torn down within the last decade to make way for a candy factory.

p657 Beginning about 1848, and continuing through the troubled era of the civil war, down to 1867, Francisco Bernard painted portraits and landscapes of merit. His studio in the latter year was at 146 Customhouse Street. The greatest of these later artists was, however, Enoch Wood Perry, who, although a native of Boston, was identified with New Orleans from his seventeenth year onwards. Perry was born in 1831 and died in New York, in 1915. He came to New Orleans in 1848, and in 1852 and 1853 was in Europe, studying his art in Dusseldorf and Paris, in Rome and Venice. From 1856 to 1858 he was United States consul in Venice. In the latter year he returned to New Orleans and opened a studio at 108 St. Charles Street. It was at this time that he painted the fine portrait of John Slidell, which is now one of the treasures of the Cabildo collection. In 1861 he painted another life-sized portrait — ? of Jefferson Davis, with a map of the United States as background. Perry traveled extensively in his later years, and painted many portraits of the great men of his time. His fame was international.

To this time also belonged William H. Baker and G. P. A. Healy. The former was a painstaking and conscientious artist, who never achieved greatness. He was born in 1825, and was brought up in mercantile pursuits in New Orleans. While thus employed he studied art, and about 1853 opened a studio at 123 Canal Street. He painted portraits and genre subjects down to 1861. In 1865 he moved to New York, where he taught art and continued to paint portraits and ideal subjects, down to his death, in May, 1875. Healy, who is ranked with the greatest American painters, was in New Orleans in 1852 and 1861. In the latter year he resided in Claiborne Street, near St. Louis.

The conditions which resulted in New Orleans are the civil war and the Reconstruction period were not favorable to art. Nevertheless, there is a group of painters who carried on the art-history of the city through this troubled era down almost to the close of the century. Among them may be mentioned Henry Byrd, Richard Clague, George D. Coulon, Peter Schmidt, Harold Rudolph and Bernard Moses. Byrd was a portrait painter of merit, in the class which is styled "competent but commonplace." He lived in New Orleans in the '40s and '50s and painted the portraits of many planters. After an absence of some years he returned to the city in 1867, and took up his residence in the vicinity of Hilary and Commercial streets, where he continued to paint portraits until 1883. He died shortly after that date. Clague, also a native of Louisiana, was born in 1816, and died in New Orleans in February, 1878. He studied with Ernest Hébert and at the Ecole des Beaux Arts in Paris. Clague left us many landscapes which portray in a poetic and pleasing manner Louisiana scenery, and street scenes in New Orleans. He painted a few portraits and genre pictures. Coulon had a studio at 103 Condé (Chartres) Street in 1850. He continued to paint in New Orleans for fifty years thereafter, with studios in various parts of the city. His last residence was 1536 North Claiborne Street. He died in 1904. Schmidt was born in Germany in 1822 and died in New Orleans on April 28, 1867. He practiced portrait painting assiduously. He belonged to the "competent but commonplace" group of painters. He had a studio in 1860 and 1861 at No. 133 Royal Street, and in 1866 at 82 Royal Street. Rudolph is known to have worked in New Orleans as early as 1871. In that year he had a studio at 212 Carondelet Street. In 1874 he was established at 108 Canal Street. Rudolph has left us a few p658Louisiana landscapes which show good composition and a fine effect of color. Otherwise nothing is known of this artist. Moses was a photographer by profession, but for many years painted portraits also.

The next generation brought a number of talented men, among whom may be mentioned Julio, Genin, Pierson, and Poincy. They cover the interval from about 1868 to 1880. Of these Julio was probably the most gifted, but his untimely death cut short a career which promised great things. E. D. B. Fabrina Julio was born in the Island of St. Helena in 1843. His father was Italian, but his mother was Scotch. He came to the United States in 1861, and settled in New Orleans in the later '60s. Here he resided during the greater part of the remainder of his life. In 1872, however, he was in Paris as a student of Leon Bonnat; and his death, which occurred September 15, 1879, took place in Georgia. Julio was a painter of historical, portrait, genre, and landscape pictures of real distinction. His "Diana," "Harvest Scene," and several Louisiana landscapes were exhibited at the Centennial Exposition of 1876 in Philadelphia. "The Last Meeting of Lee and Jackson" is his best known painting. It hung for years in the armory of the Washington Artillery, in New Orleans. He was a rapid and skillful draughtsman and an artist of originality, who has not received the recognition due him. John Genin was born in France in 1830, and died in New Orleans October 19, 1895. He had a studio as portrait-, historical- and genre-painter at 150 Canal Street, in 1876. For twenty years thereafter he made his home in New Orleans. At the time of his death he had a studio at 233 Royal Street. He was a skillful painter, but followed too closely the style of Bougereau. V. Pierson's name is associated with those of Poincy, Moise, and others of that period. He painted animals in compositions in which they supplied the figures. He was an Englishman. He is known to have resided in the city in the '70s, and was probably here later. Poincy, although belonging to this period, lived down into the opening years of the present century. He was born in New Orleans in 1833, and died in 1909. He studied at the Ecole des Beaux Arts, in Paris, and was a pupil of Julien. He was a portrait and genre painter of great merit. His street-scenes were well executed, full of poetry and charm. As a teacher and painter he had much to do with the advancement of local art. Some of his portraits will bear comparison with the best American work of his time. A very fine example hangs today in the Delgado Museum.

We can only mention in passing the work of Charles Giroux and William Neuser. The former was located in New Orleans in 1882 and 1883. In those years he had a studio at 90 Baronne Street. He was a landscape painter of some merit, whose work is good in color and pleasing in tone and composition. Neuser was born in Germany in 1837 and died in New Orleans in 1902. He had a studio at 342 St. Charles Street in 1861 and was a resident of the city from that date to his death. He painted portraits, genre and some landscapes.

The revival of interest in art which began in 1880 and 1881, which was largely the consequence of the labor of these earlier, isolated workmen, has not slackened since then. It brought into prominence first a little group of painters, among whom were Andres Molinary, W. H. Buck, E. Livingston, C. W. Boyle, and B. A. Wikstrom. Molinary was born in Gibraltar, in 1847, and died in New Orleans in September, 1915. He came to New Orleans as a young man, full of talent and vigor. He was equally good in portrait, genre and landscape. Buck was a native of p659Norway, where he was born in 1840. He died in New Orleans in September, 1888. He was employed in a clerical capacity in the office of a New Orleans cotton broker before he became a professional painter. He studied under Clague and in Boston. In 1880 he opened a studio as a professional landscape painter, at 26 Carondelet Street, where he worked till his death. He painted Louisiana landscape with considerable force and effect, but sometimes slighted his work. Livingston painted poetic landscape, pleasing in color, both in oil and water colors, during the period between 1880 and 1890. He was a business man, but painted in his leisure, for pure love of the art. Boyle painted portraits and landscape, but was principally occupied with the teaching of art; he was appointed curator of the Delgado when that gallery was opened in 1911, and is still in charge thereof. Bors Anders Wikstrom, a Swede, was born in the Province of Nerike, April 14, 1854, and died while on a visit to New York, in April, 1909. Wikstrom settled in New Orleans in 1883. He painted some landscapes, and a few genre pictures, but it was as an interpreter of the sea that he will be chiefly remembered. With some defect of color he united sound training and great industry. Much of his time was given to the designing of the Carnival parades. For over twenty years the Rex and the Proteus pageants were his handiwork. His skill in this unique department was such that when New York projected a pageant in connection with the Hudson-Fulton centennial, he was summoned to that city to supervise its construction; and it was while thus employed that he died after a brief illness.

The presence in the city of these men led about 1880 to the formation of the Art Union, an association intended to further art and culture. There Boyle, Poincy, Molinary and others had classes which attracted from 150 to 200 students. Their success led to the organization of the Southern Artists' League, in 1885. The prime moves in this society were Boyle and a local amateur, W. J. Warrington, but they had the support and assistance of Poincy and Molinary. Warrington was a music dealer who took an interest in art and dabbled in literature. The charter for the society was drafted by a well-known attorney, Lionel Adams, who also took an interest in its affairs. The charter-members were James Moise, Horace Carpenter, T. R. Tennant, Emile Dantanet, besides Boyle, Poincy, Molinary, Livingston and Warrington. Livingston was elected president, Boyle, corresponding secretary, an office which he retained for twelve or fourteen years; and Dantanet was made financial secretary and treasurer. All of these did not attend the first meeting of the projected society, but they joined at the second or third; and at the third Livingston brought in Wikstrom, who became a teacher in the school which was soon established. At the fourth meeting it became desirable to re-organize completely; at a meeting shortly thereafter, in Wikstrom's studio on Commercial Place, this was effected, and the name, Artists' Association, was adopted. At this meeting R. S. Day, long prominent in artistic circles, was added to the roll. The same officers were retained, and the school which had already met with success was continued, with Molinary, Poincy, and a clever Italian painter, Perelli, as instructors in painting; Wikstrom, in sketching, and Boyle in "flat" drawing. The rooms of the society were situated over the State National Bank, in Camp Street, near Canal. About 100 students matriculated in the classes here, among them Helen Turner, who afterwards established herself as an artist in Philadelphia and rose to distinction; Edith Sansum, p660Julia Massey, Cora Floyd, and Fred Wang, the latter a youth of the highest promise, who won the Rascón medal, and would have been sent to Europe to study by the munificent patron of art who instituted this trophy, but was compelled for family reasons to refuse the opportunity. The Artists' Association gave annual exhibitions which attracted much attention. At the second show the artists who contributed (all local) were: Jules Andrieu, W. H. Buck, C. W. Boyle, Horace Carpenter, R. S. Day, Durante Da Ponte, C. L. Girault, Gamotis, Livingston, Moise, Miss V. Montgomery, Molinary, Poincy, Perelli, a young man named Nogieri, to whom reference will be made further on; Marie Sansum, Mrs. H. B. Smith, Mrs. M. C. Stauffer, T. R. Tennant, W. A. Walker, William Woodward, P. M. Westfeldt, Ellsworth Woodard, and B. A. Wikstrom. Many of these were amateurs. Nogieri, however, was a professional painter. His reputation rests upon poetic visions of the river, with the noted river steamers and great freighters which plied the Mississippi in his time. These he has left to New Orleans as a legacy of by-gone days. Some of his work is treasured at the State Museum in the Cabildo, notably the pictures of the "Lee" and the "Natchez," two of the most famous of the great river passenger boats, and the view of Camp Street in 1840. Nogieri painted also some fairly good portraits.

Eventually the association moved to the third story of the building on Camp Street, between Julia and St. Joseph, afterwards occupied by the Woman's Club. Here began the series of annual auctions of the work of the local artists, conducted by Ed Curtis, which for some years were recognized institutions of the city. Curtis subsequently removed to California, and became noted there for similar enterprises.

Towards the close of the '90s another artists' organization, the Arts and Exhibitions Club, was formed principally through the exertions of William and Ellsworth Woodard. In 1905, at a meeting in Wikstrom's studio, on motion of B. M. Harrod, who was then member of the Artists' Association, it was decided to merge the two organizations. In this way the Art Association came into existence, a society which still exists, although only insofar as its funds enable it from time to time to contribute to the Delgado by purchasing works of art.

It was the existence of this organization which led in 1910 to the determination of a public-spirited citizen, Isaac Delgado, to furnish the money to erect a museum of art in New Orleans. On February 26 he wrote a letter to the Board of Commissioners of the City Park, stating that it had long been his desire to build a structure which would accommodate the exhibition of the Art Association and would now carry this plan into execution if a site would be found for the building in the park. Some credit for Mr. Delgado's decision is due to P. A. Lelong, who was a member of the Park Board and an intimate friend of the millionaire. Mr. Lelong suggested the propriety of locating the proposed structure in this beautiful resort. Mr. Delgado was prepared to spend $150,000, and stipulated only that the gallery which he proposed to found should be under the control of a group of three or four members from the Park Board and of an equal number from the Art Association, and that a room should be set aside for the preservation of his own collections of objects of interest. In April, 1910, in another letter, the founder explained that it was his wish that all vacancies in the controlling board p661should be filled from the organizations of which the retiring member was originally accredited, or in the event that such organizations should cease to exist, that the remaining members of the board should select the new member. The Delgado Museum of Art as thus constituted was completed and opened on December 16, 1911. It has been successful from its inception, and exercises an important and beneficial influence upon the development of an art feeling in the community. Since its foundation the gallery has been enriched by the Hyams bequest, a valuable collection of works by the leading modern French artists, formed by Mrs. Chapman Hyams and left to the museum in her will; the Morgan Whitney collection of jades and other precious stones; the valuable Howard collection of Etruscan glass and Greek vases; the J. T. Ager donation of paintings and bronzes; the Eugene Lacoste bequest of bronzes and ceramics; the Harrod collection, presented in memory of the late B. M. Harrod by his widow, and many gifts of single pictures. The Artists' Association has contributed several important canvases. Its annual exhibitions in the Delgado are important events in the life of New Orleans.

Bridging the interval from 1885 to the present day is the work of the Woodward brothers. William Woodward came to New Orleans from New England in 1883 as a member of the faculty of Tulane University. He opened free night classes under the auspices of the university in the manual training building, which formerly stood on the corner of Lafayette and Dryades streets. The instruction here was intended primarily for teachers, but others took advantage of the opportunity and there was an enrollment all told of between 600 and 700. Classes were held on four nights in the week for men and on two nights for women. The latter were courses in decorative art. Out of them subsequently arose the Art League for Women, which had a short but useful existence. This society rented rooms at 249 Baronne Street, near Howard Avenue. Here it erected pottery kilns in which some remarkably fine pieces of decorative ware were produced. Its success led to the transfer of the work to Tulane University, upon the collapse of the Woman's League. At its inception the pottery department secured the assistance of Joseph Meyer, a workman of great skill, who subsequently identified himself with the work at the university. At one time it also had the services of George Ohr, the eccentric but talented potter, whose work at Biloxi some years later attracted attention. Out of this enterprise has developed by a natural evolution the celebrated art pottery at Newcomb College, the woman's department of Tulane University.

William Woodward was an industrious painter, whose admirable talent has not been as widely recognized as it deserves. His long service at Tulane University has been of immense value in building up an art sentiment in New Orleans. He spent much time painting street scenes in New Orleans, at a time when the historic landmarks of the Vieux Carré were being in large degree demolished, and many of them survive today only in this remarkable series of paintings.

Ellsworth Woodward, for many years director of the School of Art at Newcomb College, came to New Orleans in 1885 from Massachusetts. He is a pupil of Carl Marr, Richards and Fehr. Aside from his remarkable success as a teacher and administrator, he has won distinction as a painter, particularly in water color. Throughout his residence in New p662Orleans he has been connected with the Newcomb College. He became director of the school of art there in 1890. Under his direction this institution has come to rank with the greatest American art schools. Its pottery is by competent judges considered one of the most remarkable in the world.

To the present time belong A. J. Drysdale and R. B. Mayfield, the former a prolific painter of impressionistic landscape; the latter a careful and conscientious artist who has produced some excellent portraits and landscapes, and in a series of charming etchings has preserved some of the vanishing aspects of old New Orleans. Mention should also be made of Mrs. Gertrude Robert Smith, whose services in promoting the advancement of taste in New Orleans through her connection with New College as a teacher of design and painting have been notable; of Miss Mary G. Sherer, who has contributed largely to the success of the Newcomb pottery as a teacher of ceramics and decoration; and of John Pemberton, whose early promise was destroyed by ill health, but who as teacher at Tulane University and as a sympathetic exponent of negro character made a mark. P. M. Westfeldt was a water colorist of genuine talent. Miss Jennie Wilde, who died in 1913, was a granddaughter of the poet, Richard Henry Wilde, remembered for the discovery of the portrait of Dante as well as for some charming lyrics. Miss Wilde expended an important talent in designing carnival pageants, chiefly for the Mystic Krewe of Comus. Achille Peretti, who came to New Orleans from Italy in 1885, has left some excellent figure paintings.

It is not possible in the brief scope of the present chapter to enumerate all the artists at work in the city in recent years; still less to record the names of those who have made New Orleans their temporary place of abode. A few of the latter, however, may be mentioned. George Innes, the great American landscape painter, worked here at intervals in the late '80s and early '90s. Several of his pictures are owned in New Orleans. William Keith, the landscape painter, whose poetic rendition of the scenery of the Pacific coast has placed him in the front rank of American artists, spent several years here in the '80s. Here he met the lady who became his wife; here they were married. Many of his best pictures are owned in New Orleans, including the remarkable group now hanging in the loan section of the Delgado which belongs to Dr. I. M. Cline. The Spanish artist, Luis Graner, who came to the United States in 1910, lived in New Orleans from 1914 to 1917. He was a man of great ability. Upward of 200 of his pictures remain in New Orleans. He is represented in Delgado by a fine collection of figure pieces and landscapes. It should also be recorded that the private collections of the city have since 1915 been enriched by such visiting artists as Maurice Fronkes and Robert Grafton.

In the field of sculpture little has been achieved in New Orleans. The interest in civil war history and the desire to preserve worthily the memory of the heroes of that great conflict has led to the erection of a number of monuments, among which Doyle's statue of Gen. R. E. Lee and Valentine's statues of Albert Sidney Johnston, J. J. Audubon and Jefferson Davis are the most important.

As part of the cultural movement in New Orleans, mention should be made of the Public Library and of the Howard Library, the two principal institutions of their kind in the city; of the Confederate museum p663at Memorial Hall, and the notable museum of the history of Louisiana now domiciled at the Cabildo. An interest in literature developed in New Orleans early. It is not generally known that the New Orleans Public Library has a history extending back to the year 1842. Up to that time there does not appear to have been any public library, in the sense that term is ordinarily used, although a collection of books, known as the "Commercial Library," was available to the public on the payment of a fee. This library was a private business. In the year mentioned, however, B. F. French purchased the collection and threw it open to the public. In 1846 the books were lodged in two rooms in the Merchants' Exchange on Royal Street, near Canal. There was in that year a recognition of the deficiency of the city in library facilities, and various attempts were made to supply the lack, notably in the establishment of the State Library, although that was intended primarily for the use of the State Legislature, and only remotely for the general public. The Young Men's Free Library Association also came into a brief existence at this time. Its well-selected collection of about 3,000 volumes was located at the corner of Customhouse Street and Exchange Place.

In 1843 Abijah Fisk, a man of intellectual tastes and considerable wealth, died, leaving a will in which his house, on the corner of Bourbon and Customhouse streets, was left to the city to be used for library purposes. His intention was that the library should be open free to strangers. This purpose was made effective in 1847, when a brother, Alvarez Fisk, purchased and gave to the city the French collection, which seems to have grown to about 6,000 volumes. But the recent enthusiasm for this sort of thing had vanished; the city council made no adequate provision for the development of the gift, and if the collection grew in extent, it was due wholly to the zeal of its custodian, Mr. French. As late as 1854 it had not been put into effective operation. Subsequently the library was under the management of the Mechanics' Institute, then of the University of Louisiana, and then under the Tulane University of Louisiana. By the first named organization the collection was housed in the building on Dryades Street, where it remained till 1896. During this period its librarians were Professor Holmes, E. W. Perry, W. L. Finney, C. B. Stafford, C. G. Gill and Miss M. Bell.

The New Orleans City Library came into existence in 1844, through the instrumentality of Samuel J. Peters. Mr. Peters introduced an ordinance into the council of the Second Municipality, providing for the creation of the Public School and Lyceum Society Library. This was promptly organized and soon numbered 3,000 volumes, and by 1848 had increased to 7,500. This collection was never housed in a building of its own. In 1849 it was given quarters in the newly founded and then unfinished City Hall, the same whose classic façade looks out over Lafayette Square today. After the consolidation of the three municipalities in 1852 the collection was called the City Library.2 The first librarian was T. McConnell. He was succeeded by R. C. Kerr, J. V. Calhoun, C. A. Ducros, C. Davisson, Miss M. Cooper and Mrs. M. C. Culbertson. The plan of the Public School and Lyceum Library was, that money should be secured from private citizens for its support. The subscription was 25 cents per month, or $3 per annum; life memberships were awarded upon the payment of $3 per month for a p664space of three consecutive years. The ordinance creating the library provided that when $5,000 should have been pledged in this way, suitable rooms for the library should be found, and when $15,000 had been raised a site should be purchased and a building erected. Scientific apparatus was also to be provided to illustrate lectures which were to constitute the "lyceum" feature of the work. A line of distinguished citizens filled the position of president of the Lyceum Society, which was responsible for the management of the enterprise; and it was while serving in that capacity that Needler R. Jennings negotiated with William Makepeace Thackeray, the celebrated novelist, for the series of lectures which he delivered in New Orleans in 1855.

It was in April, 1896, through the enlightened efforts of John Fitzpatrick, then mayor of the city, that the idea of consolidating the Fisk Free Library and the Lyceum Library was given legal shape. Mayor Fitzpatrick recommended the consolidation in a special message to the city council and the appropriate ordinances were promptly introduced and passed. In this way the city found itself in possession of a collection of 30,000 volumes, which were now given a lodging in St. Patrick's Hall, on Lafayette Square, a historic building which had just been vacated by the Criminal District Court.

The members of the first board appointed to manage the consolidated library were F. T. Howard, Albert Baldwin, Jr., P. A. Lelong, F. G. Ernst, E. B. Kruttschnidtt, G. W. Flynn and S. H. March. Mr. Howard was elected president, Mr. Kruttschnidtt, vice president; Mr. Flynn, secretary, and Mr. Lelong, treasurer. Mr. Howards was succeeded in 1904 as president by Prof. J. H. Dillard. On the death of Mr. Kruttschnidtt, ex-Mayor Fitzpatrick was made vice president. Mr. Flynn was succeeded as secretary by Mr. Ernst, at whose death in 1905 the office was combined with that of treasurer and both were held by Mr. Lelong. Other vacancies have been filled from time to time, the last president being Mr. Fitzpatrick, who held that post at the time of his death in 1919. He was succeeded by J. H. DeGrange.

The board then began the work of organization in December, 1896. William Beer was appointed chief clerk and acted as librarian until May, 1906, when he resigned. H. M. Gill, the present incumbent, was appointed librarian in June, 1906, and entered upon his office on the 15th of the month. The library was regularly organized and the reading room opened to the public in January, 1897, but not until 1900 was the library in a position to circulate in any considerable numbers works not fiction. The sum of $17,000 was appropriated to defray the initial expenses of organization, equipment, the purchase of fiction and of children's books. Up to 1906 this sum was approximately sufficient to meet all the expenses of the institution. In October, 1902, a donation of $50,000 by the heirs of Simon Hernsheim became available, $10,000 for the purchase of books, the remainder to constitute a fund of which the interest only could be used for this purpose. In 1907, under an agreement between the city and Andrew Carnegie, the revenues of the library were increased to $25,000 per annum.

In 1905 the United States Government purchased St. Patrick's Hall with the intention of removing the building and erecting in its place the present postoffice. In November, 1906, the library was accordingly compelled to remove temporarily to the old Twiggs mansion at 1115 Prytania Street. The collection had by this date increased to 70,000 volumes. It p665was a formidable task to remove this great mass of books to the new quarters. Here the library remained till October 31, 1908, when its present home was occupied.

The gift of $250,000 from Andrew Carnegie to the library in 1905, subsequently increased to $375,000, supplemented by the appropriations by the city council, led to the construction of the present commodious building on St. Charles Street, overlooking Lee Circle. This structure, designed by Diboll, Owen & Goldstein, architects, was occupied in 1908. The collection now numbers 170,582 volumes. The number of volumes loaned in 1920 was half a million. In addition to the main library at Lee Circle, there are five branch libraries — ? one at Royal and Frenchman streets, one in the Fifth District (Algiers), one at the corner of Napoleon Avenue and Magazine Street, one at Canal and Gayoso streets and one, a branch for negroes, at Philip and Dryades streets. These buildings cost approximately $25,000 each and stand on sites estimated to be worth an average of $5,000 each. The book capacity of each of these branch libraries is between 10,000 and 11,000 volumes.

The Howard Library is the principal reference library in New Orleans. It occupies a Romanesque building of brown stone, designed by the celebrated architect, H. H. Richardson. Richardson was a native of Louisiana and this is the only example of his work in the state. The library was founded in 1888 by Miss Annie T. Howard (Mrs. Parrott) as a memorial to her father, Charles T. Howard. The building was erected at a cost of $118,000. In presenting this beautiful structure to the Board of Trustees Miss Howard added 8,000 volumes and a sum of money, which has increased with the passage of time to an endowment of $200,000. The dedicatory ceremonies included also an address by Judge E. C. Billings and the reading of a poem written for the occasion by Mary Ashley Townsend, one of New Orleans' most distinguished poets. The success of the library was immediate. In 1892 it was found desirable to drop all fiction, and thereafter the library was devoted to works of reference and to the history of Louisiana. At the present time it contains 58,000 volumes and 12,000 pamphlets, many of the greatest rarity and value. The oldest book in the collection is a Biblia Aurea, printed by John Zeyner, of Reutlingen, in 1475; the most valuable, a copy of the elephant folio edition of Audubon's "Birds." Volumes from the presses of Aldus, the Elzivirs and Baskerville are also among its treasures. Many first editions and autographed editions have been added to the collection in recent years. The library also boasts complete files of all the New Orleans newspapers since 1873. Here also will be found some interesting works of art, including the Houdin bust of Washington, and some fine paintings by Rosa Bonheur, E. L. Weeks, etc. The first president of the Board of Trustees which has successfully managed the business affairs of the library since its foundation was Albert Baldwin. On Mr. Baldwin's death A. Brittin was elected to the position. The first secretary-treasurer of the board was Frank T. Howard. Since Mr. Howard's death his son, Alvin T. Howard, has filled that office. The first librarian was F. A. Nelson, later reference librarian at Columbia University, in New York City. He was succeeded in 1891 by William Beer, the present incumbent.

The oldest and, in some respects, the most interesting museum in New Orleans is the Confederate Memorial Hall, on Camp Street, near Howard Avenue, immediately adjoining the Howard Library. Here is preserved p666a collection of relics of the Civil war of great value. Although erected and furnished relatively a short time ago, the movement which culminated in the establishment of this unique museum had its origin far back in the troubled days of the Reconstruction era. Early in the year 1869 the duty of organizing Confederate veteran associations was realized by the Confederates of New Orleans. The outcome was the organization of the Louisiana Historical Society, whose president was the Rev. B. M. Palmer, and whose secretary was Dr. Joseph T. Jones. The society had only a brief existence in this city, however, the exigencies of reconstruction in New Orleans making it more expedient for the society to have its headquarters in Richmond, Va. The several Confederate veteran associations contemporaneous with the historical society were imperfectly suppressed by the military orders of General Sheridan, and in 1874, after the 14th of September fight, were revived. During the next fifteen years efforts for the concentration of Civil war relics were spasmodic, but in 1889 the veteran associations went at the matter in earnest. On March 28, 1889, there was a meeting at which the Louisiana Historical Association was organized by the following representatives of the several veteran associations: J. B. Wilkinson, R. S. Venables, George H. Frost, Army of the Tennessee; John T. Purvis, Peter Blake, Thomas Higgins, E. D. Willet, T. C. Campbell, Army of Northern Virginia; W. M. Owen, E. L. Kursheedt, Joseph H. DeGrange, Washington Artillery; J. H. Behan, W. R. Lyman, S. S. Prentiss, D. A. Given, Association Confederate States Cavalry; F. T. Howard, Robert Maxwell, Howard Library Association.

At this meeting General Owen of the Washington Artillery presided and Doctor Wilkinson of the Army of the Tennessee acted as secretary. The meeting was the result of the appointment of conference committees of the various associations for the purpose of recommending a repository for the reception of relics and records of the Civil war. By invitation these committees had called on the Howard Library Association. Frank T. Howard, president of the association, had offered every facility and advantage for the object the veterans had in view. The committees had concluded that the library would make an advantageous repository for the relics of all periods of Louisiana history. He had promised that in case the library building was too small he would build a fireproof annex. The first officers of the Louisiana Historical Association were: Frank T. Howard, president, W. R. Lyman, first vice president; W. M. Owen, second vice president; D. A. Given, secretary and treasurer; Charles A. Nelson (librarian of the Howard Memorial Library), custodian.

The charter of the association was drafted by Mr. Howard and General Owen, and the association was chartered April 11, 1889. The charter states that the "objects and purposes for which this corporation is formed is to collect and preserve such books, pamphlets, papers, documents, flags, maps, plans, charts, paintings, engravings, lithographs and other pictorial representations, manuscripts and other things pertaining to the history of Louisiana, both before and after its cession to the United States, and especially the collection and preservation of all papers, documents and relics, etc., relating to the war between the States from 1861 to 1865. This corporation shall have the right to compile and publish and to have compiled and published books, charts and other p667papers and documents relating to the purposes for which it is organized, and to apply for and hold copyright and patents necessary to their protection."

An important provision contained in the charter of the Louisiana Historical Association is the following: "The collections made, and the donations received by the corporation, shall never be broken up by sale, or by division among its members, nor shall any article be removed from New Orleans, nor any article be exchanged or disposed of, except by the unanimous vote of the Board of Governors and by the consent of the donors."

In the by-laws it is further stated: "It is the intent that this association shall be perpetual, but in the event of its dissolution, all collections of every kind, and all assets, after the payment of its obligations, shall go to and be vested in the Howard Memorial Library Association, excepting the right of reversion of manual gifts to the donors or their forced heirs, and the contributions from Confederate veteran associations."

The Confederate Memorial Hall was formally dedicated in 1891 and turned over to the Louisiana Historical Association by the donor, but Mr. Howard's interest in it was by no means severed on the occasion of the dedication. In 1897 he supplied the funds with which the Jefferson Davis Annex was built. The annex is on the downtown, or north, side of the hall, and contains a great proportion of the effects of Mr. Davis and practically all his records and correspondence, material of so great importance that the United States Government kept a man in New Orleans two years copying such matter as the historical association would permit him to copy. The annex is furnished with steel cases, and both the main hall and the annex is fireproof. In all, Mr. Howard spent about $40,000 in erecting this secure and tasteful building. The architect of Memorial Hall was Thomas O. Sully.

It is impossible to enumerate the many objects of historical interest which the collection now embraces, but mention may be made of the flag of the Tiger Rifles, carried at the battle of First Manassas, and used as a pillow for Major Wheat, with whose blood it is stained; Jefferson Davis' cradle and saddle; Gen. Braxton Bragg's saddle; the famous piano played by Confederate soldiers in the trenches at Jackson, Mississippi, in July, 1863, during the attack on that place; Gen. J. B. Hood's camp kettle; the sword worn by Albert Sidney Johnston when he was killed at Shiloh; the uniform and arms of Gen. P. G. T. Beauregard; a locket containing a lock of Gen. R. E. Lee's hair; the sword of Lieutenant Dreux, the first Louisiana officer killed in the Civil war; Jefferson Davis' presidential flag; fragments of the United States flag torn down by W. B. Munford at the Mint in 1862, for which deed Munford was hanged by Butler; and a remarkable collection of Confederate battle flags and guidons, sixty-one in number.

Besides the interest that naturally attaches to a repository of its kind the hall is further impressive because all the Confederate associations of New Orleans make the building their headquarters and keep all the records there. The hall is the great temple of Confederate worship of New Orleans. The organizations that use it are the camps of the United Confederate Veterans, the chapters of the Daughters of the Confederacy, the Ladies' Confederate Memorial Association, the camps of p668the United Sons of Veterans and the Jefferson Davis Monument Chapter.3

The Louisiana State Museum, located at Jackson Square, New Orleans, and occupying the Cabildo, the Presbytère, the old Law Library building and the old State Arsenal, is a permanent public exhibition of historical matters and of biological and commercial specimens native to Louisiana. It is an authorized state depository and was created by Act No. 169 of the General Assembly of 1906, under the administration of Newton Crane Blanchard, governor of Louisiana. The fact that the state had a wonderful collection illustrating its archaeology, history, education, commerce, flora and fauna, minerals and agriculture, which the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Commission gathered together and exhibited at the World's Fair at St. Louis in 1904, and which at the close of this exposition it had to dispose of, was the determining circumstance which brought about the creation of this museum.

Early in the summer of 1904 the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Commission, through Dr. William C. Stubbs, executive commissioner, addressed a letter to Governor Blanchard advising in strong terms that the exhibits then at St. Louis, with had cost so much time, labor and money to collect, should be kept together after the exposition and displayed intact as a state exhibit. This letter was transmitted to the Legislature then in session which passed the following act:

"House Concurrent Resolution:

"Whereas, Act No. 81 of 1902, creating a Board of Commissioners to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition and providing for an exhibit of Louisiana's resources at the St. Louis Fair, further provides that said exhibit may be preserved after the close of the fair as an educational feature and means of advertising Louisiana's great resources and development, and

"Whereas, the State Commission for Louisiana in a communication addressed to the governor and by him transmitted to both houses of the General Assembly, has advised the preservation of said exhibit as being in the best interests of the state, be it

"Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring, That the governor is given authority to arrange to have said exhibit returned to the State of Louisiana after the close of the St. Louis Fair and to make such disposition of it as indicated in said Act 81 of 1902 as may to him and the Board of Commissioners of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition seem to be the best interests of the state; and be it further

"Resolved, That the cost of the return of said exhibit to the State of Louisiana shall not exceed $2,500."

At a meeting of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Commission on September 16, 1904, at which were present Governor Newton C. Blanchard, Dr. W. C. Stubbs, state commissioner; Col. Charles Schuler, Henri L. Gueydan and Robert Glenk, at the Louisiana building at St. Louis, it was resolved to preserve the exhibits for the establishment of a state museum.

Previous to this time efforts were put forth to establish an historical museum to be domiciled in the Cabildo when that ancient structure should be vacated by the Supreme Court and police station.

p669 In 1898 Col. James S. Zacharie, councilman and distinguished citizen, recommended to the Louisiana Historical Society that in connection with the celebration in honor of the cession of Louisiana a program to include the prospective creation of a colonial museum in the Cabildo be drawn up. A committee, of which he was chairman, was appointed to organize such a celebration. In November, 1899, Captain Zacharie suggested that an experimental exhibit be held to test public opinion on the "museum idea," and this exhibit demonstrated the popularity of the proposition and resulted in the passing of a resolution by the Louisiana Historical Society and an Act No. 90 by the Legislature in 1900 giving official recognition to the project. No appropriation was made and nothing tangible resulted therefrom excepting the appointment of a Board of Curators, of which Captain Zacharie was made president and William Woodward temporary secretary.

When the St. Louis Fair was drawing to a close and it became necessary to provide a domicile for the state exhibits about to be returned to the state, the Board of Curators appointed by the governor under Act 90 of 1900 made a claim to these exhibits for New Orleans. At the same time the Louisiana State University claimed the exhibits for Baton Rouge, the state capital.

After a thorough and lengthy discussion of the merit of the claims of each aspirant, participated in by Col T. D. Boyd, Henry L. Fuqua, I. M. Smith and J. B. Aswell, representing the State University, and Col. J. S. Zacharie, T. P. Thompson and Paul Capdevielle for the City of New Orleans, the final outcome was that inasmuch as the exhibits were under the sole charge of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Commission, with the necessary funds to pay for their return to install and maintain them pending the action of the next Legislature, there was nothing else to do but to accede to the wishes of these commissioners and have the exhibits brought to New Orleans. This was done, and the commission authorized Doctor Stubbs and General Levert to secure a suitable building for their installation for a period not to go beyond August 1, 1906. The lower floor of the Carondelet Street side of the Washington Artillery Hall was rented and the exhibits were shipped directly there at the close of the fair at St. Louis by Assistant State Commissioner Robert Glenk, under whose direction the exhibits were installed both there and at New Orleans upon their arrival. The opening exercises of the "Louisiana State Exhibit and Museum" took place on May 3, 1905, and the program consisted of speeches by Governor Blanchard, Mayor Behrman, Col. James S. Zacharie, Col. M. J. Sanders and Col. George Soulé. Dr. W. C. Stubbs presided. The museum continued to operate under the guidance of Doctor Stubbs, state commissioner, and Robert Glenk, curator, until the Legislature of 1906 passed Act 169, which created the State Museum and provided for its management and maintenance. The Act No. 90 of 1900 was at the same time repealed. Act 169 was approved July 11, 1906, by Governor Blanchard, who later on appointed the following members as the Board of Curators of the new museum: Prof. Alcée Fortier, W. O. Hart, Esq., Gen. W. D. Gardiner, Thomas P. Thompson, Prof. Reginald S. Cocks, Frank M. Miller, Gen. John B. Levert, J. W. Frankenbush,'+BadF+'J. M. Frankenbusch'+CloseF+'

is mentioned in this same context.',WIDTH,180)" onMouseOut="nd();"> Henri L. Gueydan. The board organized on December 10, 1906, when T. P. Thompson was elected president; Prof. Alcée Fortier, vice president, and at the same time created the office of general manager and treasurer, which Doctor Stubbs was elected to fill, and the office of p670curator and secretary, to which Robert Glenk was elected. This office was the only one carrying a compensation. Immediately upon its permanent establishment with the annual appropriation of $5,000, the museum thrived prodigiously, a department of history was started, which with the acquisition of the Gaspar Cusachs, T. P. Thompson, Louisiana Historical Society, Gottschalk, George Williamson and other lesser collections, assumed respectable proportions and great value and outgrew the allotted space in the Washington Artillery Hall.

On June 30, 1908, the city council of New Orleans passed an ordinance placing the historic Cabildo and Presbytère under the supervision of the Board of Curators and domiciling at the same time the Louisiana Historical Society in the Supreme Court room of the Cabildo.

With the occupation of these large and venerable buildings of January 1, 1911, the State Museum entered upon an era of expansion and development to which all Louisianians can look with pride — ? and which at the present time has placed the institution at the forefront of similar institutions not only of the South but of the nation. On January 21, 1914, the State of Louisiana turned over to the Board of Curators the old State Arsenal Building adjoining the Cabildo to be used as a Battle Abbey for relics of the bar wars in which Louisiana has participated. This building contains notable exhibits commemorating the Battle of New Orleans, Mexican war, Civil war, Spanish-American war and the World war. Noteworthy is the very extensive exhibit of trophies donated by the Republic of France from the battle fields of the Somme and Argonne.

The Cabildo at the present time contains a priceless collection of documents, records, antiquarian exhibits, instruments, models, clocks, costumes, textiles, laces, ceramics and glassware, paper money, oil paintings, miniatures and art objects, photographs, prints, etc.

The library has over 17,000 books and 5,000 pamphlets on the shelves, largely made up of newspaper files, historical and genealogical and scientific works for reference use by students and investigators. It also contains the Louisiana History Society library and the library of the Louisiana Engineering and the Naturalists' Society. The natural history department is domiciled in the Presbytère and old Law Library building. The exhibits are composed of specimens of the flora and fauna of the state, large habitat groups showing the life histories of many of the birds and animals, electrically lighted and with painted backgrounds. The mineral, forestry and agricultural resources and technical and commercial exhibits, models and groups are displayed.

This building also contains the workshops, laboratories, taxidermy and art rooms, assembly room, child welfare station and the office of the Division of Immigration.

Numerous scientific and literary societies make use of the museum facilities, as do also the public schools and colleges. The attendance is about 150,000 per year. The annual appropriation for maintenance received from the state is $12,500.

In 1920 the officers of the museum were: President, T. P. Thompson; vice president, W. C. Stubbs; treasurer, J. B. Levert; secretary, Robert Glenk; honorary curators — ? Louisiana archaeology, George Williamson; coins and medals, Edward Foster; mollusks, L. S. Frierson; birds and mammals, M. L. Alexander. The members of the Board of Administrators since its organization in 1906 have been: Governor N. C. Blanchard, 1906-1908; Governor J. Y. Sanders, 1908-1912; Governor p671L. E. Hall, 1912-1916; Governor R. G. Pleasant, 1916-1920; Governor J. M. Parker, 1920-??; Mayor Martin Behrman, 1906-1920; Commissioner of Agriculture Charles Shuler, 1906-1911; Commissioner of Agriculture E. O. Bruner, 1911-1916; Commissioner of Agriculture H. D. Wilson, 1916-1920; Director State Experiment Station W. R. Dodson, 1906-1919; Director State Experiment Station W. H. Dalrymple, 1920-??; J. A. Breaux, 1914-1920; S. Locke Breaux, 1911-1913; Sam Blum, 1911-1917; R. S. Cocks, 1906-1911; Gaspar Cusachs, 1914-1918; C. H. Ellis, 1911-1912; Alcée Fortier, 1906-1911, 1913-1914; J. M. Frankenbusch,'+BadF+'J. W. Frankenbush'+CloseF+'

is mentioned in this same context.',WIDTH,180)" onMouseOut="nd();"> 1906-1911; W. D. Gardiner, 1906-1908; Robert Glenk, 1911-1920; H. L. Gueydan, 1906-1911; W. O. Hart, 1906-1911; Charles Janvier, 1911-1912; J. B. Levert, 1906-1920; E. A. McIlhenny, 1918-1920; F. M. Miller, 1906-1908; H. Gibbes Morgan, Jr., 1911-1920; H. W. Robinson, 1918-1920; W. C. Stubbs, 1913-1920; W. B. Thompson, 1911-1912; Norman Walker, 1914-1920.

The Author’s Notes

1 I am indebted to Dr. I. M. Cline for the opportunity to examine the catalogue of this collection, and also that of the Robb sale. Much of the data embodied in this chapter has been furnished by Dr. Cline, whose knowledge of local art is unsurpassed, and whose collection is rich in examples of nearly all the painters who have worked in New Orleans.

2 Ordinance 4439, approved March 18, 1859.

3 See an article in the Times-Democrat, May 20, 1903, and one by J. A. Chalaron, in the Confederate Veteran, December, 1898.

p672 Chapter XLII

Streets, Parks, Squares

To a degree probably true of no other American city the history of New Orleans is reflected in its street nomenclature. The haphazard way in which the community expanded has led to an exceedingly complicated street plan. Part of its irregularity arose from conditions imposed upon the builders by the location of the city in a bend of the Mississippi. The original town was laid out with mathematical exactitude. But when it outgrew its swaddling clothes it did not spread beyond the original boundaries regularly into the adjacent country. The people went far afield, built up little isolated groups of homes, with street systems and parks of their own. When the growing metropolis ultimately encircled these villages, the eccentricities of their maps were accepted without correction. The result is seen in a curious, fan-like radiation of streets, crossed in every direction by diagonals. Not merely in the older part of the city, but in the newest quarters, streets merge into one another and squares taper into triangles, in a fashion which is bewildering even to the native. The result is a house-numbering system which is an interminable series of compromises.

A study of the street names of New Orleans ought, properly, to be divided into two sections, one treating of the old city, and the other of the new region above Canal Street. The oldest street is probably Bayou Road. When the whites first intruded into Louisiana they found it not altogether an untrodden wilderness. At the head of Bayou St. John, near the bridge which now spans that street at the foot of Esplanade Street, stood an Indian village. The moccasined feet of the inhabitants of this tiny settlement had beaten out a pathway by the shortest possible route through the swamps to the Mississippi. This road probably followed the line of Esplanade Avenue, Bayou Road and Hospital Street. The white settlers found it a convenient route; they appear to have used it frequently even before the site of New Orleans was definitely decided upon, and so it has happened that later when new fauxbourgs were laid out it was a thoroughfare too well established to be changed, and it still runs its ancient course, across lots and through squares.

At first no names were given to the streets of the little city founded by Bienville. This was not done till 1724. Chartres was then named in honor of the oldest of the Orleans princes; St. Louis received the name of the patron saint of France; Conti was so called in honor of a prince of that title; Dumaine and Toulouse immortalize the two illegitimate sons of Madame de Montespan and Louis XIV. The Rue Royale was the main street of the town. The widest street was Orleans, which crossed Royal at right angles, at about the middle of its course. All houses were numbered north and south from Orleans Street — ? No. 1 North Royal or No. 1 South Royal, as the case might be, and the same on the parallel streets. Barracks, Hospital and Dauphine were not opened till later; the first was named for the long, low rambling buildings which stood near the river, and quartered the king's troops. The Rue de l'Arsenal, which in 1726 was the lower limit of the town, was later baptized Rue des Ursulines. What is now called Decatur Street p674was then Rue du Quay. At a later date, Chartres, between Esplanade and Orleans, was called Condé, but at a still later date recovered its original appellation. Bienville was so called as early as 1726, because the founder of the city had his residence on that street, near the river bank, at the corner of what now is Decatur. St. Peter, St. Ann and St. Philip were so called for the baptismal names frequently bestowed upon members of the royal family.1

New Orleans remained a walled and fortified town until 1804, when the Americans began to demolish the forts. The walls had already fallen into disrepair and were suffered gradually to disappear. Fort St. Charles, the only work of military importance, stood at the lower river corner of the city till 1826. At first the people expected the city to expand down the river. Bernard de Marigny there laid out his princely estate into streets and squares, and founded the Faubourg Marigny. Marigny was a gentleman of the old school, typically Creole, wealthy, well born, refined. At his mansion were entertained in 1798 Louis Philippe, then Duke of Orleans, afterwards King of France, and his two brothers, the Duke de Montpensier and the Count de Beaujolais. Another faubourg which was laid out about the same time was Trémé. It was laid out by Claude Trémé on a plantation belonging to him. St. Claude Street was named by him in honor of the saint whose name he bore.2 Trémé presented to the city the tract of open land which has been at various times known as Circus Square, Congo Square and nowadays as Beauregard Square.

The history of the early days of American control is immortalized in the street names of this part of New Orleans. Claiborne, Derbigny, Roman, Johnson, White and Robertson commemorate early governors of the state. Still earlier history is preserved in such names as Gayoso, Miro, Galvez and Salcedo. Tonti harks back to the first part of the colonial period, when the "Iron Hand" explored this region in search of LaSalle. Old Creole families are honored also. Rocheblave, Dorgenois and Delhonde are names of such. Genois was named for one ante-bellum mayor; Crossman for another. Clark Street bears the name of Daniel Clark, putative father of Myra Clark Gaines, the heroine of the most celebrated lawsuit in the history of Louisiana, if not of the United States; and Hagan Avenue retains the name of old John Hagan, a noted land speculator of the '40s, who laid out a "faubourg" behind the "Vieux Carré," adjoining that of Trémé. Gasquet Street recalls the memory of William A. Gasquet, a wealthy merchant and erstwhile member of the city council.

The Faubourg Ste. Marie, which grew up above Canal Street, produced its own crop of curious names. Gravier recalls the memory of Bernard Gravier, who owned the great land grant of which the river end was involved in the celebrated "batture" case. Julien Poydras gave his name to a cross street. He was not only the author of the first poem known to have been printed in Louisiana, but a successful business man also. He was the first president of the Bank of Louisiana, the earliest institution of the kind established in the Mississippi Valley.3 When Poydras p675died he owned 1,000 slaves, and in his will he directed that they should be gradually emancipated over a period of twenty-five years — ? a benevolent provision which was never carried out. Lafayette Street, formerly called Hevia, was renamed early in the nineteenth century in honor of General Lafayette. Delord Street perpetuates the fame of a Creole family which acquired that part of the Jesuit plantation fronting on the river where this thoroughfare now ends. In the first city directory occurs the following description of Delord Street: "It runs from the river near Withers' saw mill toward the swamp, between St. Joseph and Louise Street. It is the upper limit of the city corporation, and the line dividing the suburb of St. Mary from the upper banlieu. Boats coming to New Orleans with live stock cannot land below this street." Howard Avenue, so called in memory of C. T. Howard, was originally known as Triton Walk. Lee Circle was formerly Tivoli Circle, from the tivoli, or "flying horses," which, to the great delight of the children of the neighborhood, once operated there. Overlooking Tivoli Circle was the house in which Thomas Bailey Aldrich, the poet, spent his boyhood.

Among the earliest thoroughfares in the upper part of the city was Tchoupitoulas Road — ? the Chemin de Tchoupitoulas, or "fish hole" road, which led up the river to Bayou Tchoupitoulas. This was originally an Indian path. It followed the edge of the river then, but the accretion of silt along the bank has carried the water line several squares further out. Early in the last century this road was lined with willow trees. From Delord Street up almost to Carrollton along this pretty road stretched a line of residences, in ample grounds, where vegetables were raised and sheep farmed to the profit of owners usually making their home in the city. As these estates were absorbed into the city the names of the owners of the neighboring properties descended upon the newly opened thoroughfares. Thus Poeyfarre, Robin and Gaiennie recall the memory of well-known Creole families. The Saulet family owned what became the faubourg bearing their name. In the midst of this district rose St. Theresa's Church, on a site which their piety supplied, on condition that two pews be perpetually reserved for the use of the family and its descendants. Edward and Celeste streets were named for members of the Saulet family. Josephine and Philip were similarly named for beloved children, and Toledano, Delachaise and Foucher were names bestowed on streets opening through properties belong to these families. Such names as those of the Muses, borne by a group of streets opening off Coliseum Square, show that a taste for the classics existed in New Orleans in the late '40s. The Napoleonic streets — ? Austerlitz, Milan, Marengo, Berlin and the avenue which bears the great soldier's imperial name — ? testify to the enthusiasm for the emperor's cause which was felt by General Burthe, owner of what was for a time called Burtheville. The numbered streets — ? First, Second, Third, etc. — ? were "yankee-named," as the old inhabitants said, contemptuously. Peters Avenue retains the name of Samuel J. Peters. There was a special reason why one of the most splendid of the uptown streets should bear the name of Henry Clay. Not only did Clay visit New Orleans on various occasions, but his brother, Martin Clay, made his home in the city. Here Martin's two sons, Martin and Henry, were born and here they both died in youth. Aline, Amelia, Arabella, Eleonore, Leontine and many other feminine names which are found in this part of the city were given in honor of the p676daughters of the owners of the plantations through which the streets were cut.

The episodic fashion in which the city grew resulted in the middle of the last century in the discovery that what was, in fact, a single thoroughfare often had half a dozen names. Thus Dryades Street was called Philippa from Canal to Common, thence to Howard Avenue it was St. John the Baptist, and thereafter only did it bear its present name. Below Esplanade Street Royal was called Casacalvo, and Chartres was Moreau, so named in honor of Napoleon's general and rival, at one time a resident of the city. Dauphine as it descended the length of the city became Greatman, and Burgundy was Craps. In one part of its length the present Rampart Street was called Amour or Love Street, and in another Hercules, and in still another Circus. One part of Melpomene was called Melicerte. So, also, one section of Chippewa was known as Pacanier or Pecan Street. Thalia was in part Benjamin; Calliope masqueraded at one point as Louise and at another as Duplantier. Annunciation was Jersey in one place and Elizabeth in another. St. Charles Street ran only as far as Tivoli Circle, and there became Nyades Street — ? which was a Spanish name and pronounced accordingly. Part of Camp was called Liberal and another part Coliseum. Baronne was known in its upper extension as Bacchus and Carondelet as Apollo. Freret Street turned into Pine and then into Jacob. There were two Girod streets, five Washingtons and other duplications besides. These confusions were corrected by the city council in an ordinance passed about the year 1860. Not only did this sweeping measure stipulate that the streets mentioned, and many more besides, should bear a uniform name throughout their length, but it abolished some of the most curious and characteristic of the street names, like Good Children, Mysterious, Bagatelle, Craps, Solace, Lemon and History.4 Though thus expunged from the official map, they lingered in popular usage for many years thereafter. Some odd names still survive, like Arts, Music, Abundance, Virtue, Child, Brutus, Duels, Coffee, Dawn, Madmen, Last, Desire and Pelopidas. Desire, however, should properly be Désirée — ? a girl's name probably bestowed out of compliment to one of the young ladies of the de Clouet family. Pelopidas Street is one of those near Lake Pontchartrain which as yet are merely names on the map.

Canal Street, the principal thoroughfare of present day New Orleans, lay, in the first decades of the nineteenth century, far afield. But in 1838 it was one of the most important streets in the city. At that date the waterway from which it derives its name and which, it is said, was intended to unite the Mississippi with Lake Pontchartrain, had been partially filled in, giving place to a "neutral ground," or embankment, which extended from the river front all the way to Claiborne Street. In 1838 an elaborate plan was devised for the beautification of the street. Referring to this project, the editor of the Bulletin remarked: "It exhibits a very tasteful and elegant arrangement, which, if carried into effect, would furnish the citizens with an accommodation which they have long wanted — ? an agreeable resort and public promenade, where all can meet for relaxation and amusement during the sultry heat of summer."5 p677The idea was to embellish the street all the way back to Claiborne, but the principal feature was the square nearest the river, which was to be the "agreeable resort" of the Bulletin's editorial. At the end nearest the stream was to stand a granite arch, surmounted by an eagle. A large central iron gate closed the arch, and there were two smaller gates at the sides. At the opposite end a similar arch was to be flanked by marble vases filled with flowers. Between these two arches rows of laurel trees were to be planted, in order that their shade might shelter a "serpentine" graveled walk, along the length of which benches would invite the citizen to "relaxation," if not to "amusement." Provision was to be made for the illumination of the square at night by gas, and in the center a fountain would dart its cooling waters up into the air. "This is but an imperfect description," admitted the Bulletin, from whose glowing account these details are extracted. The remaining distance back to Claiborne Street was to be adorned with granite pillars, connected with iron chains, a row on within side of the "neutral ground." The purpose of these barriers was, it seems, to prevent stray animals from intruding upon the "neutral ground." The posts and chains were of course to be interrupted at the intersection of the cross streets, but here were to arise the chief glory of the great thoroughfare. This was a series of statues of great men, statesmen and soldiers, the first of which was to ornament the square nearest the river and commemorate Robert Fulton, inventor of the steamboat. The expense of this large undertaking, it appears, was to be met by the owners of property abutting on the street.

(p673)

Canal Street, the Main Thoroughfare of New Orleans

The plan for the embellishing of Canal Street was ultimately adopted by the city authorities, but in much modified form. This was brought about by conditions which ran back to the Battle of New Orleans, in 1815. In that conflict took part Judah Touro, the great philanthropist,a and Rezin Shepherd, subsequently a distinguished New Orleans banker. Touro fell in the fighting, badly wounded. Shepherd discovered him partly conscious and apparently dying on the battlefield, put him in a cart and conveyed him as tenderly as possible back to the city, where he was nursed back to health. His wound left Touro a cripple for the rest of his life. His gratitude to Shepherd knew no bounds, and on his death, in January, 1854, he left the bulk of his large fortune to his savior. Shepherd utilized the money in various ways designed to perpetuate the name of his friend. Accordingly, on January 27, 1854, he addressed a letter to Valentine Heerman, a member of the Board of Assistant Councilmen, stating that "from two to three hundred thousand dollars would be placed at the disposition of the city authorities by me as residuary legatee of Mr. Touro for the purpose of embellishing and improving Canal Street." He was, he added, confident that the conditions which he would impose in connection with this gift would be acceptable to the council. It appears, however, that the whole sum named was not to be utilized on Canal Street, but that it included the amount to be applied to the construction of an almshouse "on a magnificent scale," as provided in Touro's will. But, even so, the benefaction provided ample funds for greatly improving the appearance of the street. The council, on being apprised of Mr. Shepherd's project, appointed a committee on January 30 to confer with him regarding the conditions to which he referred.

p678 On March 1, 1854, Shepherd wrote another letter, this time to W. Alexander Gordon, chairman of the committee above mentioned, in which he confirmed his previous communication, but added, specifically, that the sum applicable to adornment of Canal Street would be $150,000, payable in five annual installments of $30,000 each. The conditions on which the gift depended were that the name be changed from Canal Street to Touro Avenue; that the street be paved with granite blocks across its entire width from the river to Camp and Chartres streets, and from there back to Claiborne, the squares each to be inclosed with iron railings and ornamented with trees, shrubbery, etc.; "the same always to be kept in good order; the sidewalks not to exceed — 11 feet in width, except between Levee and Camp street; that all projections over them shall be uniform, to correspond with those on Touro Row; and the present ordinances relative to the encumberments on the sidewalks be enforced."6

Shepherd's letter was laid before the city council at its meeting on March 13, and a resolution accepting the gift, under the terms described, was introduced and passed. Another ordinance, providing "that the street now known as Canal be and the same is hereafter denominated Touro Avenue," was likewise passed. The comptroller was instructed to proceed at once to sell the contract for paving, "flagging" (by which terms reference was made to the laying of flagstones), the railings and the beautification of the neutral ground. At the same time arrangements were inaugurated looking to the erection of a "magnificent cenotaph" to Touro's memory to be located at an appropriate point in the new avenue.7

On April 19, 1855, however, the council passed an ordinance seventeen words in length, providing "that the name of Touro Avenue be and is hereby changed to the original name of Canal Street."8 Nothing is known which accounts for this abrupt change in the plans regarding Canal Street. Apparently the change of name had been ignored by the population. One examines the contemporary newspapers in vain for an allusion to Touro Avenue, whereas, even in official records, the name of Canal Street repeatedly appears. However, the adornment of the street seems to have gone on without interruption. The neutral ground was provided along both edges with rows of iron posts and two iron chains hung from one to the other. Part of the money for this work was appropriated by the city, but the larger portion was provided by the merchants and property owners of the vicinity and by other citizens through a sense of civic pride. The park near the river was, however, never laid out, nor was the statue of Fulton ever erected. The first and only statue erected in the projected series was that of Henry Clay, which stood at the intersection of Canal and St. Charles streets from 1856 to 1900, when it was removed to its present location in Lafayette Square. The plan as originally developed involved the building of similar monuments at each corner as far out as Rampart Street. Needless to say this was never p679carried into effect. It is said that just before the outbreak of the Civil war a statue of Zachary Taylor, similar to that of Henry Clay, was ordered, with the intention of erecting it at the corner of Canal and Carondelet streets. The war, however, put an end to that project, if it ever took tangible shape. The laurel trees required in the plan of 1838 were never planted, but rows of oak trees were set out along the neutral ground. They never amounted to much. The last of them was removed during the administration of Mayor Fitzpatrick. The iron posts with their chains were also gradually removed, some being seen in Canal Street as late as 1880. Not long after the Civil war the street car companies were permitted to occupy the "neutral ground." That put an end to any possible exploitation of that area for parking purposes. The little that had been done was destroyed to suit the convenience of these corporations, even the removal of the Clay statue, around which so much local history had been enacted, being finally effected in deference to their wishes. About the time that the street car pre-empted the "neutral ground" the continuation of the old canal beyond Claiborne Street was filled in and became the roadbed of the West End Railroad. In 1904 the adornment of this extremity of Canal Street was undertaken by an organization known as the Frank T. Howard Association, but the present attractive appearance of this part of the street is due to the enterprise of the city government in recent years.9

The parks and squares of New Orleans have much of history also. Jackson Square was formerly located at the intersection of Chartres and Esplanade streets, a vicinity long since built over. The name was bestowed upon what had previously been called the Place d'Armes in 1850. At that time the signal gun which previously had been fired nightly at 9 o'clock from the center of the Place d'armes was removed to what we now know as Beauregard Square, but which was then called Congo Square. There the signal gun nightly bellowed forth its warning to all slaves to seek their homes, down to 1862, when the custom was discontinued by order of the Federal authorities then in control of the city. The tolling of the fire alarm bell took its place, and thereafter for over forty years the nine strokes which marked the hour were heard by thousands who were unaware of the reason why it was rung. Congo Square lost its name early in the present century, when the picturesque old appellation gave way to that which it now bears. It was called "Congo" from the custom of the negroes of meeting there on their Sunday afternoon holiday to dance the "bamboula" and other African dances, to the accompaniment of barbaric music made by rattling a bone over the jawbone of a dead mule and beating a drum of skin over a barrel head. At an earlier date the locality was known as the Congo Plains, and sometimes as the Place des Nègres. Before the foundation of the city the Indians celebrated in this vicinity their corn feasts, commemorated in "La Fête du Petit Blé," the first dramatic composition ever written in Louisiana.

Lafayette Square came into existence when Peters, Yorke, Sparks and others created the Second Municipality. In the earliest maps of this quarter it is designated merely as a "place publique." Like Jackson Square, and indeed like most of the other squares then existing in the city, this place was originally surrounded by a high iron fence. Egress p681and ingress were to be obtained only at gates, one on each side, which were locked at 9 P.M., not to be opened till the following morning. Washington Square, in the lower part of the city, was laid out on land originally belonging to the Macarty family. Clay Square, on Third Street, and Douglas Square, on Washington Avenue, evidence in their names the dates when they were laid out. The latter is now called Morris Park, in memory of John A. Morris, a local capitalist. Margaret Place perpetuates the fame of Margaret Haughery, an uneducated Irish woman, who for many years was at the head of the largest bakery in the city and whose munificence to a considerable extent enabled the construction of the St. Vincent Infant Asylum, the St. Elizabeth Asylum and the New Orleans Female Asylum. Margaret died in 1882 and a monument to her memory, the work of Alexander Doyle, was erected in the triangular green plot in front of the New Orleans Female Asylum in 1884. This bit of ground, which had till then been private property, was at that time dedicated as a public square.

(p680)

Beautiful Lafayette Square,

Showing U. S. Postoffice in Background.

Just above Margaret Place opens out the irregularly shaped but extremely attractive expanse of tree and grass known as Coliseum Square. It is a remnant of an ambitious project on the part of the early makers of New Orleans, which like many others, failed of accomplishment. The square occupies a corner of what was once the Faubourg Delogny. The classic name is a memorial of the taste for that sort of thing which led to the naming of the adjacent streets after the Grecian muses. Old maps show a design for a "colosseum" to be shaped like the letter E, with its open end facing Race Street, which was then the Chemin de la Course, or Race Track Street, and was a wide thoroughfare planted with trees and extending from the river to this spot. The "colosseum" was intended to be the scene of public games and assemblies, like those of ancient Rome, no doubt; but it was never built, and the only vestige which it has left is the name of Coliseum Street, bestowed at the suggestion of Dr. T. G. Richardson, the celebrated surgeon, long dean of the Medical College of Tulane University. The lower end of Coliseum Square was originally intended to be adorned with basins (fountains), and the street which led thence to the river was dubbed Rue des Bassins; but these were never built, and the name of the street was ultimately changed to Terpsichore. Prytania Street, which branches off from Camp near Margaret Place, owes its name to a plan somewhat similar to that of the "colosseum." At the same time that Coliseum Square was projected, it was planned to establish a sort of people's university in the square bounded by Prytania, St. Charles, Melpomene and Euterpe. The Prytanium, in ancient Greece, was a meeting place, a kind of people's palace, where foreign embassies were received, youth instructed and the most illustrious of citizens assembled. In France, in the craze for things Greek and Roman which was one of the symptoms of the intellectual disorder of the Revolutionary period, a somewhat similar institution looked to the management of the preparatory schools, which were often called "prytanées." The street which led to projected Prytanium was called, somewhat prematurely, Rue des Prytanées, or, in English, Prytanes Street — ? later corrupted into its present form. The Prytanium, needless to say, was never built.

The two principal parks of New Orleans are Audubon and City Parks. They are situated at opposite extremities of the city. Audubon Park is a magnificent expanse of — 247 acres. It was originally the property p683of the patriotic Mazan, one of Lafrénière's companions in the disastrous revolt in 1768. His property was confiscated by the Spanish government, and some years later granted to Pierre Foucher, son-in-law of Etienne de Boré. De Boré's own estate lay below the present lower boundary of the park; it was there that he succeeded in perfecting the manufacture of sugar, and raised the first commercially profitable crop of that staple ever grown in Louisiana. Both of these estates eventually fell into the hands of the Marquis de Circé-Foucher, by whose heirs the present Audubon Park was sold to the city in 1871 for $180,000. It was known in 1879 as the "New City Park." The name of Audubon was not bestowed till some years later, at the suggestion of Dr. T. G. Richardson, to whom Coliseum Square also owes its name. The land was allowed to lie unimproved till 1884, when the Cotton Centennial Exposition was held within its limits. Considerable improvements were made by the management of this enterprise in the section lying between Magazine Street and the river, but the larger part, between Magazine and St. Charles Avenue, was at this time denuded of the stately oak trees which had formerly embellished it, to make way for the buildings necessary to house the exhibits. All of the exposition buildings were subsequently removed except the Horticultural Hall, an immense structure of iron and glass, containing exquisite collections of trees and flowers. This was badly damaged in the great storm of 1909, and was shortly thereafter demolished. In 1886 the park was placed under control of a commission, with J. Ward Gurley, afterwards United States district attorney, was the first president. The work since carried on in the park has been in accordance with a plan prepared by the great landscape artist, Olmstead. The lake which now winds its sylvan way through the St. Charles Street side of the park was excavated in 1919 and 1920.

The City Park covers — 216 acres. It formed part originally of the plantation of Louis Allard. Allard's estate extended all the way from the Bayou St. John to the Orleans Canal. He was a man of letters and wrote meritorious verse. Towards the end of his life his fortunes declined. He was compelled to dispose of the greater portion of his land. The last remnant, comprising the present park, was sold to John McDonogh, the eccentric philanthropist. At his death, in 1850, McDonogh left it to the cities of New Orleans and Baltimore. At the partition sale New Orleans acquired it in full ownership and decided to devote it to park purposes. Allard, who was then very poor, was, by a special agreement, after the sale, permitted to continue to live at the place. He was thus able to spend his declining days under the oaks which he loved, and when he, too, passed away, he was buried in a quiet spot under a favorite tree. The tomb is still to be seen in the pleasant surroundings of the city playground. In the early part of the nineteenth century the Allard east was a favorite resort of duellists. Many sanguinary encounters were fought out beneath the great oak trees which still adorn one side of the park. After its acquisition by the city the land was suffered to lie unimproved till 1896. In 1898 an elaborate plan, largely the work of the Park Board's engineer, George H. Grandjean, was adopted,10 and since then the work of beautification has been carried on steadily. The lake which forms a conspicuous feature of the park, was formed in 1898 and 1899 by enlarging Bayou Metairie, a branch p684of Bayou St. John, which flowed for — nearly a mile through the Allard estate.

(p682)

Esplanade Entrance to City Park, New Orleans

The Jefferson Davis Parkway, which will ultimately be a splendid thoroughfare connecting Canal Street with the upper part of the city, at present terminates in the vicinity of Robert Street. It was formerly known as Hagan Avenue, in memory of John Hagan, a rich land speculator of the '40s, who laid out the Faubourg Hagan of transient importance in the development of the city. The name was changed in 1910. At the Canal Street end of the parkway stands a statue of Jefferson Davis by the sculptor Valentine, erected in 1911 at a cost of $20,000 by the Jefferson Davis Monument Association. This society was formed in April, 1898, the first president being Mrs. A. W. Robert. It was at first intended to place the monument in Coliseum Square, but in 1906, when Mrs. W. J. Behan became president, the plans were changed, and a site for the statue was solicited in Audubon Park. A committee composed of J. B. Levert, B. T. Walsh, John Holmes, Mrs. J. G. Harrison, Mrs. Benjamin Ory and Mrs. Behan was formed in 1908, through whose efforts the present location was obtained. The monument was unveiled on February 19, 1911. The beautification of the parkway since then has proceeded slowly.

The Author’s Notes

1 Heloise Hulse Cruzat, "New Orleans Under Bienville," in Louisiana Historical Quarterly, Vol. I, No. 3, pp75, 76.

2 Times-Democrat, January 9, 1910.

3 Zacharie, "New Orleans: Its Old Streets and Places," in Publications of the Louisiana Historical Society, Vol. II, Part III, 73.

4 Leovy, "Laws and General Ordinances of the City of New Orleans, 1866," pp486-489. It is greatly to be desired that these names be restored to the map of the city, on account of their associations with local history and literature.

5 January 12, 1838.

6 Proceedings of the City Council for March 13, 1854, in the New Orleans City Archives.

7 Mayor Waterman's General Message to the Common Council of the City of New Orleans, October 1, 1857. This pamphlet is preserved in the city archives. I am indebted to Mrs. M. Pohlman, the archivist at the City Hall, for the opportunity to examine this curious record.

8 Ordinance 2124, reported in Leovy's digest, 489.

9 See "Historic Canal Street," in Times-Democrat, May 13, 1904.

10 Picayune, March 17, 1898.

p685 Chapter XLIII

Hotel Life in New Orleans

For many years before the Civil war the social life of New Orleans revolved around its great hotels to a degree greater than was the case, probably, in any other American city. The first hotel of which there is record in New Orleans was the Hotel d'Orleans, built in 1799, by Samuel Moore. It had a long and eventful history, and was finally demolished in 1907. It was succeeded by the Hotel des Etrangers, erected in 1812, and by the Hotel Tremoulet, of which the architect, Latrobe, has left us some picturesque impressions, in his diary. It was at the Hotel des Etrangers that Lafayette was lodged during his visit to New Orleans, in 1825. Here also Napoleon's physician, Antommarchi, stayed during his short sojourn in the city, in 1834. At the corner of Chartres and St. Peter streets still stands a building which, in the early part of the nineteenth century, was famous as a hotel and restaurant under the name of "Le Veau qui Tete."a To the same epoch belonged the Hotel de la Marine, which stood in the vicinity of the French Market, near St. Philip Street. These were, however, small establishments, though sufficient for the accommodation of the travelers who passed through the city in that primitive day; it was not till about 1830, during the "flush times," when New Orleans expanded in every direction, and grew rapidly in wealth and power, that the first of its great hotels came into existence.

These were the Hotel Royal and the St. Charles. Both of these splendid buildings owed their existence to banking companies chartered by the Legislature, in that epoch of highly speculative enterprise, when most of the solid improvements made in the city were involved in banking schemes of a more or less insecure kind. In return for the public improvements which these banks undertook to make, they secured the right to issue money. This policy had on the surface a double advantage — ? it built up the city rapidly, and it greatly increased its banking capital. At one time this capital aggregated $40,000,000, when New York could not boast of half as much. As a matter of fact, this fevered development resulted in great financial disaster; which was reflected in the history of many of the enterprises sponsored by these companies, notably in the case of the Improvements Bank, which erected the St. Louis Hotel. The Exchange Bank, which built the St. Charles, fared better. These hotels were erected about the same time, and were due to the spirit of rivalry which then existed between the Vieux Carré, occupied principally by Creoles, and the Faubourg Ste. Marie, or First Municipality, the people of which were almost exclusively Americans. The St. Charles was the first large building erected above Canal Street. From the day when its foundations were laid down to the close of the century, when its supremacy was successfully attacked by the construction of other large and luxurious hostelries, it was the representative building of New Orleans. It shared the fortunes of the city, good and bad; it prospered when it prospered, it suffered when it suffered. Within its walls half the business of the city was transacted over a period of fifty p686years; and there for a still longer time half the history of the State of Louisiana was written.

The first St. Charles Hotel was designed by Dakin & Gallier, the firm of architects who drew the plans for many other important buildings in New Orleans and elsewhere in Louisiana, notably the present City Hall, the old French Opera House, and the State Capitol in Baton Rouge. The cost was nearly $800,000. That was a far larger sum than now. It was completed early in 1837. It was opened on Washington's Birthday, with a ball at which the Washington Guards, the "crack" military organization of the city, were hosts, under the command of Capt. C. F. Hozey, sheriff of Orleans Parish. Its success was great, although the first managers, Floyd & McDonald, failed. It is not clear what brought about their disaster. But they were soon succeeded by Mudge & Watrous, under whose management the hotel entered upon a long and spectacular career. The senior partner was E. R. Mudge. He sold out in 1845 to his brother, S. H. Mudge — ? "colonel," after the genial fashion of those days — ? who subsequently took into partnership a man named Wilson, previously connected with the establishment as clerk, and these two, together, continued its success down to the fire of 1851, which burned the great building to the ground.

It was a great building. "Set the St. Charles down in St. Petersburg," exclaimed Oakey Hall, in the later '40s, "and you would think it a palace; in Boston, and ten to one you would christen it a college; in London, and it would marvellously remind you of an exchange; in New Orleans, it is all three." Hall, who later became mayor of New York, and had enjoyed every opportunity to see and study the great public buildings of the world, was unable to contain his surprise at coming down to the youthful City of New Orleans — ? for the First District was just beginning to blossom out into metropolitan proportions — ? and finding there something far grander than anything New York could boast of. Nor Hall alone. Lady Wortley, an Englishwoman who had trotted about the globe, and who wrote a book about her impressions of America,b has left on record her verdict, that the St. Charles was a superb edifice, very similar to St. Peter's at Rome, with its "immense dome and Corinthian portico," the finest piece of architecture she had seen anywhere in the New World.

It must be remembered that this was before the United States became the hotel building and hotel dwelling nation that it subsequently became. In that time there were no Commodore nor Blackstone hotels, nor even a Palmer House nor Pacific Hotel. Visitors to the country had to content themselves with very ordinary inns, or depend upon the hospitality of private persons. The St. Charles was the first of the great American hotels, and it won for the city the reputation of being the most enterprising, as it was already credited with being the most aristocratic and possibly the wealthiest city in the country. It had a magical effect upon the quarter of the city in which it stood. It rapidly built up the First District. Around it, as a center, gathered the traffic and the trade of the city. Churches sprang up near it; stores and dwellings spread out in every direction. St. Charles Street, which did not extend far above the hotel, was at that time the gayest and most animated thoroughfare in the United States, and possibly in the world. Between Lafayette and Canal streets it exhibited an almost continuous line of bar-rooms and restaurants — ? forty-five of the former, as a contemporary chronicle p687informs us; and thus earned for the city the name of "The Boarding House of the United States." It was a jest that had much of earnest, that nothing but a bar-room or an eating-house could flourish in that vicinity. It is said that one venturesome business-man did locate a "literary exchange" there, but by the end of the year, added a 60-foot bar, at which there were probably more patrons than in the reading room. Hotel life in New Orleans was in these brilliant years something unique. The tincture of Bohemianism and adventure made it exceedingly attractive to an excitement-loving country. There was a large floating population, especially in the First District. Many were attracted to the wonderfully prosperous city as a place in which to make a fortune rapidly. Here they remained six months or less at a time, and then fled northward or to Europe for rest and recuperation, before returning for the winter's strenuous labors. This was the element to which the hotels and restaurants catered. It was the custom to lodge at the hotels, but to eat at one or another of the countless restaurants which lined the thoroughfares opening into Canal; for St. Charles, while the chief center, was not the only street which boasted its long line of attractive eating-houses. Day boarders, too, were numerous at the hotels. It is said that several hundred outsiders dined every day at the St. Charles.

In addition to the St. Charles, the great hotels of the city included the Verandah and the St. Louis. To a later period belonged the City Hotel, which stood on the corner of Camp and Common, where Baldwin's hardware store was subsequently erected. The Verandah occupied a fine location diagonally opposite to the St. Charles, on the corner of St. Charles and Common. It was erected soon after its more famous neighbor, and cost $300,000. For a time it served as a sort of annex to the St. Charles. It was designed by its proprietor, R. O. Pritchard, as a family hotel. It was completed in May, 1838. It received its name from the fact that it was furnished on the outside with a balcony which projected over the sidewalk, and was a delightful place of resort for the guest, at the same time that it protected pedestrians from sunshine and rain as they hurried to and fro along the busy streets. The Verandah had its own special attraction. This was the great dining room, said to be the most elaborately decorated apartment of the kind in America at that time. The ceilings and walls were handsomely frescoed by Canova, nephew of the celebrated sculptor of that name. It was also adorned with some fined statuary. In the course of time the Verandah came under the same management as the St. Charles. It was destroyed in the fire of 1850, in which the St. Charles also perished, but it was never rebuilt. Pritchard, who was the first manager of the Verandah, had been interested in the St. Charles, but soon after the completion of that celebrated edifice, quarrelled with the management, and withdrew. He was supported in this action by James H. Caldwell and Thomas Banks, the former the man to whom of all others, the St. Charles owed its existence.

In the life of that day the Verandah was reckoned the cosiest and most home-like of the city's hotels; the St. Charles was the meeting place of the mercantile class, although there, too, the rich planters were apt to congregate; but it was at the St. Louis that the politicians liked to stay when they were in the city. The St. Louis was originally known as the City Exchange. Its building represented the protest of the Creoles against the tendency of the city's population to drift uptown, and such was the prestige of the great hostelry that for a considerable period it p688was at least partially successful in staying this movement. At the head of the enterprise was Pierre Soulé, who ruined himself, financially, in the enterprise. As originally planned, it was a far grander edifice than the St. Charles. It was intended to cover the entire square bounded by Chartres, Royal, Toulouse and St. Louis, and cost $1,500,000 — ? a sum which, reckoned by the standard of our day, would fall not far short of $4,500,000. In the competition which was instituted for the honor of designing this great edifice, eight designs were submitted, and the winner was J. N. DePouilly. DePouilly was a Frenchman who had settled in New Orleans some years before. His design called for a structure in the Tuscan Doric style, but it was never carried out fully. The materials were brought from France. But the crisis of 1837 intervened; the expensive methods of construction were modified; the size of the building reduced, and when, after three years of labor, the hotel was opened, in the summer of 1838, it occupied only the St. Louis Street side of the square which it was originally intended to cover completely. The first manager was Pierre Maspero. As its original name indicates, the primary object of the City Exchange was to supply a meeting place for business men. The hotel, ball-room, etc., were really secondary, though, of course, important features. The main feature of DePouilly's design was the rotunda in the center of the building. The principal entrance was on St. Louis Street, under a Doric portico of six columns. This gave upon a vestibule — 127 feet wide and 40 feet deep, in which, as in the rotunda itself, business was transacted. These places became the assembly place of the city's auctioneers.

The building was unfortunately destroyed by fire in 1841. It was immediately rebuilt in the same style at a cost of $600,000. For twenty years thereafter nearly all the important transactions in New Orleans in which the services of an auctioneer were required, took place within its walls. The rotunda was open for business purposes only from noon to 3 P.M., but the vestibule was closed only at a late hour of the night and during the early hours of the morning. Surrounding the rotunda in the new building were arcades and galleries, to which the public had free access at all times, except on Sundays, when this part of the building was closed. With the erection of individual "exchanges," for the accommodation of special lines of business, the patronage of the St. Louis — ? as the building became known after the fire — ? fell off. The rotunda, down to the Civil war, was a favorite place for mass-meetings both of democrats and whigs.

The lower floor of the St. Louis was principally occupied by stores, banks, and business offices. Here, at the intersection of Chartres and St. Louis, was the headquarters of the Improvement Bank, capitalized at $2,000,000, to which the building owed its inception. The ball-room and the apartments connected with them were on the second floor, and access was obtained to them by a second and smaller entrance on St. Louis Street. The principal ball-room was in the part of the building towards Royal Street, but its windows opened into St. Louis Street. The ceiling was very handsomely frescoed, and in its day the great apartment was looked on as one of the most elegant in the country. Later on, this entire suite was divided into bedrooms, and all trace of the former splendor disappeared.

p689 The remainder of the building was fitted up as the hotel. There were accommodations for 200 guests. Many distinguished writers were entertained under its hospitable roof. Maspero, the first manager, was succeeded by a Spaniard named Alvarez, who had as assistant, Joseph Santini. They were followed by James Hewlett, who as proprietor of Hewlett's Exchange had already won a position of importance in the gastronomic history of the city. Under Hewlett the St. Louis reached its meridian of splendor. Then it was that the famous balls were inaugurated which were famous all over the country. Among those which are still recalled is the "bal travesti" of the winter of 1842-3 and that at which Henry Clay was a guest. There were 200 subscribers to the Clay fete, each of them contributing $100. There were 600 guests, and when they assembled at supper, Clay delivered for their benefit what is said to have been the only oration he made in Louisiana. In the famous ball-room, too, were held the sessions of the State Legislature of 1845, when that body adjourned from Jackson, Louisiana, on the ground of the inconvenience of that town, and sought the gaities and dissipations of New Orleans.

For a time the hotel was managed by Hall & Hildreth, and then in 1872 Hiram Cranston undertook to run the place. Cranston was a widely-known hotel man. He had been for years successful at the head of an important hotel in New York City. Nevertheless, at the end of a year, he abandoned his New Orleans enterprise, after making the most disastrous failure in the history of hotel life in this city. E. F. Mioton took charge for one season but failed also.

Down to the Civil war the St. Charles Hotel met with but one reverse. That happened in 1841, when the Exchange Bank, which built it, failed, and the president and the cashier of the company fled to avoid arrest. When the affairs of the bankrupt corporations were liquidated, the hotel passed into the hands of the St. Charles Hotel Company, which has owned it ever since. The fate of the first St. Charles was spectacular in the extreme. At 11 o'clock on the night of January 18, 1851, the upper part of the building was discovered to be in flames. The house was filled at the time. It is said that there were 800 guests there. It was the height of the most prosperous season it had ever known. So crowded was the place that the proprietors had leased the St. Louis Hotel in order to accommodate the overflow from their own establishment. The cause of the fire is unknown. It is supposed to have been caused by a defective chimney; but as some plumbers were at work that afternoon with a furnace and other similar appliances, it is probable that their carelessness was responsible for the disaster. The destruction of the hotel, however, might have been averted in part at least but for the incompetent behavior of the fire department on this occasion. The fire had made great progress before the alarm was given. When the engines arrived they were only partially manned and worked imperfectly. The proprietor and his staff organized an impromptu bucket brigade and did yeoman's service. Their efforts were entirely inadequate to subdue the flames, especially as the fire above the fifth story was quite out of the reach even of the engines. Within a half-hour the front portico fell into the street with a tremendous crash. In its fall it crushed a marble statue of Washington by one of the best contemporary Italian artists, which had been presented to the hotel by John Hagan, and which occupied a prominent position at the main entrance.

p690 The fire did not confine itself to the hotel but spread to several other prominent buildings. It was then that Doctor Clapp's church was consumed. The First Methodist Church shared the same fate. The Pelican House, a small hotel, near Gravier Street, and fourteen other buildings, one of which was situated as remote from the hotel as Hevia (Lafayette) Street, were likewise completely consumed. The loss was estimated at over $1,000,000. The greatest part of the loss was, of course, represented by the hotel. The insurance on this great building was but $105,000. It was actually worth about seven times that sum. But this heavy loss did not daunt the owners. Within two days a decision was reached, and within a few weeks work was begun. Twelve months later the second St. Charles was ready for business.

The new building was of the same style and architecture as its predecessor, but lacked one feature which had excited the admiration of all who had beheld the original edifice. That was the great cupola, second only to that at the capitol at Washington. The architect was a New York man named Rogers, but he left the city before the work was completed, and his place was taken by George Purves, a New Orleans builder. His principal change was the staircase, which in the original design descended directly from the hotel office to the street. In the new building they divided and turned back on themselves in a highly elaborate and very attractive fashion. The new hotel was promptly leased by Hildreth & Hall, elaborately fitted up, and from that date to the Civil war shared in the prosperity of the city. In these years — ? from 1851 to 1861 — ? the St. Charles was the gathering place of the men who made the history of the South. It was in the famous "Parlor P" that Jefferson Davis and a number of the leading public men of the South held an important conference on their way to the Charleston convention. They decided then upon the course which they were to follow in that fateful meeting — ? a decision which probably led directly to the great war between the states.

The war found the hotel in a very prosperous condition; it left it bankrupt. In 1862, when the city was occupied by the Federal troops, the manager of the hotel refused to receive General Butler, and the result was that a serious disturbance was narrowly averted. Hildreth was a relative of Mrs. Butler's. He was a man of Northern birth, but had identified himself thoroughly with the South, and was at the time a member of a local military company. Hildreth claimed that he had closed the hotel and for that reason could not entertain the general. The Federal officials, however, easily settled the question. They took possession of the building, opened it themselves, and ran it as an accommodation for the officers of the army. Mrs. Butler occupied the ladies' parlor. She signified her wish to receive the ladies of New Orleans there, but none of them deigned to respond to the invitation, and Mrs. Butler's receptions were limited for the most part to the wives of the army officers and Federal employees. Ultimately, Butler removed his headquarters to the Twiggs mansion, on Prytania street. The hotel was then surrendered to its lessees. They kept the establishment going, but naturally there was left transient business. Travel was not attractive at that troublous epoch.

p691 In 1865, at the close of hostilities, the city was full of returned Confederate soldiers, most of them penniless. The whole population undertook to care for them. The hotels did their share of the work. Both the St. Charles and the City Hotel threw their doors open. They entertained hundreds of ex-soldiers. The books of the former show bills to the amount of $30,000 which were never paid by these brave but impecunious guests. In 1866, however, began that business revival which came to a sudden end in 1868. For those two years the city was full of people. The hotels did a fine business. When the Reconstruction policies led to the installation of a republican government, prosperity came to an end, and it was not till about twenty-five years later that good times came again. In the interval Hildreth retired from the management of the St. Charles. He sold his interests to his partner, Hall, in 1865. In 1869 the hotel was leased to Rivers & Foley, and afterwards to Rivers & Bartels. During the stormy political period from 1868 to 1880 the St. Charles was frequently the scene of important events. In its rotunda men of every variety of political views foregathered. Parlor P became nationally famous for the political conferences held therein. It was occupied by no less than six congressional commissions sent to New Orleans to investigate different phases of the radical regime. There Madison Wells, Jim Anderson, Kellogg, and a host of others made history, testifying before the visitors from Washington. Questions of trade and commerce were also ventilated in Parlor P. Here, too, at a later date, came Rex, the King of the Carnival, and made Parlor P headquarters during the brief space of his annual reign.

In 1878 the St. Charles underwent extensive repairs. When these were done it had accommodations for between 600 and 700 guests. There were 400 bedrooms. The lower floor was occupied by business offices, and there, too, was a bar-room which had a national reputation. On the second floor were two dining rooms, the various parlors and drawing rooms, etc. On occasions of special ceremony the management could parade the famous gold table service, valued at $16,000, the possession of which was one of the things that made the old St. Charles unique.

The Civil war also wrought great changes in the St. Louis hotel. The burning of the hotel in 1841, as has been said, caused the collapse of the Improvements Bank. The property was then sold to the Citizens' Bank, which made many attempts to dispose of it, but invariably had to take it back on a foreclosed mortgage. In 1874 it was sold to the State of Louisiana for $253,000, and for the next eight years was used as the state capitol. During that time it was the meeting-place of the "black and tan" Legislature, for the convenience of which the famous rotunda was floored over at the height of the second story, converting the lower portion into a basement or cellar. In the domed chamber thus created the state senate held its meetings. In 1874 the hotel was the headquarters of the Kellogg government, and was one of the centers of the struggle between the revolting people and the "carpet-bag" government. Again, in 1877, it was the scene of political disorders of the most singular character. When, after four months' tenantcy, Packard withdrew from the building, he left it in a state of terrible dilapidation and filth. Soon afterwards, with the removal of the state capitol from New Orleans to Baton Rouge, caused the building to be closed. In 1884 R. J. Rivers, previously manager of the St. Charles, leased the property from the state, and re-opened it as a hotel. At this time the building was repaired and p692to some extent remodelled, and renamed the Hotel Royal. Rivers abandoned his enterprise seven or eight years later, and nobody cared to follow him in what was obviously a losing venture. Subsequently, the state disposed of the property to J. A. Mercier, but the building remained unoccupied and fell into general disrepair. The rat-proofing campaign which followed the discovery of a few cases of bubonic plague in the city, in 1914, led to an investigation of the old building; it was condemned as a breeder of vermin, and the owners not caring to expend the large sums which would have been necessary to make it safe and sanitary, had it torn down.

The fate of the second St. Charles Hotel was more spectacular. A serious fire in 1876 did extensive damage to the hotel; another on October 3, 1880, when damage estimated at $25,000 was done; and finally, on April 28, 1894, the building was entirely consumed. It is rather a remarkable fact that only in the last fire was there any known loss of life. In 1850 several persons were slightly injured. In the last fire, however, four persons perished, and a number were more or less slightly injured. The present building was erected immediately after the fire.

In addition to the St. Charles New Orleans possesses at the present time a number of excellent hotels, of which the most prominent are the Hotel Grunewald, the Hotel de Soto, the Monteleone, the Lafayette, and the Planters'. The Hotel Grunewald was established on Baronne Street, near Canal, in 1893. The present magnificent structure, extending back through the square to University Place, dates from 1908. The DeSoto was opened in the spring of 1906. It is a magnificent building covering an entire square on Baronne and Poydras streets. The Monteleone was established in 1901, on Royal Street, one block below Canal Street. The Lafayette occupies a commanding location overlooking Lafayette Square. It was opened to the public in October, 1916. The Planters' Hotel, formerly known as the Hotel Bruno, is situated on Dauphine Street, corner of Iberville. It was opened in 1906, and the building was renovated and refurnished in 1919.

An important part in the social life of the city is played today by the clubs, of which two, at least, have a history stretching back to a date before the Civil war, and several to a time immediately following the conflict. The Boston Club is the oldest surviving organization of this type. It was formed in 1841 by a coterie of gentlemen devoted to the "game of Boston," a card game in vogue at that time. Of the original members none survive, and only a few of those who were members at the time of the Civil war. The club was incorporated in 1842. Its first quarters were on Royal Street, but after a short residence here, it transferred its household goods to rooms on the south side of Canal Street, adjoining Moreau's restaurant. About this time other games than Boston began to be played in its comfortable card-rooms. During the Civil war the club was closed by order of the Federal authorities, but it was re-opened in 1865, in new quarters on Royal Street. Later on the club took rooms on Carondelet Street, near Canal, and finally occupied its present home on Canal Street, between Carondelet and Baronne. This building is a fine type of the pre-war southern residence. It was built by the famous Dr. W. N. Mercer, when he relinquished his stately mansion on Carondelet Street, where he entertained Henry Clay, during the latter's visit to New Orleans. Mercer was an intimate friend of p693Clay, and it is said was the generous but anonymous benefactor that paid the statesman's debts, in the later years of his life. Among the noted men who have belonged to the Boston Club may be mentioned John R. Grymes, the great lawyer; Judah P. Benjamin, the Confederate secretary of state; T. J. Semmes and Gen. "Dick" Taylor. Jefferson Davis likewise frequented the club whenever he was in New Orleans.

The Pickwick Club is the other organization which originated before the Civil war. It was founded in 1857 in a parlor above the famous Gem saloon, which figured so frequently in the annals of the city in Reconstruction days. Its first habitat was on St. Charles Street, near Canal. The first president, A. H. Gladden, entered the Confederate army as commander of the First Confederate Regulars, and was killed at Shiloh. The members made up a purse of $1,000 and contributed it to the support of the families of the soldiers killed in the war, and then virtually disbanded; but the tradition was cherished by such men as the late John Q. A. Fellows, and when peace came again, the club was resuscitated and re-organized. Up to 1881 the quarters of the club were at the corner of Canal and Exchange Alley. There General Hancock was entertained while he was in New Orleans, at a Christmas celebration which is remembered on account of his presence. The club then was domiciled in the mansion now occupied by the Boston Club, and in 1884 it occupied a building specially built for its use at the corner of Canal and Carondelet streets. In 1894 this palatial edifice was burned, and after two or three years of experiment with quarters in the vicinity, first on the opposite corner of Canal and Carondelet, then at No. 4 Carondelet Street, it located at its present quarters on Canal, near Rampart.

The annals of the Pickwick, however, are not exclusively social. It came into existence as a result of an interest in the Carnival. The seven gentlemen who issued the call for the meeting of January 3, 1857, at which the club was organized, were interested in building up a Carnival organization. For many years the Pickwick Club and the Mystic Krewe of Comus were, as far as the public were concerned, one and the same thing. The first pageant was given on February 24, 1857. After the procession "the grotesque masquers repaired to the Gaiety Theater, and made much fun and merriment and enjoyed quizzing their wives and sweethearts to their hearts' content without revealing their identities. At 12 o'clock precisely the captain's whistle blew, and the Krewe marched without lights to No. 57 St. Charles Street, where on the third floor of this store a bounteous repast awaited them, the experiences of the night were told in wine and wit and much enjoyment, until early morning ended the first festival." In 1874 members of the club played a conspicuous part in the attempted overthrow of the radical government. In 1878 the club did much to relieve suffering caused by the great epidemic of yellow fever in that summer. In 1879 the members formed the "Dietetic Association," and distributed beef tea and soup to the needy, and delicacies for the convalescent, from the club windows in Exchange Alley.

The Louisiana Club dates from 1879, and has for many years occupied comfortable quarters on Carondelet Street, near Canal. The Harmony Club, which since 1896 has inhabited a stately marble palace on the corner of St. Charles and Jackson avenues, came into existence in the early '70s, as a result of the merging of two older organizations, the "Deutscher Companie" and the "Young Bachelors' Club," the latter organized about 1856. The Deutscher Companie may be traced back to p6941862 when a meeting attended by young men prominent in Jewish and German circles was held, and at which the suggestion of the formation of the club was made by the late Sol Marks. In April, 1863, the idea took shape, with forty members, Mr. Marks being elected president and M. L. Navra, secretary. The Harmony Club is the leading Jewish social organization of the city. Its first president, Joseph Magner, favored an uptown home, and did, in fact, secure rooms in the vicinity of Delord Street, but subsequently a site on Canal Street was occupied. Then for a time the club was domiciled in the magnificent old Hale residence, on Camp Street, corner of Howard Avenue, where afterward the H. Sophie Newcomb College held its first sessions.

Another important Jewish organization, the objects of which are not exclusively social, is the Young Men's Hebrew Association, which owns a fine building on St. Charles Avenue, at the corner of Clio. This building was erected in 1906, at a cost of $100,000, replacing a smaller structure put up in 1896, which had been destroyed by fire.

The Chess, Checkers and Whist Club came into existence in 1880, as a result of the enthusiasm of C. A. Maurian, C. F. Buck, and J. D. Seguin, all devotees of the "king of games." They founded a small club for the study and cultivation of the game. At first a single room accommodated the members. This was at No. 128 Gravier Street. The membership, however, increased rapidly, and by January, 1881, numbered 150. In the meantime larger quarters had been secured at No. 168 Common Street, and then at No. 170; but in the following year it was found necessary to lease a whole floor of the building at the corner of Common and Varieties Alley. In 1883 it was removed to handsome quarters at the corner of Canal and Baronne, where it remained till 1920, when the present quarters — ? formerly the Cosmopolitan Hotel — ? on Bourbon Street were occupied. Fire destroyed the club building in 1890, but it was immediately rebuilt. In 1881 Capt. George H. Mackenzie, the famous chess-player, visited the club, and gave a series of exhibitions. This was the beginning of a delightful custom. Thereafter the celebrated chess-players of all lands have been at various times guests of the club, and have played with its members. Among those who have matched their skill against the membership were Zukertort, Lee, Steinitz, Pillsbury, and Laskar. The greatest of all chess-players, Paul Morphy, who was a native of New Orleans, was a member. Down to his death he frequented the rooms. A fine marble bust of this master, which is one of the treasured possessions of the club, occupies a prominent position in its rooms.

The Young Men's Gymnastic Association is another well-established institution which has a distinctive place in the life of the community. It was formed in 1872 under the name of the Independent Gymnastic Club, but this name was abandoned shortly after organization in favor of the present more accurately descriptive title. Its admirably equipped premises at No. 224 North Rampart Street have been occupied since 1888. Somewhat similar in its general aims is the Southern Yacht Club, the second oldest yachting organization in the United States. It was founded in 1849, and since 1879 has occupied quarters at West End, the present luxurious building having been erected a few years ago on the site occupied by an earlier and less elaborate structure. The St. John Rowing Club, which may also be mentioned as having quarters at West End, dates from 1869. The city also boasts of numerous other clubs, some p695interested in athletics, like the Audubon Golf Club, and the Pontchartrain Rowing Club; others, like the Choctaw Club, in politics; some in civic development, like the Kiwanis and the Rotary clubs; others of a literary and social character, like the Press Club, and a few for women, like the Catholic Women's Club, the Era Club, etc.

The Round Table Club, however, is unique. In its handsome clubhouse on St. Charles Avenue, overlooking Audubon Park, no game of chance is played for money; it has never had a bar, and its lectures are weekly events which enlist the services of the ablest men in the country and bring out the criticism and comment of experts of every description among the members. This club was organized in 1898 by a little group of professional, literary and artistic men, among them the late Rev. Beverly Warner, Prof. J. H. Dillard, and Horace Fletcher, each man a celebrity in his way. A preliminary meeting at Mr. Fletcher's rooms was followed by a meeting at Doctor Warner's residence on January 3, 1898, "to consider the formation of a club literary, artistic, scientific, etc." To the nucleus of three this meeting added Prof. J. B. Ficklen and Prof. H. B. Orr, then of Tulane University; Prof. Ellsworth Woodward, of Newcomb College; Henry W. Sloan, and P. M. Weltfeldt. At first the club was known as the Fellowcraft Club, but the more alluring and significant name was adopted soon after organization. Doctor Warner was chosen the first president. The other officers were Dr. J. B. Elliott and Dr. Robert Sharp, vice presidents; Porter Parker, secretary, and L. H. Stanton, treasurer. The first home of the club was at No. 1435 Jackson Avenue. The opening of the clubrooms was an interesting event. Mrs. Mollie Moore Davis wrote a poem for the occasion; Miss Grace King sent a letter of congratulation, and there were greetings and contributions from many other literary lights. The weekly lecture is given on Thursday night, from October to June. The roster of lecturers is too long to be given here, but it may be said, in passing, that it includes every noted man who has visited New Orleans in the last twenty years. The list of officers of the club is also noteworthy. Doctor Warner retained the presidency until he resigned to accept a pastorate in Philadelphia. He was succeeded by Professor Ficklen. Other presidents, in their order of election, were: Victor Leovy, J. J. McLoughlin, A. B. Dinwiddie, and Allison Owen. Except for a brief interim during which T. H. Anderson was treasurer, Mr. Stanton has filled that office continually since the foundation of the club. The secretaries have been: Porter Parker, Charles Uhlhorn, J. D. Miller, E. T. Florence, T. J. Anderson, E. L. Symonds, W. H. Symonds, Prof. Pierce Butler. The present building was occupied in 1919.

Of a distinctively literary order is the veteran society which meets once every month in the historic Sala Capitular at the Cabildo. The Louisiana Historical Society was established on January 15, 1836. Its first president was Judge Henry A. Bullard of the Supreme Court. The society soon fell into decay. It was re-organized in June, 1846, a constitution was adopted July 1, 1846, and the celebrated historian, Francois Xavier Martin,c was elected president. He died in December, 1846. The next year the society was incorporated and Judge Bullard was again elected president. A list of the members was published in 1850 and comprises the names of many distinguished Louisianians. The society seems to have prospered for several years.

p696 By Act No. 6 of the Legislative Assembly of 1860, approved January 16, the society became in reality a state institution, inasmuch as the act decreed that "in the event of a dissolution of the Historical Society, all books, maps, records, manuscripts and collections shall revert to the state for the use of the State Library."

In addition to this, many of the original archives and historical documents of the state have been preserved by the society for many years; but the state gives no assistance whatever to the society, not even printing the reports of its proceedings.

Mr. Charles Gayarre, the historian of Louisiana, was elected president of the society in 1860, but the Civil war coming on, the society slumbered until by act of the Legislature, No. 108 of the Extra Session of 1877, approved April 30, a new charter was given it and its domicile was transferred from Baton Rouge, the state capital, to New Orleans. Meetings were held but not regularly. Judge Gayarre remained the president until 1888, when he resigned, after holding the office for twenty-eight years. W. W. Howe, formerly a justice of the Supreme Court, was elected president in 1888 and held the office until February, 1894, when Prof. Alcée Fortier, professor of romance languages in Tulane University of Louisiana, whose reputation as a historian was deservedly great, was elected president. He was annually re-elected president unanimously, till his death in 1914, when he was replaced by the present incumbent, Gaspar Cusachs.

The publications of the society, beginning in 1895, have been issued regularly but before that, as far as can be ascertained, but one was officially published, and that was an address of Judge Bullard, published in Volume I of the "Historical Collections " of B. F. French.

As at present conducted, there is at every meeting one or more valuable papers read or addresses made and these are all permanently preserved, and in due course published in the Louisiana Historical Quarterly, a magazine which has been regularly issued since April, 1918, edited by John Dymond, Sr., down to his death in 1922, and since then by Henry P. Dart.d The society has a large collection of historical matter, including copies from the archives in Paris of many volumes of unpublished Louisiana historical material. Most of the historical relics at the Louisiana State Museum are the property of this society, and the collection is constantly being increased by donations and loans, the society not being financially able to make any purchases.

There are in New Orleans two most interesting buildings now used for court purposes, fronting Jackson Square, with the famous St. Louis Cathedral between them. The oldest is the Cabildo, built while Louisiana was a Spanish Province in 1795, and the other the court house, built in 1813. By an ordinance of the City of New Orleans, ratified by the Legislature, these buildings have been perpetually dedicated for museum purposes. The room formerly occupied by the Supreme Court in the same ordinance is dedicated to the use of the Louisiana Historical Society. It was in this room that was effected the final transfer from France to the United States of the Louisiana Territory, December 20, 1803. It is particularly fitting, therefore, that the room should become the living place of the Louisiana Historical Society. In 1903, on the 100th anniversary of this transfer, the society gave a celebration thereof, following as far as possible the original ceremonies, culminating in the signing of a process verbal thereof in this room and a proclamation of p697by the governor of the state from the same balcony where Governor Claiborne addressed the people in 1803.

To particularize the public functions which the society has originated and participated in, for the last fifteen years, would require more space than is here available, but mention may be made of the reception of President William McKinley in 1901, the Charles Gayarré Centennial celebration on December 20, 1905, the historical entertainment to President Taft and his party October 31, 1909, and in connection with the Kentucky Society of Louisiana, the celebration on April 12, 1910, of the fiftieth anniversary of the unveiling of the Henry Clay monument in the City of New Orleans. When the James S. Zacharie Public School was dedicated, the society presented to it a picture of Mr. Zacharie, who had been its vice president. When the Beauregard School, named after Louisiana's great general, P. G. T. Beauregard,has just G. T. Beauregard',WIDTH,170)" onMouseOut="nd();"> was opened, a bust of the general, given by Camp Beauregard No. 130, United Sons of Confederate Veterans was presented through the president of the society. It is frequently represented at school dedications, presentations of pictures and other public affairs.

In conjunction with a committee from the Louisiana division of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, the society requested the state superintendent of education to set apart annually a day in the public schools, to be known as Louisiana Day, when the history of the state should occupy the attention of the pupils, large and small. The suggestion was adopted, the day fixed April 30, being the day of the signing of the treaty of cession from France to the United States, of Louisiana, in 1803, and the day when Louisiana was admitted into the Union in 1812. The society also celebrated worthily the one hundredth anniversary of the admission of Louisiana into the Union, on April 30, 1912.1

The Author’s Notes

1 See the paper by W. O. Hart, read at the annual meeting of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association, in Iowa City, in 1912.

p698 Chapter XLIV

The Churches

No attempt to deal even cursorily with the history of New Orleans would be justified if it omitted an account of the rise and progress of the Catholic Church in the Mississippi Valley. From the day when the cross was first planted on this virgin soil, down to the present, its work has gone steadily forward. Out of what was originally the ecclesiastical province of Louisiana have been carved eight archbishoprics and sixty bishoprics. Churches and schools have arisen in every direction, while upwards of seventy cathedrals have been erected in what was a short time ago, as history reckons such matters, a wilderness almost unknown to man.

At the founding of New Orleans Bienville's first care was to make proper provision for a church. The territory where he was at work had already been placed under the spiritual authority of the Bishop of Quebec. This official designated Father Bruno, a Capuchin, to go to Louisiana. With two companions, Father Bruno long ministered to the infant community. In 1724 the Jesuits came to the colony. Bienville provided them with a home and lands at the expense of the Mississippi Company. Their estate lay just above the little city. Here they cultivated indigo, the myrtle wax tree, and, probably, sugar cane. The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1763 was due to a decree issued by the French Government. It was enforced with great severity. After the withdrawal of this order, the Capuchins cared for the spiritual needs of the colony, under the direction of Father Dagobert, a priest around whose memory many local legends have grown up.

With the cession of Louisiana to Spain, the province was transferred to the bishopric of Santiago de Cuba. At the head of this See was at that time the celebrated Doctor Echevarría. Realizing the necessity of an ecclesiastical official resident in New Orleans Bishop Echevarría obtained from the Holy See authority to appoint an auxiliary bishop who would not only have charge of religious matters in New Orleans, but look after the missions on the Mississippi, in Upper Louisiana, Mobile, Natchez, Pensacola, and St. Augustine. In prosecution of this plan, the Pope divided the diocese of Santiago de Cuba, and created the bishopric of St. Christopher of Havana, Louisiana, and the Floridas. In 1781 the Rt. Rev. José de Tres Palacios was installed as first bishop of the new diocese. Father Cirilo de Barcelona was appointed his auxiliary, and sent to New Orleans in charge of the administration of the diocese in Louisiana and the two Floridas. Thus the province became part of the diocese of Havana, which it continued to be down to April 25, 1793, when the territory was again divided, and the independent See of New Orleans was erected.

In the interval Bishop Cirilo had had a most successful administration. He was consecrated in the Cathedral at Havana in 1781, and proceeded immediately to his charge. By 1785, under his fostering care, the parish church in New Orleans was served by a parish priest and four assistants; and there were resident priests at Terre-aux-Boeufs, St. Charles, St. John the Baptist, St. James, Ascension, St. Gabriel's, Iberville, p700Point Coupee, the Attakapas, Opelousas, Natchitoches,NACK-?-tush.',WIDTH,190)" onMouseOut="nd();"> Natchez, St. Louis, St. Genevieve, and at St. Bernard, or Manchac (Galveston). It may be mentioned also as of interest that in 1786 Bishop Cirilo issued a pastoral attacking the custom cherished by the negroes of New Orleans, of assembling on Sunday afternoons, in what was afterwards called Congo Square (the Beauregard Square of today), to dance the "bamboula" and celebrate heathen rites of various kinds, relics of their life in Africa. The spiritual condition of the negroes gave considerable anxiety to the Spanish Government, if we may judge from the fact that in 1789 King Charles issued a decree requiring that on every plantation where there were slaves, there should be a chapel for their use. It is not clear what arrangement was made to supply these chapel with the proper ministers; probably, the nearest priest visited the spot from time to time and officiated there at more or less fixed intervals.

On November 25, 1785, Bishop Cirilo appointed as parish priest in New Orleans Father Antonio Ildefonso Moreno y Arce, one of six Capuchin priests who had come to the colony in 1779. Father Antonio, or Père Antonio de Sedella, as he is best known, had a stormy career in New Orleans. He it was who attempted to introduce into Louisiana the Inquisition, in 1789, and was expelled in consequence by Governor Miro. Later, as elsewhere related in this work, he returned to the city, and by works of humility and devotion, established himself securely in the affections of his parishioners, and died, venerated almost as a saint, in 1829.1

The See created as a result of the division of the diocese of Havana, in 1793, embraced an immense territory. It was bounded on the north by the Canadian line, and on the south by the diocese of Linares and Durango, in Mexico. On the east its frontier coincided with that of the diocese of Baltimore. On the west it was bounded by the Rocky Mountains and the Rio Perdido. Its official designation was, the bishopric of St. Louis of New Orleans. The first incumbent was Louis de Peñalver y Cárdenas. Bishop Peñalver arrived in New Orleans on July 17, 1795. His administration, however, covered but seven years. In 1802 he was promoted to the archbishopric of Guatemala, and four years later, to that of Havana, where he died. Pending the appointment of his successor the affairs of the diocese were entrusted to the Rev. Father Hasset, administrator, and the Very Rev. Patrick Walsh, vicar general. The former was in bad health. He addressed a communication to Bishop Carroll of Baltimore, in April, 1804, asking permission to retire to a more invigorating climate; and upon receiving permission to that effect, left Father Walsh alone to act as administrator, a post which he discharged with credit till his death, on August 22, 1806. In the meantime a successor to Bishop Peñalver had been found in the person of the Rt. Rev. Francisco Porro y Peinade, but his death in Rome, on the eve of his departure to take possession of the See, left the diocese still without an official head. Bishop Porro never set foot in Louisiana, and his appointment coming at a time when negotiations were under way for the transfer of Louisiana to the United States, it was, perhaps, fortunate in every way that he was never in a position to take charge of the diocese.

The affairs of the diocese were cared for by a variety of temporary expedients after the transfer of the province to the United States, from 1803, down to the year 1815. Father Walsh passed away, as already p701stated, in 1806. He was laid to rest in the old chapel of the Ursuline convent, in the street which bears the name of those good sisters. His death left the government of the province in the hands of the Rev. Father Sibourd. Bishop Carroll, acting under a papal decree of September 1, 1805, assumed the administration until such time as a new bishop might be appointed. He dispatched the Very Rev. M. Olivier to New Orleans to represent him locally. Father Olivier relieved Father Sibourd as administrator, and continued in charge till August 18, 1812. In the meantime the Holy See had communicated to Bishop Carroll a request to send to New Orleans some priest, whom he knew to be well qualified, to have the title of administrator apostolic, and the rights of an ordinary, to "continue to exercise this office only at the good will of the Holy See and according to instructions to be forwarded by the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith." The man selected for this responsible post was the Rev. William Dubourg. On his arrival in New Orleans the new apostolic administrator was well received by father Antonio (Père Antoine) and the remainder of the clergy, and set to work with great zeal to regulate the affairs of his charge. He immediately identified himself with the American cause, in the great conflict then raging between the United States and Great Britain; and when requested by Gen. Andrew Jackson to hold public prayers for the victory of American arms, in January, 1815, complied devoutly and patriotically. After the battle of January 8 he officiated at the Te Deum celebrated in the Cathedral in gratitude for the signal success which Heaven had vouchsafed.

On September 24, 1815, the See of New Orleans, which had remained vacant for a decade, was at last filled by the elevation of Father Dubourg. He was consecrated on that date in Rome, whither he had gone to solicit aid for the diocese. Another important incident of this visit to Europe was, that at the solicitation of the new bishop the Vincentian or Lazarist Fathers agreed to come to Louisiana to open here a theological seminary. They located in St. Louis, founding what has since grown into the great Kenrick Seminary. At this time, also, Bishop Dubourg organized in France a little society, at Lyons, which undertook to make weekly payments towards the support of his missions in the new world. From this tiny beginning has since grown the mighty Society for the Propagation of the Faith. As was to be expected from so zealous and single-hearted a prelate, Bishop Dubourg, on his return to Louisiana, occupied himself with the opening of schools and colleges. At the request of the Secretary of War of the United States, he also established important Indian missions, which he put under the control of the Jesuit fathers.

On March 25, 1824, in the church at Donaldsonville, La., Rev. Joseph Rosati was consecrated as bishop coadjutor to Bishop Dubourg. Bishop Rosati took up his residence at St. Louis. In the latter part of that year Bishop Dubourg was transferred to the archbishopric of Besançon, in France, where he died a few years later. His promotion brought Bishop Rosati to New Orleans as head of the diocese. His administration lasted only three years. In 1827 the vast area till then attached to the bishopric of New Orleans was divided and the See of St. Louis was created out of its northern extremity. Bishop Rosati was made the first bishop of St. Louis. He was succeeded in New Orleans by another Lazarist, the Rt. Rev. Leo de Neckeré. Bishop Neckeré died in 1833, in the fourth year of his administration, as a result of fatigue and illness brought on in the course of his ministrations to his flock in the great epidemic of that year.

p702 The territory under the jurisdiction of the bishop of New Orleans was further curtailed in 1824 and 1825; in the former year the Prefecture Apostolic of Alabama was established, and in the following year, along with the Floridas, advanced to the rank of a Vicariate Apostolic. The Rev. Michael Portier was made first bishop of the new jurisdiction. He was consecrated in the cathedral at New Orleans on August 29, 1825. In 1829 the diocese of Mobile was created. In 1827 the See of Natchez was erected, with Rev. John J. Chanche as first bishop.

On the death of Bishop Neckeré the Rev. Anthony Neanjean was selected by Rome to fill the vacancy, but he declined the honor. The Rev. Anthony Blanc, who, in conjunction with the Rev. Father Ladavière, had been in charge of the diocese, was then appointed. Bishop Blanc was consecrated in the St. Louis Cathedral on November 2, 1835. The most important feature of his administration was the recall of the Jesuits to Louisiana. Nearly seventy-five years had elapsed since their expulsion from the diocese. They not only dedicated themselves to the ministry, but in 1837 opened a college at Grand Couteau, the first of a large number of educational enterprises undertaken by the order in the years immediately following their arrival in Louisiana. In 1835 Bishop Blanc laid the foundation stone of St. Patrick's Church, the first church for English-speaking Catholics erected in New Orleans. In 1838 the Lazarist Fathers opened a seminary in New Orleans. In 1843 the diocese of Little Rock was created out of territory included in the jurisdiction of New Orleans. The Rev. Andrew Byrne, D.D., was consecrated its first bishop. Four years later another See, that of Galveston, was created, with the Rev. J. M. Odin as its first bishop.

The Seventh Council of Baltimore addressed to his Holiness the Pope a recommendation that the Diocese of New Orleans be advanced to metropolitan rank. On July 19, 1850, therefore, Pope Pius IX created the Archdiocese of New Orleans, and appointed Bishop Blanc to be its first incumbent. Under his jurisdiction were placed not only his own See of New Orleans, but those of Mobile, Natchez, Little Rock and Galveston. Archbishop Blanc received the pallium in the St. Louis Cathedral on February 16, 1856, at the hands of Bishop Portier of Mobile. But New Orleans' first archbishop was not spared long to enjoy his honors. He passed away suddenly in that city on June 20, 1860. He was succeeded by Rt. Rev. Bishop John Mary Odin, appointed on February 15, 1861 Bishop Odin was then serving as bishop of Galveston. Although a native of France, he had received his education in the United States and was ordained at St. Louis in 1824. His service in New Orleans was marked by the same conscientious and devoted labor that had characterized his work in Texas. He established a number of charitable and benevolent institutions. Under his care the number of churches increased so rapidly that he was compelled to make a special trip to Europe to procure priests to take charge of the new parishes. In 1869 he went to Rome to attend the Ecumenical Council of that year. While in attendance he grew so feeble that he was compelled to retire to his native town, Ambierle, in France, where he died on May 25, 1870, aged 69. An interesting fact connected with Archbishop Odin's administration which should not be omitted here, was the establishment of the "Morning Star." The diocese had at one time possessed a good paper, but it was published in the French language. It was called Le Propagateur Catholique, and for a time was edited by Father Napoleon Joseph Perché, who afterwards p703became archbishop of New Orleans. It went out of existence about the time of the beginning of Civil war. The "Morning Star" was established in September, 1867, and has been published regularly ever since. The Rev. Richard Kane was the first editor, and the Thomas G. Rapier, afterwards manager of the New Orleans Picayune, became the business manager. In 1870 Father Abraham Ryan, the famous poet, became editor, but resigned in 1873.

In 1870 Father Perché was named coadjutor to Archbishop Odin, and on May 25, after having served in the lesser office only twenty-four days, succeeded to the archiepiscopal dignity. He was in his 65th year, and most of his religious carer had been passed in New Orleans, where he settled in 1836 as almoner of the Ursuline Convent. Difficulties with the wardens of the cathedral over the management of church property, which had occurred from time to time under previous bishops, rose during Archbishop Perché's time, but although litigation ensued, the archbishop was successful in effecting a compromise which left behind it no ill feeling. It was during his rule that the Carmelite nuns were established in the diocese. Twenty churches and chapels were built; the priesthood was extensively recruited; two Catholic colleges, one at Thibodaux and the other at St. Mary's, were founded; several academies for girls, and a number of parochial schools were opened and an asylum was founded in New Orleans for aged colored women, of which the Little Sisters of the Poor took charge. Pope Leo XIII, who greatly admired the sermons of this eloquent prelate, called him "the Bossuet of the American Church." Archbishop Perché died in New Orleans December 28, 1883.

His successor was Francis Xavier Leray, who had in 1877 been appointed bishop of Natchitoches, and, in December, 1879, coadjutor to Archbishop Perché. On Sunday, January 25, 1883,a Archbishop Leray received the pallium in the St. Louis Cathedral from the hands of Archbishop Gibbons of Baltimore. Archbishop Leray was a native of France and was born in 1825. He died on September 23, 1887, at his native town of Chateau-Giron,'+SearchF+'Châteaugiron'+CloseF+' while there on a visit. Between his death and the appointment of his successor there was an interregnum of several months. During this time the affairs of the archdiocese were administered by the Rev. A. G. Rouxel.his name '+BadF+'Rouzel'+CloseF+')',WIDTH,200)" onMouseOut="nd();"> On August 7, 1888, Francis Janssens, who was then serving as bishop of Natchez, was promoted to the vacant See. He was invested with the pallium in the St. Louis Cathedral on May 8, 1889, by Cardinal Gibbons, this being the first time in the history of the Catholic Church in the United States that a ceremony of this description had been performed by a cardinal. Archbishop Janssens was a native of Holland, but at the time when he was called to the archbishopric of New Orleans had spent over twenty years in America. His administration was characterized by the uniform good feeling which prevailed and the steady progress which was made by the church in all her charitable and educational enterprises. In the spring of 1897 Archbishop Janssens left New Orleans to visit his home in Holland, but died of heart failure on June 19, 1897, while on his way at once New York.

His successor was a man whose name is written high in the history of the American church. Placide Louis Chapelle, a native of France, was archbishop of Santa Fe when, in November, 1897, he was appointed archbishop of New Orleans. On September 16, 1898, Archbishop Chapelle was appointed apostolic delegate in Cuba and Porto Rico, and a p704year later received a similar appointment for the Philippine Islands. His task was to reorganize the church in these places under the American rule. He accomplished this difficult and delicate mission in each case with signal success. On account of his frequent absences from New Orleans in the performance of these duties, it was necessary to provide him with an assistant. Accordingly the Rev. Gustav A. Rouxel was appointed auxiliary archbishop. On August 9, 1905, Archbishop Chapelle fell a victim to the yellow fever.

James Hubert Blenk, although a native of Bavaria, was a resident of New Orleans during nearly the whole of his life. He was brought to this city by his parents when he was but eight years of age. His parents were Protestants, but the son became a member of the Catholic church when twelve years of age and was ordained a priest in 1885. After a distinguished career as an educator, first in Ireland and then in Louisiana, he was appointed to the rectorate of the Holy Name of Mary Church in the Fifth District (Algiers). When Archbishop Chapelle was appointed apostolic delegate to Cuba and Porto Rico he selected Father Blenk to be auditor of the delegation. He was required to give particular attention to the complicated question of church property in those islands. So well did he perform the tasks committed to him that when it became necessary to appoint a bishop for the new American See of Porto Rico, he was recommended for that post. He was confirmed bishop on April 21, 1899.

On April 20, 1906, he was selected to succeed Archbishop Chapelle as archbishop of New Orleans. He was enthroned in the St. Louis Cathedral on July 1, 1906. He at once confirmed the Rt. Rev. G. A. Rouxel as auxiliary bishop and named the Rt. Rev. J. M. Laval vicar-general. The pallium was conferred upon Archbishop Blenk by Cardinal Gibbons in the St. Louis Cathedral on April 24, 1907. His administration was characterized by a deep interest in the work of the Federation of Catholic Societies, of the Catholic Educational Association and in the cause of education in general. Many splendid schools and churches were erected under his auspices in the country sections of the diocese. A diocesan school board was formed to co-operate in this work. A preparatory seminary was founded and the first steps taken towards the establishment of a major or theological seminary. In his solicitude for the spiritual and educational betterment of his colored parishioners he not only instituted in the country a parish distinctly for them, but called to labor in the diocese the Josephite Fathers, the Fathers of the Holy Ghost and the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament, in addition to the priests and societies already engaged in that important work. In the latter part of his administration Archbishop Blenk perceiving that the growth of the diocese had attained a point where a further division should be instituted, recommended the establishment of the See of Lafayette. This recommendation was not carried out until after his death. This sad event took place on April 20, 1917, as a result of a long illness, brought on by unremitting labor. He was interred in the vaults of the St. Louis Cathedral beside his predecessors in the See.

Pending the appointment of a successor to Archbishop Blenk the diocese was administered by the chancellor, Father Jeanmard. On January 25, 1918, the Rt. Rev. John William Shaw, then serving as bishop of San Antonio, was promoted to the vacant archbishopric. Archbishop Shaw has continued his predecessor's labors on behalf of education, p705and particularly by raising a fund of over $1,000,000 has made sure the realization of a project long agitated by Catholic educators, the establishment of a great seminary and New Orleans for the education of young men for the priesthood.

At the present time the Archdiocese of New Orleans embraces the suffragan Sees of Mobile, Little Rock, Natchez, Galveston and Alexandria, the establishment of which has already been noted. The following Sees are also included: San Antonio, erected in 1874; Dallas, erected in 1890; Corpus Christi, erected in 1912; Oklahoma, 1905, and Lafayette, 1918. In 1918 there were in the archdiocese 148 churches and 126 missions with churches and 22 mission stations with chapels. There are, besides the Diocesan Preparatory Seminary already spoken of, a Dominican seminary, where young men are trained for the missionary work of that order. There are in New Orleans eight Catholic orphanages, an infant asylum, three hospitals, three houses for the aged poor, the House of the Good Shepherd, devoted to the care of wayward women and girls; the Hotel Dieu, a great private hospital, connected with which is the Burguiere Memorial Home for Incurables, recently erected at a cost of $50,000. The work of the Sisters Charity in the New Orleans Charity Hospital is well known. The Louisiana Retreat for the Insane is likewise a Catholic institution. Catholic philanthropy is responsible for the St. Vincent Home for Workingmen, established at Jackson Square a few years ago; and the Hope Haven Industrial Farm, one of the most important movements undertaken for social service in the archdiocese. Mention should also be made of the Catholic Woman's Club. In practically every church will be found a Holy Name Society, a League of the Sacred Heart, a Conference of St. Vincent de Paul, altar and sanctuary societies and sodalities of the Blessed Virgin for males and females, young and old. The Total Abstinence Society has branches in many parishes. It is impossible in this place to enumerate all the organizations through which the Catholic religious enterprise expresses itself at the present moment, but the foregoing brief list will give some idea of the variety and importance of the work of the church in recent years.2

In this connection it may be of interest to append an outline of the history of the St. Louis Cathedral. The present structure is the third which has stood upon the site. In 1718 Bienville erected the first of these buildings. It was a rude structure of boards, roofed with "latanier" (palmetto). Père Charlevoix, in his description of the infant city, penned in 1722, refers to it as "half of a sorry storehouse, which they agreed to lend to the Lord of the place, but when He had taken possession thereof they turned Him out to dwell under a tent." This primitive structure was blown down in the hurricane which swept over the city in the following year. In 1725 Bienville built the second church, a substantial brick edifice, which defied the wind and rain for sixty-four years, and was then destroyed by fire in the great conflagration of Good Friday, March 21, 1788, whereby nearly the entire city was destroyed. The disaster was so general that for a time it seemed impossible to raise funds with which to rebuild the church. It was at this juncture that Don Andrés Almonester y Rojas, a local magnate, member of the Cabildo, p706offered to rebuild it at his own expense, on the sole condition that, when he died, a mass should be offered once a week in perpetuity for the repose of his soul. The work was executed at a cost of $50,000. The cornerstone of the new church was laid in 1789 and the building was completed in 1794. The institution of the bishopric of New Orleans, in 1793, carried with it the elevation of the church to cathedral rank. While awaiting the arrival of the new bishop, the Rt. Rev. Luis Peñalver y Cárdenas, the building was dedicated.

(p699)

Model of the First Church Erected in Louisiana, 1718, in the Louisiana State Museum

An interesting account of the building of the cathedral is preserved in the archives of the cathedral, from which it appears that Don Andrés not only erected the cathedral, but also the chapel of the convent of the Ursuline nuns, a school for young girls, the Charity Hospital and its chapel, and gave ground to serve as a site for a leper's home, that terrible disease being very prevalent in the city. "A fire having destroyed the parochial church on the 21st of March, 1788, the grief of the people made him conceive the vast project — ? worthy of his great heart — ? of rebuilding this sanctuary at his own expense. The edifice was begun in March, 1789, and in spite of a thousand obstacles, Don Almonester succeeded within five years in giving it the perfection, grandeur, solidity and beauty which we now admire. Finally, the parish being unable, through lack of funds, to decorate the interior in a manner worthy of a cathedral, he took upon himself the expense of building a gallery on each side of the nave and providing a beautiful balustrade for the choir, together with a main altar, on which the workmen were engaged when on the 8th of December another terrible fire broke out and destroyed the temporary chapel. The blessed sacrament was hastily carried to the convent of the Ursulines, and the ornamentation of the main altar was hastily completed to receive our Lord, so that the people might with the more facility assist at the performance of the mass. The new edifice was blessed on the day and in the year mentioned [December 23, 1794 — ? the date of the entry from which the present quotation is taken] in the presence of the ecclesiastical and civil authorities of this city. At the opening of the ceremony our illustrious benefactor presented the keys of the church to the governor, who then handed them over to me [Joaquin de Portilla — ? who wrote and signed the record]. Immediately afterwards Don Patricio Walsh, an Irish priest, chaplain of the Royal Hospital, foreign vicar, ecclesiastical judge of the province for the bishop of Havana (the bishop of Louisiana not having yet taken possession) blessed the church. The holy sacrifice of the mass followed the blessing, and these magnificent ceremonies filled with joy the hearts of all the faithful. The next day, December 24, the clergy assembled in the monastery of the Ursulines, to which the blessed sacrament had been carried after the fire of December 8. The governor with all the notable personages of the city also met therein. A procession was formed and the blessed sacrament was carried with the greatest solemnity to the new church, in which I sang the first mass and preached the first sermon today. After the Benediction of the blessed sacrament the ceremony was closed by the chanting of the Te Deum for the greater glory of God, and this was followed by loud salutes of artillery. It is, then, just that the people and the ministers of the church should render perpetual gratitude to the illustrious and noble benefactor, Don Andrés Almonester y Rojas, p707and it is to prevent his works from falling into oblivion that I mention his name here ad perpetuam Dei memoriam."3

The liberality of the builder was recognized by the Spanish king, who in letters patent dated August 14, 1794, conferred on Don Andrés the right to occupy the second most prominent seat in the church, immediately after that of the Intendant of the province, who was the vice-royal patron. He was also to receive the kiss of peace during the celebration of mass. Don Andrés died in 1798 and was interred before one of the side altars of the stately edifice which his generosity had erected. In the restoration undertaken in the middle of last century, this grave was covered by a new floor and the present gravestone, with its long Spanish inscription, was laid. Only recently the original tablet was discovered. This has been removed to a place in the State Museum, where it may be seen today. The memory of the pious founder is recalled every Saturday, when the bells of the cathedral ring to remind all hearers of the join in supplications for the repose of the good man's soul. Just as the marriage of Don Andrés to the accomplished Louise de la Ronde had been celebrated in the old church destroyed in 1788, so, in the early part of the following century, their daughter, Micaela, was joined in matrimony in the new building to Baron Pontalba.

In 1850 the collapse of a tower led to extensive restorations, in the course of which it seems very likely that the whole church was remodeled and enlarged. It was at that time that the present facade was built. In 1892, in conjunction with the celebration of the centennial of its foundation, Archbishop Janssens caused the cathedral to be repaired. The interior was then frescoed elaborately by Humbrecht. The celebration of the centennial took place with great pomp, the governor of the state and many civic and military dignitaries attending. There were present also Cardinal Gibbons, eight archbishops, thirty-two bishops and 400 priests, representing the various archdioceses and dioceses carved out of the ancient area of the Bishopric of Louisiana. On April 25, 1909, some miscreant placed a dynamite bomb in the cathedral, and the result explosion not only shattered the window glass, but the galleries were badly injured. Only by a species of miracle did the venerable edifice survive this dastardly outrage. Through the efforts of Father Laval, then rector of the cathedral, a fund was raised and the damage was repaired. It is proper that the injuries then inflicted, coupled with the effects of the great hurricane of September, 1915, as well as the changes in the water level of the city resulting from the installation of the new drainage system, were responsible for the collapse of the foundation in 1916. An examination of the building then showed that it was unsafe. After the Easter services in that year Archbishop Blenk was compelled to close the venerable building. Steps were at once taken to raise money with which to restore it; but the campaign was unsuccessful, and the strenuous labor connected with it, as well as the disappointment in which it resulted, are believed to have hastened the end of the beloved prelate. Happily, at this juncture an anonymous benefactor appeared and offered to pay for the restorations that had become necessary. This offer was accepted. Under the direction of the Very Rev. Jules B. Jeanmard, then in charge of the affairs of the diocese, the p708work was pushed rapidly to a conclusion, and a twelvemonth later the building was pronounced fit for use.

The cathedral was for many years the center of the life of the community. Either in the existing building or in the other structures which have adorned the site, all the long line of French and Spanish governors have worshipped. There Unzaga, Galvez, Miro, Carondelet and Gayoso de Lemos were married. In the present building was celebrated the Te Deum for the victory of Jackson over the British in 1815. Here worshipped the French prince who afterwards became King Louis Philippe of France; his brother, the Duc de Montpensier; the Count de Beaujolais, the Marquis de Lafayette and Emperor Pedro II of Brazil, who, with his consort and his grandson, the Comte d'Eu, visited New Orleans in 1876. Cardinals Gibbons, Satolli, Martinelli and Falconio have pontificated at its altar. Within its walls have been consecrated nearly all the bishops and archbishops who have ruled the See; and Bishop Portier of Mobile; Bishops Martin, Durier and Van Der Ven of Natchitoches (now Alexandria); Bishop Heslin of Natchez; Bishops Rouzelhis name '+BadF+'Rouxel'+CloseF+' — ? 3 times)',WIDTH,200)" onMouseOut="nd();"> and Laval, auxiliary bishops of New Orleans, and Archbishop Bernada of Santiago de Cuba. Within the sanctuary lie buried Archbishops Blanc, Odin, Perché, Leray, Janssens, Chapelle and Blenk, and Bishops de Neckeré and Rouzel. Besides Don Andrés Almonester y Rojas, Philip de Marigny and several other members of the Marigny family, long prominent in the city, are also interred within the sacred precincts.4

The other principal Catholic churches in the city, with the dates of their foundation, are: Church of the Immaculate Conception (Jesuits'), 1848; St. Alphonsus' Church, 1858; St. Patrick's Church, 1833 (present structure, 1837); St. Mary's Assumption Church, 1845; St. Joseph's Church, 1841 (present structure begun 1871); Church of Notre Dame de Bon Secours, 1858; Church of the Annunciation, 1846; Church of St. Vincent de Paul, 1839; St. Teresa's Church, 1850; Church of the Holy Name of Jesus, 1892 (present structure 1919); Church of Holy Name of Mary, 1859; Holy Trinity Church, 1870; Church of the Mater Dolorosa, 1874; Church of the Nativity, 1899; St. Stephen's Church, 1849 (present structure, 1851); Ursuline Chapel, on Ursuline Street, 1829; St. Cecelia's Church, 1896; St. Augustine's Church, 1841; Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, 1874; Church of St. Anthony of Padua, 1822; Church of Our Lady of Good Counsel, 1887; Church of Our Lady of the Sacred Heart, 1871; St. Boniface's Church, 1869; St. Francis de Sales Church, 1873; St. Henry's Church, 1856; St. John the Baptist Church, 1851 (present edifice, 1869); St. Mary's Church, on Chartres Street, 1835; St. Maurice's Church, 1844; St. Michael's Church, 1872; St. Peter's and St. Paul's, 1849 (present structure, 1861); St. Rose de Lima Church, 1859; St. Roch's Chapel, 1871.

Christ Church on Canal Street

There is record of the settlement in New Orleans of "a number of Protestants" in 1793.5 The first Protestant church, however, was not established till 1805. This was Christ Church. Some account of the circumstances connected with the organization of this church has been given elsewhere in this volume.b Protestant services were held for the first time in its history on Sunday, July 15, 1805. The story of Protestant p709missionary enterprise in Louisiana, however, considerably antedates that event. The honor of having sent the first Protestant preachers into what is now the State of Louisiana is disputed by the Baptist and the Methodist Episcopal Churches. The former claims that the Rev. Joseph Willis, a mulatto and native of South Carolina, preached at Vermillionville as early as 1798. But on account of the prejudice excited by his color he was able to remain but a short time in the colony. About the time of the transfer of Louisiana to the United States he returned and was successful in establishing a church at Bayou Chicot, in what is now the Parish of St. Landry. There is nothing to show that he or any other Baptist clergyman visited New Orleans at this early date. The first Methodist preacher in Louisiana was the eccentric Lorenzo Dow, who paid a visit to Northern Louisiana between 1803 and 1804, and according to his own report preached at various points in the Attakapas. The conference of 1804 appointed the Rev. E. W. Bowman to Opelousas and the Revs. Nathan Barnes and Thomas Lasley to the Natchez district. Bowman, on his way to his appointment, passed through New Orleans and made an unsuccessful effort to organize a church in this city. The number of Protestants was, however, too small and their divisions into sects too definite to permit him to carry out his intention. He appears to have been kindly received by the inhabitants and even to have been entertained at the homes of Catholic citizens.6 The Protestants in New Orleans, however, increased in number rapidly after the cession, and early in 1805 met for worship at a private residence. A vote was taken as to which congregation they should affiliate on June 16, 1805, and p710a majority decided in favor of the Episcopalian. This was the beginning of Christ Church. The first rector, Rev. Philander Chase, served from 1805 to 1811. There was then an interval when the congregation was without a pastor. In 1814 the Rev. James Hull of Belfast, Ireland, accepted the charge. The work of raising funds for a house of worship was undertaken by this worthy man, and a building was erected in 1816 on Canal Street, at the corner of Bourbon. Mr. Hull died in 1833; a few months after his death the church was sold and demolished and the building of a new and larger building, made necessary by the continual growth of the congregation, was undertaken at the corner of Canal and Dauphine, on a site donated for the purpose by the municipality. This building cost $50,000. It remained in use till 1886, when the encroachments of business upon the neighborhood made a further removal desirable. The building was sold and demolished. The congregation in 1887 occupied its present home on St. Charles Avenue, corner of Sixth, which is also used as the pro-Cathedral. Christ Church has had a long line of distinguished rectors, among them the Rev. J. A. Fox, who served till 1835; Rev. J. T. Wheat, 1835-1837; Rev. N. S. Wheaton, 1837-1844; Rev. F. L. Hawks, 1844-1849; Rev. Edmund Neville, 1849-1851; Rev. William T. Leacock, 1851-1861, 1864-1886; Rev. A. I. Drysdale, 1882-1886; Rev. Davis Sessums, 1887-1891. Recent rectors have been the Revs. Quincy Ewing, F. I. Paradise, F. H. Coyle, W. W. Howe and Charles D. Wells.7

Christ Church is, in reality, the mother-church of Protestantism in New Orleans. When the Presbyterians felt strong enough to have a church of their own, they left the congregation. Mr. Hull, who was then the rector, contributed $300 out of his salary of $1,200 to help build the First Presbyterian Church. In Christ Church, the French Protestants also worshipped for a time. It is also, in large measure, the mother-church of the Episcopalian diocese of Louisiana. The second Episcopalian Church in Louisiana was consecrated in 1828 at St. Francisville by Bishop Kemper, the first missionary bishop in America. On January 8, 1830, Bishop Brownwell, of Connecticut, arrived in New Orleans on the steamer "Tigress." He consecrated the little octagonal church on January 10, and on the following Sunday the first confirmation was held, with sixty-four candidates, all adults. In the same month the first convention was held, Christ Church being represented by Mr. Hull, and Grace Church, St. Francisville, by Mr. Bowman. It was at this convention that it was proposed to form a southwestern diocese, to consist of the states of Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama. This idea took shape when the Rev. Leonidas Polk, rector of St. Peter's Church, Columbia, Tennessee, was elected by the general convention missionary bishop of Arkansas; and the first Diocesan Council of Louisiana, meeting in Christ Church on January 16, 1838, by resolution placed the diocese under his personal charge.8 Bishop Polk accepted, and began his duties March 18, 1839. His administration was very successful. Churches were erected in many towns, and the number of communicants showed a steady increase. Bishop Polk accepted a commission in the Confederate army on April 28, 1861, and was killed at Pine Mountain, June 13, 1864. The four years of the Civil war were years p711of great disaster to the Episcopalian Church in Louisiana. Only twenty-six church buildings remained intact in the state when the war ended, and services were regularly conduct in but twenty-two.

In May, 1866, the Rev. Joseph Pere Bell Wilmer was elected second bishop of Louisiana. His administration lasted till 1874. During this time he doubled the number of churches in the diocese, and more than doubled the number of clergymen. The council of 1879 elected Rev. John Nicholas Galleher to be his successor. At that time Doctor Galleher was serving as rector of Trinity Church. His health failed within a short time, and it became necessary to provide him with an assistant. In June, 1891, Rev. Davis Sessums, rector of Trinity, was consecrated assistant bishop, and when in the following December, Bishop Wilmer laid down his pastoral staff forever, Bishop Sessums was chosen to be his successor. He still continues at the head of the diocese.

After Christ Church, the Episcopalian churches in New Orleans historically most important are: Trinity, the Free Church of the Annunciation, St. Anna's, St. George's, St. Paul's, St. John's, and Grace Church. Trinity Church stands on Jackson Avenue, at the corner of Coliseum Street. It was founded in 1847, with six communicants, and the Rev. Mr. Ranney in charge. The parish was incorporated in the same year. Mr. Ranney resigned within a few months, and his work was carried on by Mr. Charles P. Clark, licensed as a lay reader. Mr. Clark was instrumental in collecting sufficient funds to purchase the three lots at the corner of Second and Oak streets, on which the first church was erected. The first vestrymen were W. M. Goodrich, Ferdinand Rodeald, C. P. Clark, A. P. Phelps, W. M. Vaught, J. F. Thorpe, and Daniel Dewees. The parish was admitted into the union May 3, 1848. The first rector was the Rev. Alexander Dobbs. In 1851 the site of the present church was purchased, and the present edifice was occupied in April of the following year. The other rectors of the church have been: Rev. O. Flagg, 1853-1854; Rev. Henry M. Pierce, June-December, 1854; Leonidas Polk, 1855-1860; Rev. Fletcher J. Hawley, 1860-1862; Rev. L. Y. Jessup, 1862-1864; Rev. Anthony Vallas, April-September, 1864; Rev. John Percival, 1864-1865; Rev. J. W. Beckwith, 1865-1868; Rev. J. N. Galleger, 1868-1871; Rev. S. S. Harris, 1871-1875; Rev. Hugh Miller Thompson, 1876-1883; Rev. R. A. Holland, 1883-1886; Rev. R. H. McKim, 1886-1888; Rev. W. A. Snively, 1889-1892; Rev. C. C. Kramer, 1892; Rev. Thomas F. Gailor, Rev. C. Hains, and Rev. Wm. Cross, 1893; Rev. Beverly Warner, 1893-1910; Rev. R. S. Copeland, 1910.

The Free Church of the Annunciation was incorporated by an act of the Louisiana State Legislature March 25, 1844. An election of vestrymen held July 31, 1844, at the office of Thomas Sloo, corner Hevia and St. Charles streets, was the first step towards the organization of the church. The first vestrymen were: Thomas Sloo, Jr., E. W. Briggs, Benjamin Lowndes, W. S. Brown, Joseph Callender, C. B. Black, and J. P. McMillan. In 1844 Rev. Nathaniel Ogden Preston was elected first rector. The first services were held in a room "16 by 80 feet, being part of the building known as a soap factory, on the corner of Race and Pacanier (Chippewa) streets." In 1845 the church gave its adhesion to the diocese, and Benjamin Lowndes was elected its first delegate to the diocesan convention. In the same year part of the lots on the corner of Range and Chippewa streets were purchased by Paul Tulane, and plans were adopted for a Gothic church to cost $8,250. The church p712was completed in March, 1846. In 1855 Mr. Preston resigned, and was succeeded as rector by Rev. Charles F. Rodenstein, in 1855, as temporary appointee, and in 1856, as pastor. During his term the church was made a free church with the object of making it a missionary church. On April 19, 1858, the edifice was destroyed by fire. It was decided to remove to a new site before building again. The present location at the corner of Camp and Race was selected, and purchased in 1860 for $6,500, cash. The outbreak of the Civil war, however, occasioned a long period of inactivity in the parish, and it was not till 1866 that the project of building was revived. In the meantime, the parish, after having practically disappeared during the war, had been revived through the efforts of Mrs. W. S. Brown. The first services held after the war were celebrated in the building in the rear of the Methodist Church on the corner of Felicity and Chestnut streets. In 1865 the Rev. John Percival was called to the rectorship, and the congregation began worshipping in an old blacksmith shop, on Prytania Street, near Jackson. In 1866, however, better quarters were secured by the purchase of the Methodist school building on Chestnut Street. This building was subsequently moved to the lots owned by the congregation on Camp and Race. The present structure was erected there in 1873 at a cost of $13,450. After the death of Doctor Percival, the church was served by Revs. J. B. Whaling, John T. Foster, and Frank Poole Johnson.

St. Anna's Church, on Esplanade Avenue, between Marais and Villeré, was erected in 1869 at a cost of $100,000, donated by Dr. W. N. Mercer. The original edifice was burned in 1876 and replaced by the present edifice. St. George's Church, situated on St. Charles Avenue and Cadiz Street, was formed by the union of Emanuel and St. Mark's churches, in 1864. The first church building stood at the corner of Pitt and Napoleon avenues. The present church dates from 1899. Among the rectors have been Rev. H. C. Duncan, 1864-1875; Rev. B. T. H. Maycock, 1875-1877; Rev. George R. Upton, 1877-1882; Rev. John Philson, S. M. Wiggins, A. Kenny Hall, A. J. Tardy, Doctor Knapp and J. W. Moore. St. Paul's Church owes its existence to the Rev. J. T. Wheat. Appointed a missionary to the upper portion of New Orleans in 1835, he succeeded in bringing about the organization of St. Paul's in the following year. The congregation first worshipped in a school building on Tivoli (Lee) Circle. Later, a warehouse on Julia Street was utilized for the purpose, and still later, a building on Camp Street. The first vestrymen were John Messinger, J. H. B. Morton, Augustin Slaughter, John G. Grayson, and Thomas N. Morgan. The subscription to build a church was started in 1837, and the amount of $40,000 had been pledged, when the financial panic of that year put an end to the project, some of the heaviest subscribers being bankrupted, and unable to meet their engagements. In the following year Mr. Goodrich revived the plan, and in 1839 a permanent edifice was completed at the corner of Camp and Bartholomew streets. The need for a new building was so strongly felt by 1853 that steps were taken to erect a church on the site where the present church stands. The building occupied in the following year was, however, burned in 1891; when the handsome granite structure now used by the congregation was built. During the Civil war Rev. Elijah Guion was in charge of the church. He was succeeded in 1868 by Rev. William F. Adams, afterwards bishop of New Mexico and Arizona, who resigned a few years later, and was replaced by the p713Rev. H. H. Waters. Doctor Waters' long service as rector was the most important feature of the history of this church.

St. John's Church, which dates from 1871, was established at the corner of Third and Annunciation. Its first rector was the Rev. Dr. Harrison. Grace Church dates from 1886. Trinity Chapel, an off-shoot of St. Paul's and of Trinity, came into existence in 1870. In 1884 the property was made over to the bishop of the diocese, and in the following year the Rev. A. Gordon Bakewell took charge. His long connection with this church was terminated in 1920, when he died at a very advanced age.

The second Protestant church to secure a foothold in New Orleans was the Baptist. The church had already established itself in Louisiana — ? at Franklin, in St. Mary's Parish, in 1812, and at Bayou Boeuf, in 1816. In 1817 the Rev. James Reynoldson was sent to New Orleans as a missionary by the Home Mission Board of the Baptist Triennial Convention. He was welcomed by Cornelius Paulding, a merchant who had settled in New Orleans in 1813, and who was a Baptist. He preached and taught school in the "long room" of Mr. Paulding's home, on Dorsière Street, between Canal and Customhouse. He succeeded in organizing a church, over which the Rev. Mr. Davis was called to preside in 1820. Davis baptized the first additions to the church in the Mississippi, in front of the Customhouse, in the presence of a large crowd, many of whom had never witnessed before a ceremony of this description. At this time the church numbered forty-eight members, of whom sixteen were white. After his departure the congregation dispersed. It was not until 1826, when the Rev. William Rondeau, of England, took charge, that the scattered members were collected and the church re-organized. Mr. Rondeau also removed at the end of a year. During his short ministry he baptized two new members. In 1833 Mr. Paulding built a church for the congregation on St. Charles Street, on the site now occupied by the Soulé Commercial College. Here the Rev. Pharcellus Church officiated as pastor in 1834 and 1835. After his departure, except for the labors of the Rev. P. W. Robert, of South Carolina, who spent a short time in the City of Lafayette (now the Fourth District), the Baptist Church seems to have virtually disappeared from New Orleans.

In 1842, however, the Missionary Board of the Triennial Conference sent the Rev. Russell Holman, of Kentucky, to New Orleans. He was a missionary, but found time to gather together the scattered members and for two years he held services in the upper story of a building at "66" Julia Street, between Magazine and Camp streets. In 1843, while some visiting ministers were present in the city, a presbytery of Baptist elders met on December 28 and re-organized the church with ten members. In April, 1844, the church was strong enough to feel justified in calling the Rev. Isaac T. Hinton, of St. Louis, to serve as pastor. Mr. Hinton arrived in January, 1845. During his pastorate the church was incorporated (March 5, 1845). Funds were also collected with which to erect a church. Three lots were purchased on St. Charles Street, between Julia and St. Joseph. A building was erected thereon in 1846 at a cost of $4,000. The membership rose to 122. In 1847 Mr. Hinton fell a victim of the yellow fever. He was succeeded by the Rev. T. G. Freeman, who served only a few months in 1848; Rev. Charles Raymond, from May, 1848, to December, 1849; Rev. Serano Taylor, from February, p7141850 to April, 1851. Mr. Paulding died in 1851, leaving directions that the St. Charles Street building should be sold and the proceeds presented to a new congregation which he hoped would be formed in order to receive the legacy. This led to a re-organization of the church, and the sale of the St. Charles Street Church as a result of litigation under the sheriff's hammer. The property was bought by Judah Touro for $9,000, which was two-thirds of the appraisement.

The congregation worshipped in a room in the Carrollton Railroad depot, at the corner of Baronne and Perdido streets, in 1853 and 1854, with the Rev. W. C. Duncan as pastor. The total membership was now 181, less losses by death or removal of seventy-five or eighty. On June 21, 1854, nine members asked for letters of dismissal, in order to organize the Coliseum Place Baptist Church, of which Mr. Duncan became pastor. The congregation of the First Church worshipped with Coliseum Place congregation from this date till 1860. In that year it resumed its separate existence, occupying rented quarters in the Bible House, on Camp Street, near Girod. The ministers were, in 1860, Rev. Alex Sutherland and Rev. D. R. Haynes. In July, 1861, it purchased the old Lafayette High School, at the corner of Magazine and Second streets, and fitted this up as a church; but the breaking out of the Civil war affected the congregation very injuriously and in 1862 not more than twenty members remained enrolled. In 1863 this little group of faithful was re-enforced by a small contingent from the Coliseum Baptist Church and the Rev. J. C. Carpenter was called to the pastorate. Under him it increased largely. At his departure in 1870, the Rev. J. M. Lewis took charge. From 1873 to 1878 there was no regular pastor. The Rev. M. C. Cole then took charge, since whose time the succession of pastors has been regular and admirable. In 1892 the church was destroyed by fire. A disused theater on Magazine Street, near Washington Avenue, was purchased and served as a home for the congregation till 1908, when the handsome new church at the corner of St. Charles Avenue and Delachaise Street, erected largely through the exertions of the Rev. C. V. Edwards (who became pastor in 1899 and served nearly ten years), was ready for occupancy.9

The Coliseum Place Baptist Church, as above stated, was organized in 1854 as an offshoot of the First Church. The building was completed and occupied in that year. It was displaced by a larger and more elegant edifice, completed in 1873. Among the early pastors were the Revs. E. G. Taylor, N. W. Wilson, J. B. Lowry, S. Landrum, B. W. Bussey, and D. G. Whittingill.

The Valance Street Baptist Church, at the corner of Valance and Magazine streets, was organized in 1885, through the exertions of the Rev. C. F. Gregory.

The Presbyterians established themselves in New Orleans in 1817. There were members of this faith in the city at a much earlier date. At the time of the organization of Christ Church, in 1805, there is record of seven Presbyterians who voted in the election which decided the affiliation of that institution. The Connecticut Missionary Society sent the Rev. Elias Cornelius on a missionary journey through the Southwest, with special instructions to visit New Orleans. He arrived in the city on December 30, 1817. On January 22, 1818, he was joined by p715the Rev. Sylvester Larned, and their labors paved the way for the establishment of the First Presbyterian Church, the corner stone of which was laid on January 8, 1819. The building cost $70,000c and was located on St. Charles Street, between Gravier and Union, where the municipality provided a site. It was dedicated on July 4, 1819, and used as a place of worship till 1853, when it was burned, in the conflagration which included the St. Charles Hotel and many other important buildings in the new part of the city. The first pastor was the Rev. Mr. Larned, but his death after only a few months of labor, caused the Rev. Theodore Clapp, of Massachusetts, to be called to the vacant pastorate. It is perhaps incorrect to refer to Mr. Larned as pastor of this church. His work was strictly that of a missionary. There is no record of his having organized a church after the Presbyterian canons, and he was never installed into the pastoral relations by ecclesiastical authority.10 He did, however, gather a congregation and build their place of worship. His death took place in his twenty-fourth year, as a result of yellow fever. A period of eighteen months elapsed between his death and the arrival in the city of his successor, the Rev. Theodore Clapp, of Massachusetts. On finding that the church was in debt to the extent of $45,000, Clapp made its liquidation a condition of his acceptance; and this amount was paid off by a rather dubious expedient. The trustees obtained from the State Legislature a concession for a lottery, which they sold to Yates & McIntyre, a New York firm, for $25,000. The remaining $20,000 was obtained by selling the property to Judah Touro, who owned it until its destruction by fire, allowing the pew rents to be collected and used to support the minister. Touro was a personal friend and frequent benefactor of Mr. Clapp's.

The First Church was organized on November 23, 1823, with twenty-four members, of whom nine were men. Mr. Clapp's ministry was a troubled one. As early as 1824 he began to entertain doubts as to certain fundamental Presbyterian doctrines, and in 1830 he felt obliged to ask from the Presbytery of Mississippi a letter of dismissal to the Hampshire County Association of Congregational ministers of Massachusetts. This request was refused on the ground that Mr. Clapp could not be dismissed as in good and regular standing in the Presbyterian Church, when, as a matter of fact, his own declarations showed that he was not such. Instead, he was declared no longer a member of the Presbytery nor a Presbyterian clergyman, nor a member of the Presbyterian Church. A letter to this effect was sent to the First Church, but no action was taken on it until January, 1831. The various proceedings which this celebrated cause involved continued over till the following year, and resulted in January, 1833, in the ejection of Mr. Clapp from the Presbyterian Church. He had, however, endeared himself to a great many of his congregation, and they followed him into the new fields of usefulness which he traversed during the remainder of a long life in New Orleans.

Only nine members of the First Church remained to carry it on. They found themselves without a church building. The Rev. John Parker, who was in the city in the service of the American Home Mission Society, was appointed stated supply, and under his guidance, in January, 1833, the task of rebuilding the church was begun. Doctor Parker figured in a religious upheaval almost as sensational as Mr. Clapp's. While on a tour of the North, with the intention of raising funds for building a new church, he made an address on the religious conditions in New Orleans, which was garbled in the newspapers reporting it, and these inaccurate statements were fiercely resented in New Orleans. The luckless clergyman was burned in effigy, and the mayor of the city sent a message to the congregation advising "that priest" not to return to the city. Feeling ran so high that on his return Doctor Parker had to be landed below the city and make his way to his home by land, over a route where he was not expected. His congregation, however, stood staunchly by him, and together they weathered a storm which threatened for à time to wreck the existence of the church.11

The congregation worshipped in 1833 and 1834 in a warehouse on Lafayette Square, and in 1835 in a room on Julia Street. In 1835 a handsome church was completed on Lafayette Square. This building was burned in 1854. The present building was erected in 1857 at a cost of $87,000. Early pastors were: Dr. John Breckenridge, 1839-1841; Dr. W. A. Scott, 1843-1854; Dr. B. M. Palmer, 1856-1902. Doctor Palmer's long ministry was the most brilliant page in the history of Presbyterianism in Louisiana. His impressive eloquence and lofty character made him an important figure in every circle of civic life. His death was the occasion of a remarkable demonstration of honor and affection, in which many other congregations besides his own took part. The First Church was almost completely destroyed in the hurricane of 1915, but was restored at an expense of nearly $100,000 with only slight modifications in the original design.

In 1840 the congregation of the First Presbyterian Church sent the Rev. Jerome Twichell as a missionary to the suburban City of Lafayette. The result of his labors was the organization there of the Lafayette Presbyterian Church. The original church stood on Fulton, between St. Andrew and Tchoupitoulas streets. In 1860 this church was burned, and in 1867 the congregation took possession of a building on Magazine Street, near Jackson Avenue. The Rev. T. R. Markham, who was pastor here from 1857 to 1894, was one of the most distinguished figures in the Protestant ministry in the South. He was followed by the Rev. S. C. Byrd, and upon his death in 1894, by the Rev. John T. Barr. Under Mr. Barr a major part of the congregation withdrew from the Presbyterian Church, South, and united itself with the northern wing of the church.

The Second Presbyterian Church was incorporated in 1845 and disbanded at the close of the Civil war. The Prytania Street Presbyterian Church was founded in 1846 as a result of an independent movement, developing out of a Sunday School started in the upper part of the city by a little group of earnest churchmen. In that year lots were purchased at the corner of Prytania and Josephine streets and a small frame building erected at a cost of $1,342. Afterwards this edifice was used as a lecture room. Rev. E. R. Beadle, brought to New Orleans by the First Church, as a city missionary, was identified with this movement from its beginning. On May 31, 1846, the church was organized by the New Orleans Presbytery, with twelve members. Its pastors have been the Rev. E. R. Beadle, Rev. Isaac Henderson, Rev. Benjamin Wayne, Rev. W. F. V. Bartlett, all of whom served for a short period only; p717Rev. R. W. Mallard, who was pastor from 1866 to 1878; Rev. James H. Nall, who served from 1879 to 1884; Rev. F. L. Ferguson, 1884 to 1890; Dr. J. W. Walden, 1892 to 1896, and Rev. Wm. McF. Alexander, from 1899 to the present time. The present handsome church was built on the site of the original building in 1901.12

The Third Presbyterian Church, now housed in a handsome building overlooking Washington Square, came into existence in March, 1847, as the result of a Sunday School established in the Third District by certain members of the First Church. The present building was erected in 1860.

Through the agency of a general committee on domestic missions, chapels were erected on Canal Street, corner of Franklin; on Thalia Street, corner of Franklin; in Jefferson City and in Carrollton. As early as 1845 the Rev. Noah F. Packard preached in the Canal Street Chapel. Out of his work arose, in 1847, the Fourth Presbyterian Church, now known as the Canal Street Church. This church stood originally at the corner of Gasquet and Liberty, but in May, 1871, this building was sold, and the congregation removed to a new building on Canal Street, corner of Derbigny. An attempt to organize a church in the Thalia Street Chapel was made as early as 1853, but was not completed, and an irregular organization only was maintained there down to 1860, when a church was formally established. The congregation erected a handsome church at the corner of Franklin and Euterpe streets. This church is now known as the Memorial Presbyterian Church. In the Bouligny Chapel, in Jefferson City, a mission was conducted from 1850 to 1860, when the Rev. Benjamin Wayne began to preach there regularly. The result of his labors was the organization of the Napoleon Avenue Church, in May, 1861. The church occupied a handsome brick building on that street in 1873. A few years ago this property was sold, and the present stately edifice, at the corner of St. Charles and Napoleon avenues, was occupied. The Carrollton Church was organized in 1855 but went out of existence in 1866, and was not revived till many years later, when it grew rapidly into the flourishing organization that now supports a commodious building on Hampson Street, corner of Burdette.

In connection with the Presbyterian work in New Orleans two German churches have grown up, The First German Presbyterian Church is an offshoot of the Prytania Street Presbyterian Church, and was incorporated April 5, 1854. The Second German Presbyterian Church was established May 24, 1863. The Rev. T. O. Koelle became pastor there in 1869 and continued to serve the congregation for thirty-five years. Early in his ministry the present handsome church was erected at the corner of Claiborne and Adams streets, at a cost of over $9,000. It was dedicated March 24, 1872.

The First Methodist Church, which now occupies a commanding site on St. Charles Avenue, just above Lee Circle, has a long and eventful history. It represents the achievement of twenty years of missionary effort on the part of the brilliant men who first introduced Methodism into New Orleans. Strenuous, but futile, efforts were made to establish a Methodist Church in New Orleans between 1805 and 1813 by the Rev. William Williams, who was appointed to the work in New Orleans by the Mississippi Conference. No tangible result of his labors, nor of p718those of the Rev. Miles Harper, who was his co-laborer here in 1812, were seen until 1825, when a little congregation of twenty-five Methodists was formed, and met for worship on the second floor of a warehouse belonging to James A. Ross, in Poydras Street. Subsequently, services were conducted in a small frame building in Gravier Street, but it was not long thereafter that a permanent building was erected, at the corner of Poydras and Carondelet streets. This building was occupied till 1851, when it was destroyed by fire. Deprived by this calamity of a place of worship, the members found refuge in the depot of the Carrollton Railroad Company, on Baronne Street. Here they remained for two years. But in 1852 the Rev. J. C. Keener (afterwards bishop) was appointed pastor, and set to work energetically to collect funds with which to erect a new building. The Carondelet Street Methodist Church, for many years one of the landmarks of the city was, however, completed by his successor, Rev. J. B. Walker. The building of the church was a slow and expensive affair. Through some defect of construction, the walls spread shortly after the roof was put in place, and the structure collapsed; but the basement escaped unharmed, and there the congregation worshipped until the main structure was ready for occupancy. Doctor Walker, by a special dispensation, based on the idea that it was necessary to become acclimated in New Orleans, was permitted to remain in charge of the church for nineteen years. His ministry was interrupted, however, for some months in 1862, when his church was taken over by the United States army, and services were held there by Rev., afterwards Bishop, J. C. Newman, for the benefit of the troops. During this brief exile from their home the congregation found shelter in the Unitarian Church, of which the famous Doctor Clapp was then pastor, who placed it at their disposal. In 1905 the old church was sold, and the congregation moved to its present handsome quarters. Among the pastors of the church, since 1873, have been Revs. W. V. Tudor, Doctor Matthews, Felix Hill, C. W. Carter, B. H. Carradine, W. H. LaPrade, J. L. Pierce, E. N. Evans, F. N. Parker, J. H. Davis, J. A. Wray.13

Methodism is represented by a large number of important churches in various parts of the city. Space suffices here but to mention a few of the largest. The Moreau Street Church, which stood at the corner of Chartres and Lafayette, was established in 1840, and after half-a-century of usefulness, was, in 1899, sold, and the congregation united itself with that of the Burgundy Street Church. The next church built was in the then suburban town of Algiers, now the Fifth District of the city. It was established in 1844. The church originally bore the name of the Good Hope Chapel, and stood on a site now covered by the waters of the Mississippi. The Felicity Street Church is chronologically the next most important congregation. It was founded in 1850. The first church was erected in that year, and used till 1887, when it was burned and rebuilt. The present structure dates from 1888. It was badly damaged by the hurricane of 1915, and when restored the original design was modified into its present appearance.

The Louisiana Avenue Church, at the corner of Magazine Street, dates from 1854, and was originally located at the corner of Laurel and Toledano. "Laurel and Toledano" was, in 1854, a very remote part of the city, accessible only by the Tchoupitoulas Street line of busses, which p719however, ran only as far as Pleasant Street. During the Civil war the little church was seized by the Federal authorities and converted into a negro school and chapel. During the exposition years 1884-1885 the population spread rapidly over this part of the city. The need for a larger structure was apparent, and in 1884 the foundations of a new church were laid, but the work was suspended thereafter till 1891. The present handsome structure was dedicated in 1892. The Dryades Street German Church was organized in 1854, and the Burgundy Street Church in 1866. The Rayne Memorial Methodist Church was established in 1877 under the name of the St. Charles Avenue Methodist Church, but the name was changed at an early date in honor of the benefactor who made possible the erection of the present handsome building. The Carrollton Avenue Church, on the corner of Carrollton Avenue and Elm, was erected in 1885.

An important group of churches in New Orleans bear the name of Luther. The oldest congregation is probably that known as St. Paul's Evangelical Lutheran Church, which traces its history back to the summer of 1840. The first meeting was held in an engine-house on Moreau (Chartres) Street. Those present decided to continue these meetings, and from August 2 in that year services have been conducted regularly every week. The first church of this congregation was erected in 1843 at the corner of Port and Craps (Burgundy) streets. In 1855 it identified itself with the Evangelistic Lutheran Synod of Texas. In 1874 it was transferred to the jurisdiction of the Western Synod or District. The present church dates from 1890. The other churches of this faith are of comparatively recent foundation.14

The Jewish faith is represented in New Orleans by several important synagogues. The Touro Synagogue dates from 1847 and is one of the largest, most fashionable, and important religious organizations in the city. The present building of this congregation on St. Charles Avenue and Milan, was erected in 1908, at a cost of $100,000. Temple Sinai, which is likewise the property of a prominent and wealthy congregation, was founded in 1871. Among its rabbis was Dr. J. K. Gutheim, one of the most eloquent and learned men in American Jewry. The Chevre Mikveh Israel Synagogue dates from 1872, the Gates of Prayer Synagogue from 1854, the Right Way Synagogue from 1870.15

The Congregational Church in New Orleans was established in 1833 as the result of a split in the congregation of the First Presbyterian Church. The Northern Methodists are represented by one congregation formed in 1867. The city contains a large number of other religious organizations, but they have come into existence within the last ten or fifteen years, and for that reason need not be mentioned here.

The Author’s Notes

1 Shea, "Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll," II, 548-671.

Thayer's Note: Shea's classic work seems not to be online yet; a positive assessment of Antonio de Sedella, although addressing his virulent critics, and thus summarizing their opinions of the man, is found in "Fray Antonio de Sedella: An Appreciation", LHQ 2:24-37.

2 I am indebted to the Morning Star, April 6, 1918, for much of the material incorporated in the foregoing account, which has been courteously revised and corrected by Miss Marie L. Points.

3 Quoted in Chambon, "In and Around the Old St. Louis Cathedral of New Orleans," 39-42.

4 Picayune, June 15, 1913.

5 Rightor's "History of New Orleans," 483.

6 Fortier, "Louisiana," II, 332.

7 Picayune, November 19, 1905; Rightor, New Orleans, 496.

8 Picayune, November 19, 1905.

9 J. L. Furman in Picayune, July 7, 1904.

10 Times-Democrat, August 7, 1882.

11 Ibid.

12 Picayune, September 28, 1913.

13 Times-Democrat, February 23, 1905.

14 Times Picayune, August 1, 1915.

15 See Times Democrat, September 30, 1907.

p720 Chapter XLV

The Carnival, Opera and the Drama

The hush of a delicious Southern winter's night lies upon the city. The temperature is neither hot nor cold, warm enough to make the open air pleasant, yet not so warm as to render exercise uncomfortable. The streets are thronged with people, thousands ranging themselves along the sidewalks, while other thousands ramble aimlessly through the thoroughfares, gazing into the windows of brightly illuminated residences, or watching admiringly the electric lights that glitter in long festoons of light overhead, framing every artery of travel in long lines of fire.

Suddenly a rocket cleaves the sky with its long, slender shaft of blazing gold. It breaks on high in a cluster of multicolored stars. Ten thousand eyes follow it in its flight. A half-audible "Ah!" runs through the waiting crowd. The restless throngs pause in their slow motion, eddy a moment, and then fall into line along the curb. They know what is coming and are prepared.

That is the way the Carnival begins. The next day or two will bring Rex to the city, with bands playing and brilliant costumes flashing in the sunshine, and then the night follows with more and dazzling display, and another day brings the gayety to its climax — ? afterwards the city subsides into the solemnity and repose of Lent; of its brief period of surpassing splendor nothing remains but a delightful memory. It lasts so short a while, this Carnival, and yet how many men toil throughout the year, how vast the sums of money spent, how much taste and skill and talent go to the creation of these magnificent pageants or the giving of these superb balls! There is no institution so intensely characteristic of New Orleans as the Carnival. All the romance and poetry of the city; all the gayety of its Latin blood; all its craving for light, and beauty, and grace find expression in it. Other American cities have Carnivals, but not such as New Orleans understands by that word; nor is it probable that any other American city will ever evolve anything even remotely resembling this peculiar institution. It is something to which one is born; which is a matter of temperament; which implies a complicated French, Spanish, and American ancestry — ? something which cannot possibly occur elsewhere.

The observance of Mardi Gras was introduced into the Crescent City in 1827 by some young Louisianians on their return from Paris, whither they had been sent to complete their education. They organized a street procession of maskers, somewhat primitive, no doubt, but sufficient of a novelty in those days to prove a great success. Every year thereafter the experiment was repeated, and each time it grew in popularity. But the celebration was quite different then from what it subsequently became. Each masker provided his own costume, there was no preliminary organization, the participants went for the most part on foot, and the music, if there was such, was hired by private subscription on the part of the various little groups of celebrants. Generally, the festivities came to an end with a ball at the St. Louis Hotel or the Salle d'Orleans, at which p721only the élite of the aristocratic old city was present.1 Bernard Marigny, who was a typical Creole, is credited with having done much in 1833 to put the celebration upon a permanent footing.2

From these beginnings the evolution of the New Orleans Carnival may be traced along two well-defined lines quite distinct one from the other, though related in their common object. The first is the development of the open-air pageantry which is the chief attraction of the Carnival for visitors to the Crescent City, and the other is the perfecting of the unique system of masked balls which is the main feature of the Carnival for the people of New Orleans. The idea of the peripatetic tableaux was worked out first in Mobile, in 1831, by an organization known as the Cowbellions. New Orleans adopted it in 1837. The second procession took place in 1839, on which occasion the most conspicuous feature was an immense cock, — over 6 feet in height, riding in a carriage, and emitting stentorian crows, to the great delight of an appreciative crowd. Nothing more ambitious seems to have been attempted till 1857, when the Carnival, as New Orleans knows it today, came into existence with the organization of the Mystic Krewe of Comus.

Comus, which still exists, the oldest and, probably, the most important socially of the New Orleans Carnival societies, selected as the subject of its first parade Milton's "Paradise Lost." After the parade, a ball was given at the Varieties Theater, in conjunction with which a series of tableaux was presented illustrating such Miltonic themes as "The Diabolic Powers," and "The Expulsion from Paradise." The second of the Carnival organizations was the Twelfth Night Revellers, which came into existence in 1870. It continues to give an annual ball. Two other important organizations are the Knights of Momus and the Krewe of Proteus, the former organized in 1872, the latter in 1882. They, with the Krewe of Comus, always appear on the streets of New Orleans by night, and after a superb parade, entertain on a lavish scale at a ball, formerly at the French Opera House, but since the destruction of the edifice in 1919, at other places, usually the Athenaeum. It is quite probable that these balls are highly-elaborated developments of the Creole "king-parties" of colonial times; a process of merry-making, by which a young man was elected to preside over the dance, and selected his partner, or "queen," and they, jointly, became responsible for the next similar entertainment.

The daytime pageantry is supplied by Rex. The Rex Society is, essentially, the "popular" Carnival organization. It has the largest membership, spends the most money on its parades and balls, and claims a certain pre-eminence in carnival affairs. Its "king" is King of the Carnival; its "queen" is Queen of the Carnival. Rex was organized in January, 1872. The maskers who had filled the streets at Mardi Gras with their gaudy color and mirthful antics, were in that year assembled in one organization for the entertainment of the Russian Grand Duke, Alexis, who was then a visitor to the city. The bond of union thus p722formed was sufficiently strong to hold the members in a federation which eventually became the most picturesque of the whole carnival.3

No feature connected with the Carnival is more curious than the mystery which envelops everything connected therewith. So far as the general public knows, the pageants emerge from mystery, wend their brilliant way through the streets and are then received back into the impenetrable darkness and obscurity from which they emerged. To only a few in New Orleans is it given to walk behind the impalpable but nevertheless very real screen which hides the doings of the Carnival organizations from the curious gaze of the outer world. To them the complicated machinery of the Carnival is known, and to them alone. For it is a complicated machinery, far more so than the uninitiated imagine. In that dim region where Rex and Comus and Proteus and all the others hibernate, save for a few hours in the year, there goes on a ceaseless activity, and scores of hands and brains are busy practically from the moment one parade is off the streets till it is time for its successor to appear.

This secrecy extends even to the Carnival balls. The first of these entertainments is given on January 6 by the Twelfth Night Revelers. The last is that of Comus, on Mardi Gras night. The social season is at its height in the city between those two dates. These balls are of two general kinds — ? those given by the parade organizations and those given by organizations which do not aspire to any more ambitious undertakings. Of the former there are four — ? Momus, Proteus, Rex and Comus. Rex presents certain differences from the others, differences to which allusion will be made later on in this article. The others are substantially alike. There are seven of the minor organizations — ? Twelfth Night, to which reference has already been made; Atlanteans, Oberons, Nereus, Mythras, Falstaffians and Olympians. These societies are, for the most part, offshoots of the older and larger organizations, and retain in miniature and with certain modifications their customs and methods.

With the exception of Rex, these balls are private affairs. The point is not very well understood, not merely by strangers in the city, but by the citizens themselves. The societies which give them consider these entertainments to be of the same nature as a banquet, a reception or a dance in some private residence. For this reason there are many restrictions upon the invitations. Each member is allotted a certain number, but is required to hand in to the invitation committee a list of names of persons to whom he desires them sent, and not until this list has been carefully inspected is it complied with. The total number of invitations is governed by the size of the building in which the ball is to be given. The French Opera House could not accommodate more than 2,500 persons. Since the burning of this hallowed structure, the balls have been given in places capable of housing only a smaller number. It will be readily understood that many people, though socially of the most desirable character, cannot obtain invitations every year to all the balls.

Every year the officers of the Carnival societies are besieged by late applicants, especially by strangers in the city, who, not appreciating the p723nature of these entertainments, do not always see what their demands should not be complied with. In many cases large sums of money have been offered for invitations, but this method, so efficacious in nearly every other place, usually insures the refusal of the request in New Orleans. Rex, however, among the larger Carnival organizations, endeavors to provide for the stranger. This society issues nearly 15,000 invitations every year, and it is not difficult for any reputable person, newly arrived in the city, to secure a card to its ball. This generosity is for strangers only. Rex is as chary in the distribution of its favors to residents as any of the other organizations. Rex has more invitations to give, but he gives them just as carefully.

The Rex Society, which as has been said, is the largest and wealthiest of the Carnival societies, has about 400 members. The membership consists of two classes, the Royal Host and the Carnival Court. The former is made up of the older members of the organization, and comprises between 100 and 150 of the best-known citizens of the city. All they receive in return for the large financial contributions which they make to the society's exchequer, and for the time and skill which they devote to its affairs, is a gorgeously emblazoned piece of parchment conferring the title of duke and a jeweled badge, the latter of a different design each year. The Carnival Court is composed of the younger members. It is from their ranks that the "cast" is made up — ? it is they who figure under masks upon the Rex cars in the two day-pageants that are the features of the Carnival street displays, and at the Rex ball Mardi Gras night, at the Athenaeum.

The names of none of the members of Rex, whether Royal Host or Carnival Court, is ever made public. The only exception to this rule is in the case of the King of the Carnival. This monarch, chosen by the organization to preside over its street display and at its ball, is always a member of the Royal Host. His name is announced in the New Orleans newspapers on Wednesday morning, the first day of Lent. But in every other respect the deepest secrecy is maintained with regard to everything that pertains to the organization. This mystery is not as well kept today as it was twenty years ago, but considering the large number of persons involved, is still maintained to a surprising degree. Relatively few know where the workshops of the Carnival organizations are located, for example, and the present is the first time that any extensive account of the ultimate organization of the Carnival has appeared in print.

There must, of course, be one representative with whom contracts can be made and other business carried on; and he necessity is more or less known to the public. In the case of Rex this official is the "manager." He is the business agent of the Society. Over him is a select committee composed of members from both the Royal Host and the Carnival Court, whose authority is all powerful. When it is time to prepare a carnival parade, Rex's manager has an interview with his artist, and receives suggestions from him as to the subject, the character of the cars, etc. For many years the Rex artist was B. A. Wikstrom, the well-known painter, who died about ten years ago. There are always twenty cars in the Rex pageant — ? one a "title car," one the "king's car," and the remaining eighteen illustrating some theme of general interest. Rex's policy is to choose subjects which require little or no erudition on the part of the spectators to follow; in this respect differing from the night p724organizations, the pageants of which are sometimes decidedly learned, even abstruse.

The artist's rough sketches of the proposed pageant are submitted to the select committee, and when finally approved thereby, are referred back to him to be put in final shape. This consists in carefully redrawing the designs, one by one, according to scale, each car on its own separate sheet of paper, not over — two feet square. They are represented in full color, with the maskers in place. In this form they go to the builders. The poetry, the sentiment of the pageants, of course, represent the artist's contribution, but the translation of his designs into papier-mache, canvas, tinsel and paint — ? which are the essential ingredients of a carnival tableau — ? this is the task of the builders.

For many years a wiry Frenchman, George Soulié, called the Rex pageant into being. Latterly, he had the assistance of his son, Henry. They constitute a dynasty of Carnival craftsmen whose time was practically spent exclusively in the service of the societies. Rex has large studios in an out-of-the-way corner of the city, especially designed for his use, and there his cars are built. The organization owns its own vehicles — ? platforms and 2.4 m wide',WIDTH,100)" onMouseOut="nd();">? some twenty feet long and eight feet wide, mounted on wheels — ? resembling the trucks on which theatrical scenery is moved. They are used repeatedly, but the fairy structures which are every year reared upon them are always and entirely new.

The artist's design is, of course, flat, and indicates variations in the surface only by means of shading — ? of lights and darks, after the manner of all painting. The business of the builders is to erect a framework which, when overlaid with the canvas, will actually represent those variations in the plane; hence they are allowed an immense latitude, and the demand upon their ingenuity is enormous. Let us take an example; for instance, a car representing some marine scene. The design as it reaches the workmen represents the waves just as they would be represented in any other water color drawing. The surface of the water arises in a series of huge billows, but these billows are seamed with countless lesser waves, ripples, undulations. In the drawing they are mere splashes of color, vivid green, gray, brown, even black — ? but there is nothing to tell the builder how these effects are to be attained.

And yet the clever craftsman asks no more. In his atelier there is a large open floor. Upon this he spreads sheets of stout manila paper, pasting them together until he has a surface measuring by 5.5 m wide',WIDTH,100)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 20 or 22 feet long by 18 wide. Then, with a brush dipped in red paint, he traces upon the paper the forms of various bits of timber which, put together, will constitute the vitals of the tableaux. These lines cross each other at all angles, but each is numbered, and can easily be followed in the maze of conflicting designs. Then the carpenters come in and, working from the pattern, prepare all these separate pieces of timber, fitting them on the tracings till they are exact duplications of the master's design. At this stage not even the carpenters can guess the eventual appearance of the car.

The next stage is to assemble the framework on the wagon. Under the supervision of the master builder each part is fitted into place. In the meantime papier-mache workers have done their part. Their productions are quickly tacked into place. Stout canvas follows, together with prodigious amounts of excelsior, rags and various other kinds of "stuffing" to round out the proportions of sea serpent or sinuous marine p725plant. And as the canvas is fastened to the timber framework, suddenly the beholder perceives how all the innumerable billowlets which the artist in his drawing represented by hasty strokes of the brush have become actual undulations, reproducing exactly the infinite variety of the surface of the sea.

To create a car under such circumstances calls for peculiar talent and immense experience. It is because New Orleans possesses a school of Carnival craftsmen, and because they are content to devote their lives to the fabrication of Carnival pageant, that the Crescent City is unique in the success and splendor of its pageants. The thing has been tried elsewhere, and always with comparatively small success; for, easy as it may seem to the uninstructed to rear the fairy fabric of a typical Carnival "float," the task assumes quite another phase when it is actually attempted. There is a genius which goes to this as to almost every other kind of artistic endeavor; New Orleans has that genius, and it is not found anywhere else.

The same hands which build the Rex pageant create also those of the three night organizations. The work begins in May or June and proceeds at the rate of one or two cars every week. Thus in eight months eighty complete cars can be turned out. In the meantime the artist has designed the costumes, some 125 to 150 in number, which are to be worn by the maskers. The policy of Rex is to have as much of its work done in the city as possible. Formerly the costumes were made in Paris, and the jewels and masks are still manufactured in Europe, but otherwise practically everything used in the pageants is of local origin. This is not true to the same extent of the other organizations, some of which still depend upon Paris for costumes, while others put their trust in Kalamazoo and Chicago.

The chief feature of the Carnival ball is the royalties who preside over its fleeting gayeties. The "king" is actually masked, but the queen wears no disguise. Both of them are invariably costumed in the richest and most splendid style. The queen wears crown, necklace, stomacher and other ornaments exquisitely adorned with gems. The gems, it is true, are rhinestones, but they are set by European jewelers of acknowledged skill, and the effect is quite as royal as though they were genuine. This superb regalia is provided by the Carnival organization, and becomes the property of the fair wearer, a souvenir of her brief reign. She likewise is presented with the handsome cloak which she wears and frequently receives some other costly souvenir from the "king." The queens of the Carnival societies are invariably chosen from the families of members, but with this restriction the committee is entirely free to follow its own judgment in nominating her. It is perhaps unnecessary to say that no financial consideration has any weight in the choice of either king or queen. The idea which exists in some quarters that the Rex scepter is an emblem awarded in consideration of a contribution to the society's treasury is entirely without foundation. Of course, the royal honors are not likely to fall to persons financially unable to carry them off with fitting splendor, yet it must be said that Rex has always striven to curb the propensity of its kings to lavish display. It has even been proposed to fix a sum beyond which the king's expenditures may not go, but that has not yet been done.

p726 The king of the Carnival, after having been selected by the committee, remains unknown to the other members of the organization until the Saturday before Mardi Gras. He is then formally presented to his future subjects. The queen is notified by the committee, sufficiently long before the Carnival for her to prepare the splendid dress which it is her pride to wear. Rex allows his queen the privilege of choosing her court — ? that is, the maids and their escorts. In many of the other organizations the maids are chosen by the governing committee; in others, they are elected by the members, but in both cases they are young women who have relatives in the society. The queens, especially those of Rex, have always been local young women, and while non-residents have from time to time figured among the maids, this, even, is rare. The one conspicuous exception to this rule was the case of Miss Winnie Davis, the "Daughter of the Confederacy,"a who was queen of one of the night organizations, although she neither made her home in New Orleans nor had any relatives connected with the Carnival. Her position in Southern society, however, was unique, and the fact that she was thus honored is not held to have established a precedent.

In many respects the night organizations which give pageants are organized along lines similar to those indicated above. A few points in which they differ have already been noted. These societies are wholly controlled by the executive councils, elected by the organization. The authority of the council is to a very considerable extent delegated to the captain, who, with two lieutenants, are responsible for the creation of the pageant and the management of the ball, just as the manager is, in the case of Rex. Neither the captain nor his lieutenants receive any compensation, In their sphere these officials are all powerful. For instance, the captain selects the king — ? "No. 1," as he is known to the members. While the parades are on the streets the captain, masked and on horseback, may be seen riding to and fro, guiding and directing the function in its minutest detail. His is no sinecure. In fact, it is the ability of the organizations to find men of talent to undertake the duties of this office that is the second great element in the success of the New Orleans Carnival. The amount of labor, ingenuity and enthusiasm which they put into their unremunerative task is beyond the power of the public to judge, but to those who are behind the scenes, it is — ? it must be — ? a matter of perpetual admiration and amazement. The attention which is given to the minutest detail may be inferred from the fact that on occasion, when the ball illustrates some special historical incident — ? as for instances, when Consus, a now defunct society, represented the meeting of Henry of England and Francis of France at the Field of the Cloth of Gold — ? the queen and her maids are required to wear costumes characteristic of the period. The young women who constituted the court at that brilliant ball were directed to arrive at the Opera House with their hair in plaits. A half-dozen hair-dressers were in attendance, and under their deft fingers the proper coiffures were built up from designs carefully prepared months before by artists working from ancient paintings brought from France.

In closing, it may be of interest to estimate what a carnival costs. The sum of course varies from year to year. As a general proposition, however, a single Carnival car may be constructed for about $800. Taking into consideration the cost of the costumes, the fees of the artists, etc., a pageant can be put on the streets for from $15,000 to $20,000. As p727a rule, the night pageants are more expensive than those given by day. The Carnival balls cost about $4,000 each. The larger Carnival societies have budgets of about $25,000 each. It will thus be seen that the outlay for the Carnival functions, including the Twelfth Night Revelers' ball, will not fall far short of $150,000 per annum. This sum is, as I have said, drawn almost entirely from the pockets of the members. There are less than 3,000 men who belong to these organizations. The pro rata expense is, however, considerably greater than might be inferred from a comparison of these figures, as each masker permits himself to make gifts to the young ladies whom he invites to dance with him, and incurs other expenses for carriage hire, flowers, etc.

It is a fact not generally known outside of New Orleans that at one time the city boasted of the largest and most sumptuous theater in North America; that it supported the first operatic company in the United States; and that for many years it played in the theatrical world a role as important as New York does at the present time. These and many other interesting features of the musical and dramatic history of New Orleans would be widely known but for the fact that the early glories of the city, in this respect, at least, have been meagerly chronicled. No adequate account of the theaters themselves, nor of the happenings within their walls, has ever been attempted. What has come down to the present time exists in allusions scattered over the files of old newspapers, the memoirs of some of the theater managers of the long ago, a few letters, some reminiscence by old-time theatergoers — ? but for which the palmiest days of art in New Orleans would be a closed book.

The first dramatic performance in New Orleans dates back to the year 1791, when a troupe of comedians, under the management of Louis Tabary, came from France to New Orleans, and, having neither hall nor place for their performances, were content with appearing in parlors of private houses, and in halls which they could rent for a time. Often the artists had to present their dramas, tragedies and sketches under tents. At last, in the year 1792, they located on St. Peter Street, between Bourbon and Royal streets, in the house now bearing the number 716. At that time the population of New Orleans was not much over 5,000 white citizens. That establishment was named Le Theatre St. Pierre, and as most of the artists were refugees from France, and incarnate demagogues, they interspersed their acts with some of the songs of the Terreur, such as "La Carmagnole" and the " — a-Ira." The disorders were such that the painting interfered, and the place was closed until the year 1803.

The first parquette in any theatre in New Orleans was put in the Theatre St. Pierre on October 23, 1806. There was some trouble between the managers and the city authorities regarding the alleged unsafe condition of the theatre, and the City Council ordered the place to be closed unless proper repairs were made. In the early part of the year 1807 the Theatre St. Pierre was closed because of a riot between some hoodlums and the police. One year later it was decided to build a real theatre, but after two years the venture proved unsuccessful and the theatre went out of existence under the sheriff's hammer in 1810.

In the meantime another theatre had been erected. In the latter part of the year 1807 a number of theatre-lovers combined to build a theatre which the best element of this city might frequent, and a site was chosen on St. Phillip Street, between Royal and Bourbon streets, on the spot now occupied by the school of that name. The cost was $100,000, and p728Louis Tabary was elected director. The theatre opened its doors on January 30, 1808. The auditorium could accommodate 700 people, and there was a parquette and two rows of boxes. For several years the Theatre St.

thruout.Philippe was the rendezvous of all the fashionable people of New Orleans. In 1814, for the first time, a ballet was given. During a performance in that year an interesting incident occurred. A captain of a vessel attended the performance on the 7th of December, 1814, and told a few friends about the return of Napoleon from his exile in Elba. The news immediately spread among the audience, and for at least a quarter of an hour the cheers for Napoleon interrupted the performance.

It was worthy of note that the first entertainment in honor of the Declaration of Independence took place at the Theatre St. Philippe, on July 4, 1810. A gala performance was given, the proceeds being devoted to the relief of sufferers by a big fire which occurred on July 1 and destroyed twenty-five houses.

In 1817 the first English dramatic and comedy troupe came to New Orleans, under the management of Mr. J. Ludlow, and he leased the Philippe for one year.

The play presented, as stated for the first time in English, was "The Honeymoon," and the cast was as follows: Duc d'Aranza, John Vaughn; Comte de Montalban, M. Plummer; Jacques, M. Morgan; Roland, N. M. Ludlow; Balthazar, M. Lucas Lampedo, M. H. Vaughn; Julienne, Mme. Vaughn; Zamora, Mme. Ludlow; Volante, Mme. Jones; Hotesse, Mme. Morgan.

Thereafter until the year 1832, when Mr. Caldwell, manager, had a brief season of English comedy, the Theatre St. Philippe declined, and it closed its doors altogether at the end of that year.

In the early part of 1809 an association was formed for the purpose of building a theatre on Orleans Street, between Bourbon and Royal, to cost about $10,000. The first play was presented on November 30, 1809, and the theatre was destroyed by fire in 1813. Another building was erected at a cost of $80,000, and it was at that time considered a most handsome theatre. Four years later a magnificent ballroom was built adjoining the theatre, the outlay being $60,000. In the year 1845 a special performance was given in honor of General Lafayette, who was then on a visit to New Orleans.

The Theatre d'Orleans, however, is remembered chiefly for its connection with the early days of opera in New Orleans. Opera was sung in New Orleans in a small way as early as 1809. It was not, however, till 1837 that serious attention seems to have been given to this form of entertainment. In that year, Mlle. Julia Calvé, a singer of great talent, made her debut at the Theatre d'Orleans, and scored a great success. Her engagement, which lasted till 1840, is considered to mark the beginning of the history of the French opera, as an institution in this city. In 1840 M. Charles Boudousquié, who subsequently became the husband of the fascinating Calvé, recruited in France the first important company of singers to visit New Orleans. They arrived on the ship "Le Vaillant," after a voyage of sixty days, and less than a week later made their appearance at the Theatre d'Orleans in Adams' "Le Chalet," Lecourt, tenor, and Victor, baritone, appearing in the cast. Boudousquié continued to direct the operatic performances at the Orleans till 1859. During that interval many important works were produced, among them "Robert le Diable," in 1840; "William Tell," in 1846; "La Juive," in 1847; "Jerusalem," p729"Lucie de Lammermoor," and "Le Prophete," in 1850; and "Les Huguenots," in 1853.

In 1859 the Theatre d'Orleans was sold to a Mr. Parlange. Boudousquié proposed to continue the lease of the premises, but not being able to accept Mr. Parlange's terms, announced his intention of abandoning the house. Mainly through his exertions the French Opera House Association was incorporated March 4, 1859, with capital stock of $100,000, divided into 200 shares of $500 each. Boudousquié himself was largely interested in the company. Rivière Gardère was chosen president, and the first board of directors was composed of George Urquhart, E. J. McCall, Charles Kock, Gustave Miltenberger, E. Roman, C. Fellows, Charles Roman, Leon Queyrouze and Adolphe Schreiber. A site was purchased at the corner of Bourbon and Toulouse streets, and the erection of the present building was begun on April 9, 1859. The architect was James Gallier, and the builders were Gallier & Esterbrook. The work was prosecuted by day and by night, 150 men being kept constantly on duty. The building was completed November 28, 1859, at a cost of $118,500.

In the meantime Boudousquié had, by a contract dated April 12, 1859, undertaken the lease of the new theater. He associated with himself the veteran manager, John Davis. The opera house was formally opened December 1, 1859 with "Guillaume Tell." The principal singers were Mathieu, first tenor; Escarlate, tenor of grand opera; Petit, third tenor; Melchisadek, baritone; Genibrel, first basso; Vauliar, second basso; Mme. St. Urbain, second falcon. Later during the season "Le Trouvère" and "La Fille du Regiment" were produced, and "La Tour de Nesle," "La Dame Aux Camelias," and other French plays were acted, in accordance with a tradition of which the opera had not yet been able to shake itself free. The season of 1860 was likewise successful. The same singers appeared, with the exception that Mme. Brochard replaced Mme. St. Urbain, falcon. On November 8, 1860, the opening night, "Le Barbier de Seville" was presented with Mme. Faure in the role of Rosine. Among the operas which were presented during this season were "La Favorite," "Il Trovatore," "La Juive" and "Robert le Diable." Early in 1861 Adelina Patti made her first appearance at the French Opera House, as Martha, in Flotow's opera of that name. During her engagement Patti sang also in "Les Huguenots," "Robert le Diable," "Charles VI," and "Lucie." In 1862, 1863 and 1864, on account of the Civil war, there were no performances at the Opera House. In January, 1866, an Italian troupe, under the direction of Thioni and Susini, gave a few performances. Paul Alhaiza then became director of the opera. He recruited in France a very large and capable troupe, but the entire membership was lost at sea, October 3, 1866, in the wreck of the steamer "Evening Star." Of the 250 souls on board this ill-fated vessel, only seven escaped. Among those who were lost were Gallier, architect of the opera house, his wife and Mr. and Mrs. Charles Alhaiza, relatives of the impresario. Mr. Alhaiza was, however, able, with the assistance of several excellent artists, to open the season on November 16, when Octave Feuillet's "La Redemption," a comedy in five acts, was presented.

French Opera House Interior, 1920

The following year M. Alhaiza associated with himself in the management M. Calabressi. A very successful season followed, during which "Romeo and Juliet," "La Belle Helène," and "L'Africaine" were presented for the first time in New Orleans. Dramatic performances and p730opera bouffe were also given. From 1869 to 1873 M. Calabressi was in charge of the opera house. In 1873 the rights and titles of the original company were acquired by L. Placide Canonge for $40,000, and Canonge, acting for a syndicate, resold to the Merchants' Insurance Co., mortgage creditor. Canonge himself assumed the management, which he retained till 1878. In 1879-1880 the direction was assumed by Max Strakosch. The season of 1880-1881, under de Beauplan, was one of the most brilliant and successful in the history of the institution. Strakosch returned in 1882, but in the following year was displaced by Desfosse. In 1883 the French Opera Club, one of the interesting adjuncts of the opera house, was organized. Defosse, who remained in charge till 1884, was succeeded by Mapleson in 1885, during whose administration Adelina Patti was the leading member of the company. A season of opera bouffe under the management of Durieu followed. From 1886 to 1894, with the exception of the season of 1890-1891, Maugé was director of the opera. In 1890-1891 Durieu occupied that position. In 1889 the French Opera Association acquired the building for $50,000 from the Merchants' Insurance Company. Succeeding administrations were: O'Connell, 1893-1894; Durieu, 1894-1895; Charley, 1895-1896 and 1896-1897; Berriel, 1897-1898; Charley, 1898-1899; 1899-1900, and 1900-1901; Roberval, 1901-1902; Charley, 1902-1903, 1903-1904; Cazelles, 1904-1905; Broulatour, 1905-1906; Henry Russell, 1906-1907; Mario p731Lombardi, 1907-1908; Jules Layolle, 1909-1912; Auguste Affre, 1913-1914; H. B. Loeb (manager) and Louis Verande (impresario), 1919-1920. During the season of 1908-1909 there was no opera. From 1914 to 1919 the opera was suspended on account of the war and the impossibility of bringing a company from Europe.

The following is a list of the singers who composed the different troupes.b They are named in the order of tenors, baritones, bassos, falcons, chanteuses légères and dugazons:c

1859 — ? Boudousquié & Davis Management — ? Mathieu, Ecarlat, Petit, Melchisedec, Vanlair; Mmes. St. Urbain, Geismar, Feitlinger, Pretti.

1860 — ? Boudousquié & Davis Management — ? Mathieu, Philippe, Cabel, Melchisedec, Genebrel, Vaulair; Mmes. Lacombe, Borchard, Faure, Pretti, Frezzolini. Adelina Patti opened in December, 1860, in "Lucia," and sang for about two months.

1865 — ? Strakosch Management — ? Messrs. Macaferri, Erani, Mancusi, Maria, Susini, Graff; Mmes. Ghioni, Canissa, Strakosch, Parozzi, Zaphizzi.

1866 — ? Thioni and Susini Management — ? Messrs. Irfre, Erani, Maria, Ardivani, Susini, Coletti, Puiseppi, Leocatelli; Mmes. Ghioni, Strakosch, Canissa, Parozzi.

1867 — ? Roncari Management — ? Messrs. Boetti, Fabbri, Strozzi, Ottiviani, Rocco, Solari; Mmes. Cattinari, Tomassi, Phodovaski.

1867 — ? Alhaiza & Calebresi Management — ? Messrs. Picot, Damiani, Lechevalier, Van Hufflen, Dupin; Mmes. Fanschetti, Lambelle, Prevosthas no comma here; I suspect this is in fact two people, though.',WIDTH,120)" onMouseOut="nd();"> Sequin and Audibert.

1868 — ? Alhaiza & Calebresi Management — ? Messrs. Picot, Engel, Peront, Van Hufflen, and Mmes. Cambier, Hasselman, Bourgeois, Lambelle, Cheauveau, Guy Cave and Boudreau.

1869 — ? Opera Association Management — ? Messrs. Michot, Ketten, Koletz, Dumestre, Thery, Depassio, Merglet, and Mmes. Arnal, Dupuy, Zeiss, Dumestre, Mineur, Pottier and Boudreau.

1870 — ? Opera Association Management — ? Messrs. Cazeau, Lefranc, De Keghel, Dumestre, Thery, Castelmary, Perier, and Mmes. Rozes, Naddi, De Edelberg, Dumestre and Boudreau.

1871 — ? Opera Association Management — ? Messrs. Delabranche, Blum, Jourdan, Dumestre, Solve, Coulon, Perier, and Mmes. Levielli, Naddi, Goethals, Durand Hitchcock, Dumestre and Boudreau.

1873 — ? Canonge Management — ? Messrs. Gaymard, Gadihle, Duquercy, Devovor, Lourde, Mayan, Feitlinger, Douval, and Mmes. Furche-Madier, Lagye, Moisset, Denain, Devoyod, Carrini and Boudreau.

1874 — ? Canonge Management — ? Messrs. Chelli, Gadihle, Laurent, Meric, Dardagnac, Feitlinger No. 1, Degreef, and Mmes. Verchen, De Joly, Liogier and Teoni.

1877 — ? Pappenheim (German) Management — ? Messrs. Adams, Fritche, Tagliapetra, Blum, Adolph, Weigand, and Mmes. Pappenheim, Human, Grimminger, Phillips and Coony.

1879 — ? Strakosch (Italian) Management — ? Messrs. Petrovich, Baldanza, Lazarini, Storti, Gottschalk, Castelmary, and Mmes. Singer, Litta, Belocca, Valerga, LeBranche, Ricci, Lancaster.

1880 — ? DeBeauplan Management — ? Messrs. Tournie, Pellin, Escala, Utto, Mauge, Jourdan, Feitlinger No. 2, and Mmes. Ambre, Delpratto, p732De Meric, La Blache, Nina La Blache, Nicolopulo, Pilliard, Lagye and De Villeray.

1881 — ? Strakosch Management — ? Messrs. Giannini, Perugini, Ciapini, Sweet, Mancini, and Mmes. Gerster, Leslino, Prasini, Lancaster, Roseveldt and Carrington.

1882 — ? Defossez Management — ? Messrs. Tournie, De Ermence, Puget, Delrat, Kastner, Jourdan and Kraitz, and Mmes. Hasselman, Panchioni, Fouquet, Bernardi, Geraiser, Belia.

1883 — ? Defossez Management — ? Messrs. Lestellier, Valdejo, Richard, Mauge, Jourdan, Bonhives and Mmes. Villanova, Varelli-Jauquet, Jouanny, Dorsay and Tevini.

1884 — ? Mapleson Management — ? Messrs. Giannin, Cardinali, Vincini, DeAnna, Cherubini and Pasqualis and Mmes. Patti, Scalchi, Fursch-Madi, Sarrugia, Steinbach, Dotti and Nevada.

1885 — ? Durieu Management, Comic Opera — ? Messrs. Caisso, Lefevre, Tony Reine, Chamonin, Marchand and Mmes. Reine, Caisso, Thale and Aubert.

1886 — ? Mauge Management — ? Messrs. Van Loo, Voilequoin, Mauge, Vernouillet and Mmes. Derevis, Romeldi, Rosa Weyns, Rita Lelong and Vernet.

1887 — ? Mauge Management — ? Messrs. Berger, Garaud, Genin, Claverie, St. Jean, Denoyers, Coste and Mmes. De Rinkley, Garelli, Hervey and Grandel.

1888 — ? Mauge Management — ? Messrs. Berger, Lafarge, Peguillon, Claverie, Mauge, Pelisson, Plain, Feitlinger No. 2 and Mmes. Schwyer-Lematte, Vanderie Flachat, Hervey, Chelyns and Lovely.

1889 — ? Mauge Management — ? Messrs. Furst, Mary, Guille, Maire, Balleroy, Saccareau, St. Jean, Debord, Geoffrey and Mmes. Daurlac, Leavington, Beretta, D'Argy, Valgalier and Remy.

1890 — ? Durieu Management — ? Messrs. Cossira, Gerger, Merite, Cottet, Boret, Contellier, Ceste, Balleroy, Poirier, Chavaroch, Sylvain, Stephane, and Mmes. Martini, Briard, Cottet, Dynah Duquesne, Potel, Bernard, Plantain and Couturier.

1891 — ? Mauge Management — ? Messrs. Paulin, Verhees, Jahn, Rosamon, Guillemot, Rey, Bordeneuve, Dulin and Mmes. Baux, Caignard, Guillemot-Thuringer, Priolaud, Vieusse, Duvivier, Vallier, Maes and Conti.

1892 — ? Mauge Management — ? Messrs. Raynaud, Lafarge, Gluck, Contellier, Chauvrau, Dethurens, Malzac, Hourdin, Darval and Mmes. Schwyer-Lematte, Jau Boyer, Monnier, Bondues, Lita, Nazat, Urbain, Lea, Santi.

1893 — ? Guarantee Association Management — ? Messrs. Devilliers, Soubeyron, Dolleon, Merly, Martel, Devries, Montfort, Fonteynes, Gardoni, Darmand, Michon, and Mmes. Tylda, Laffon, Devianne, Marsa, Cognault, Weldon, Mary, Bloch, Lecion, Henman, Le Nonteuil.

1894 — ? Durieu Management — ? Messrs. Anasty, Jourdan, Boon, Bailly, Garrigues, Soum, Freiche, Chavaroche, Guillien, Lamarche, Seurin; Mmes. Fanny Laville, Dargissonne, Mouravieffe, Darcy, Delorme, Plantain, St. Laurent, Chatillon and Syveral.

1896 — ? Charley Management — ? Messrs. Massart, Prevost, Deo, Albers, Freiche, Athes, Javid; Mmes. Jane Foeder, Pascal, Berthet, Combes, Freman-Benati, Savine, Lafeuillade, De Consoli.

p733 1898 — ? Charley Management — ? Messrs. Gibert, Gauthier, Richard, Barthe, Gaidue, Godefrey, Bouxmann, Darnaud, Fabre; Mmes. Fierens, Daizen, Marochetti, Berges, Pouget, Savine, Freman-Benati.

1899 — ? Charley Management — ? Messrs. Bonnard, Casset, Ansaldi, Gauthier, Dambrine, Salvator, Layolle, Rosei, Bouxmann, Zery, Berenquier; Mmes. Lina Pacary, Therese Clement, Etta Madier de Montjau, Valdez, Valenza, Savine, Jarie, Frasset, Berthet and Consoli.

1900 — ? Berriel Management — ? Messrs. Jerome, Chastan, Genin, Dequesne, Joubatte, Roche, Chais, Balleroy, Lassalli, Eleider, Bouxmann, Dufour, Delamarre, Douchet, Meycelle; Mmes. Talexis, Nina Pack, Bonheur-Chais, Doux, Monbazon, Sonnet, Kervan and De Goyon.

1901 — ? Roverval Management — ? Messrs. Duc, Henderson, Paz, Queyla, Occellier, Ceste, Villette, Bouxmann, Karloni; Mmes. Jane Foeder, Brietti, Chambellan, Narici, Rachel Laya, De Ter, Faury, Berat, Mico and Stella Bossi.

1902 — ? Charley Management — ? Messrs. Jerome, Duc, De Mauroy, Paz, Mezy, Sainprey, Bouxmann, Henri Dons, Darmand; Mmes. Jane Foeder, Guinchant, Courtenay, Faure, Rambly, Dartes, Feitlinger, Mico and Villa.4

1903 — ? Tenors, Garoute, Mikaelly, Ayrot, Leroux, Gautier; baritones, Layolle, Montfort; bassos, Loussiez, Lambriet, Launay de Wundt; falcons, Guinchan, Teneski, Lussiez; chanteuses légères, Frandaz, Packbiers; contralto, Bressler-Gianoli; dugazons, Dartes, Mico, Fouquet.

1904 — ? No opera. Under the management of F. Cazelles, a season of French drama was given.

1905 — ? Tenors, Ausaldi, Lucas, Leprestre; baritones, Mezy, Vialas; bassos, Vallier, Baer; falcons, Galli, Sylvia; chanteuses légères, Walter, Villa, Grandjean, Arald; contralto, Bertha Sovier; dugazons, Van der Berg, Verande.

1906 — ? Tenors, Martin, Constantino; baritones, Seguerola; falcons, Neilson, Reynes.

1907 — ? Lombardi Opera Company.

1908 — ? No opera.

1909 — ? Tenors, Escalais, Zocchi; baritones, Harsatto, Charal; bassos, Huberty, Carque, Lacombre; falcons, Demedy, Fierans; chanteuses légères, Cahuzac; dugazons, Sterckmans, Allard.

1910 — ? No opera.

1911 — ? Tenors, Granie, Bruzi, Couval, Ariel; baritones, Closset, Coubes, Montano; bassos, Sylvestre, Beckmans; chanteuses légères, Lavarene, Korshoff; contralto, Fierans; falcons, Beaumont.

1912 — ? Tenors, Affre, Putzani; baritones, Montano; chanteuses légères, Yerna, Charpentier; falcons, Thiery, Avelly; basso, Bouxman.

1913 — ? Tenors, Affre, de Lerick, Coulons; baritones, Mezy, Combes; bassos, Caravia, Bernard, Brauet; chanteuses légères, Lavarenne, Mauze; falcons, Lise Brias, Dalcia.

1914-1919 — ? No opera.

1919 — ? Tenors, Perissee, Conrad; falcons, Gripon; chanteuses légères, Vogel, De Leys; baritones, Paulus.5

p734 A great many famous French operatic and dramatic works have been produced in New Orleans for the first time in America. The following is a list of the more important:

1803 to 1808 at the Theatre St. Pierre, "Richard Coeur de Lion," "Pizarre ou la Conquête du Perou," "Eugenie," dramas; "Beaumarchais," "Le Chasseur et la Laitiere," operas; "La Foret Noire," "Le Distrait," comedies; "Une heure de Menage," opera; "Crispin, Médecin," comedy, and "Le Petit Page," drama.

1808-1810, at the Theatre St. Pierre — ? "La Forte Secrete," comedy; "L'Avare" of Moliere; "Le Misanthrope," of Moliere; "Ma Tante Aurore," opera in five acts, of Boieldieu; "Romeo and Juliet," opera.

1807-1832, Theatre St. Philippe — ? January 30, 1808, "Une Folie," comic opera in two acts by Mehul; June 4, 1808, "L'Exile en Siberie," drama. June 11, 1808, "Le Jugement de Midas," opera; in 1816, "Le Billet de Loterie," opera.

1809, Theatre D'Orleans — ? November 30, 1809, debut of the troupe in "Pataques," comedy; December 20, 1809, "Romeo and Juliet," second presentation; in 1810, "La Muette de Portici," opera; "Fanchon la Veilleuse," opera-vaudeville.

From 1820 to 1825 the performances at the Orleans Theatre were a succession of dramas, vaudeville and operas, among which can be cited: "Lully et Quinault," opera; "La Serenade," comic opera, and in 1831, "Napoleon," drama, and "La Dame Blanche," drama. The first production of "Le Barbier de Seville" was in 1837 with Julie Calvé, in the principal role of Rosine.

1840 to 1850 first productions of "Le Domino Noir," "La Muette de Portici," "l'Eclair," "L'Ambassadrice," and others.

January 15, 1841, "La Double Echelle," opera of Thomas; February, 1843, "Le Rossignol," opera, and a few nights later the first production of Donizetti's opera, "La Favorite." There was a brief season of drama, as for instance, "La Tour de Nesle," and Victor Hugo's drama, "Ruy Blas."

It was at that time that the initial performances of the well-known operas: "La Juive," "La Fille du Regiment," "Robert Le Diable," "La Sirene," "Les Martyrs," "Lucrece Borgia," "Le Fou de Le Diable," "Haydee," of Auber; "Jerusalem," "Lucie," "Le Prophete," "Le Caid," "La Fee aux Roses," of Halévy; "Semiramis," "Charles VI," "La Reine de Chypre," "Les Huguenots," were presented at the Theatre d'Orleans.

1859, French Opera House — ? Opening night, first performance of "Guillaume Tell," December 1, 1859. November 8, 1860, first production of "Il Trovatore."6

Following is a list of the operas produced in New Orleans since 1860. Those marked by an asterisk were produced here for the first time in America:

1860 — ? March 19: "Rigoletto." (On February 6, 1861, Patti sang this opera for the first time on any stage.)

1861 — ? March 4: "Le Pardon de Ploermel" (with Patti as Dinorah).

1866 — ? November 7: "Crispino e la Comare" (Ricci); November 12, "Faust."

p735 1867 — ? February 1: "Un Ballo in Maschera;" February 8, "Ione," or "The Last Days of Pompeii" (Petrella); February 15, "Linda di Chamouni."

1869 — ? December 18: "L'Africaine."

1870 — ? February 24: "Romeo and Juliet" (Gounod).

1875 — ? March 11: "Don Sebastian" (Donizetti).

1877 — ? November 29: "The Flying Dutchman;" December 3, "Lohengrin" (Italian) (French, March 4, 1889); December 11, "Fidelio" (Italian); December 12, "Tannhäuser" (Italian).

1878 — ? December 6: "Aida."

1881 — ? January 14: "Carmen" (with Mmes. Ambre and Tournie); January 19, "Mefistofele" (Italian) (French, February 17, 1894); January 31, "Paul and Virginia" (with Mme. Ambre).

1885 — ? January 29: "Merille" (Italian).

1886 — ? *December 6: "Les Petits Mousquetaires."

1887 — ? February 3: "Rip Van Winkle" (Planquette).

1888 — ? *January 12: "Le Tribut de Zamora" (Gounod).

1889 — ? December 19: "Le Songe d'une Nuit d'Ete" (Thomas).

1890 — ? *January 23: "Le Roi d'Ys" (Lalo); February 23, "Le Cid" (Massenet).

1891 — ? *December 24: "Sigurd" (with Paulin and Mme. Baux).

1892 — ? January 3: "Cavalleria Rusticana" (English) (French, January 21, 1897); *February 13: "Herodiade."

1893 — ? *January 4: "Samson and Delila" (with Renaul and Mme. Mounier); February 1, "Lakme;" February 10, "Esclarmonde."

1894 — ? January 4: "Manon" (Massenet"); January 31, "Les Pecheurs de Perles."

1894 — ? *November 3: "Werther" (Massenet).

1895 — ? *January 5: "Richard III" (Salvayre); December 18, "Die Walküre" (German); December 19, "Siegfried" (German); December 20, "Die Götterdämmerung" (German); December 21, "Tristan and Isolde" (German).

1897 — ? January 5: "La Navarraise" (with Deo and Mme. Foedor); February 9, "Benvenuto Cellini" (with Albers); February 20, "I Pagliacci" (with Massart, Albers and Foedor).

1899 — ? *January 12: "La Reine de Saba" (Gounod).

1900 — ? *January 25: "Salammbô" (Reyer); *December 29, "La Vivandiere" (Gounod).

1901 — ? January 31: "La vie de Boheme" (Puccini).

1902 — ? January 28: "La Gioconda;" *December 23, "Cendrillon" (Massenet).

1903 — ? January 29: "Messaline."

1905 — ? January 22: "Othello" (Verdi) (English); January 25, "Tosca" (English) (Italian, December 26, 1907) (French, December 28, 1911); April 24, "Parsifal" (German).

1906 — ? *January 31: "Siberia" (Giordano); February 24, "Amici" (Mascagni).

1907 — ? *January 5: "Adrienne Lecouvreur" (Cilea); January 9, "Madame Butterfly" (English) (French, January 6, 1912).

1908 — ? January 29: "Fedora" (Giordano) (Italian).

1909 — ? November 25: "Louise;" December 11, "Le Jongleur de Notre Dame;" December 25, "Hansel und Gretel."

1910 — ? December 15: "Thais."

p736 1911 — ? January 19: "L'Attaque du Moulin" (Bruneau); *February 11, "Le Chemineau" (Leroux).

1912 — ? *January 27: "Don Quichotte."

1913 — ? January 4: "Quo Vadis;" December 27, "Sapho."

1914 — ? February 3: "Phryne" (Saint-Saens); February 15, "L'Arlesienne" (Bizet).7

In 1916, the French Opera House was purchased and presented to Tulane University by an unknown donor. On December 2, 1919, the building was destroyed by fire. The cause of the fire was never ascertained. The loss was about $150,000, including music valued at from $7,000 to $10,000.

In addition to the opera, lovers of music in New Orleans have had access to the best modern music as a result of the labors of the New Orleans Philharmonic Society. This organization came into existence in 1906, largely through the efforts of Miss Corrine Mayer, Mr. and Mrs. H. T. Howard, and other enthusiastic amateurs. The charter members included Miss Mayer, Mr. and Mrs. Howard, Mr. and Mrs. Mark Kaiser, Mr. and Mrs. E. von Meysenbug, Mr. and Mrs. J. W. Phillips, J. V. Dugan, Ferdinand Dunkley, Harry B. Loeb, S. W. Weis, Miss Mary Scott, Mrs. Christian Schertz, and a few others. J. V. Dugan was the first president and H. B. Loeb the first secretary-treasurer. The intention at first was merely to bring prominent artists to the city. With that end in view the dues were fixed at $5. Three concerts were given during the season of 1906-7. In 1912 the society was re-organized, and the management was taken over completely by the women-members. Harold Bauer, who happened to be in the city at that time, assisted in working out the details of the new plan, which was based upon the experience of a similar organization in Columbus, Ohio. Mr. Bauer gave the first subscription towards a sinking fund; but since that year no donations have been required, as the society has been self-supporting. Among the ladies who figured prominently in the re-organization may be mentioned Mrs. H. T. Howard, Mrs. R. E. DeBuys, Mrs. Philip Werlein, Mrs. L. R. Maxwell, Mrs. V. Trezevant, Mrs. J. W. Phillips, and Mrs. Mark Kaiser. Under the auspices of the Philharmonic Society most of the great modern concert artists have appeared in the city. In addition, free concerts are given in the public schools of the city by local artists and amateurs, under the direction of Miss Mary Conway, chairman of the committee in charge of this branch of the society's work. This work has lately been extended to the asylums of the city. There is also an afternoon series for the benefit of students and music lovers in general, under the general superintendence of Miss Mamie Molony and Mrs. Joseph Haspel. The society has also a committee which undertakes to provide for the education of a gifted New Orleans musician, the funds for this purpose being raised independently of those required for the concert work which alone is, properly, within the sphere of the organization.

It is now necessary to consider the development of the drama, which has had in New Orleans a history of even greater interest than the opera. The earliest theaters were given up to performances in the French language, p737but drama in English was introduced at an early date. James H. Caldwell, the founder of the American drama in New Orleans and the leading manager of local theaters during the first half of the century, gave performances in English at the St. Philip in 1820. He came to New Orleans with a company which included the elder Booth, Barrett, and other players destined to fame in later years.

The "American Theater" or "The Camp," as it was familiarly known, the first American playhouse built in Louisiana, was erected in 1822, Caldwell himself laying the foundation stone with Masonic rites. The building, which seated 1,100 people, stood on the west side of Camp Street, between Gravier and Poydras. It was opened in May, 1823, with Reynold's comedy, "The Dramatist," and a farce called "The Romp." This, which cost $120,000, was the first playhouse erected in the upper part of the city. When it was built there were no houses nearer to it than Common Street. It could be reached only by a narrow plank walk laid over swampy ground. It was almost inaccessible in rainy weather. In spite of all handicaps, however, it proved successful. Almost every distinguished artist of the time appeared there, few theaters in the country excelling it in the excellence of its productions.

p738 In 1824 Edwin Forrest, then but 18 years of age, became a regular member of its stock company. He was but one of a large number of great actors who acted regularly before the critical audiences of that era. Caldwell himself was an English actor of some reputation and a friend of the Keans and the Kembles, and other celebrities, some of whom he brought to New Orleans. Like other managers of his epoch, he was an artist rather than a business man. It was good luck as much as by enterprise and efficiency that he made a large fortune with his American theater. His success led him to more ambitious undertakings. The "Camp" later became Armory Hall and stood until 1881, when it was demolished. This building was the first to be lighted by gas in New Orleans.

St. Charles Theatre

The second American theater, known as the "New American," was erected for Caldwell in 1840 on Poydras Street, near Camp. Caldwell gave up the management three years later. In 1848 the handsome structure was torn down. The site was occupied afterwards by the famous iron Moresque building. Caldwell then built his last and greatest theater, the first St. Charles Theater, a magnificent edifice to which he was accustomed magniloquently to allude as "The Temple of the Drama." No other playhouse in this country could compare with it in size or splendor of decoration. Only three auditoriums of Europe, those of the opera houses of Naples, Milan and Vienna surpassed it. This great structure cost $350,000, a vast sum in those days. It was begun and completed in 1835. It opened with "The School for Scandal" and "The Spoiled Child." The theater, with its forty-seven boxes and 4,000 seats, amazed its first audience with its magnificence. The central dome, with its mammoth chandelier, was long one of the local marvels. This chandelier, which weighed 4,200 pounds, was manufactured in London and the like p739had never been seen in America, with its 250 gas lights and 23,300 cut-glass drops. But the glory of this playhouse was ephemeral. Like the majority of the local theaters of the past century it was burned to the ground. This happened in 1842. Since that time no other theater comparable to it has been erected in New Orleans.

Immediately after the destruction of the first St. Charles, a second by the same name was built on the same site by Noah M. Ludlow and Sol Smith, rivals of Caldwell, and equally famous as managers. These three controlled most of the leading theaters of the South in the days preceding the Civil war. The second St. Charles, which occupied a site on St. Charles Street, between Poydras and Commercial alley, saw more famous actors on its stage than any other theater in this country. Junius Brutus Booth, Edwin Booth, Joe Jefferson, J. H. McVicker, W. J. Florence, Tom Placide, Charlotte Cushman, J. H. Hackett, Jenny Lind, Keane, Boucicault, Macready, and Fanny Ellsler, were among a crowd of the celebrities who trod its boards. The St. Charles, affectionately termed "Old Drury," was constantly used until the end of the century and is still remembered by thousands of Orleanians. It was burnt about twenty years ago.

Next door to the St. Charles was the Academy of Music, a smaller theater built in 1853 to be used as a circus by David Bidwell, long its manager. At the Academy was inaugurated the matinee system in New Orleans. Its manager was the first in this country to develop the idea of a theatrical circuit. The attractions of the house were increased by the addition of a museum of natural history. This consisted of a few curios housed in a foyer on the second floor. Distinguished actors came to the Academy, but it was also used by minstrel shows and burlesque. The theater burned down about the beginning of the present century.

Varieties Theatre

One of the most important playhouses in New Orleans was Placide's "Varieties," which stood on Gravier, between Carondelet and Baronne, near the site of the present Cotton Exchange. Varieties Alley still preserves its name. The house opened in 1849 under the management of Tom Placide, who was himself an actor, and not infrequently took part in the plays which he produced. It was built by an association known as the "Varieties Club," which came into existence in 1849, but which was connected with another dramatic club, the Histrionics, the origin of which has been traced back as far as the year 1840. The theater burned in 1854 and was rebuilt the next year, opening under the management of Dion Boucicault, who called it "The Gaiety." It regained its old name and burned again in 1870. The proprietors now changed the location of their theater, purchasing land in Canal Street and Dauphine, where the Maison Blanche stands.

This last Varieties, which was afterwards called the Grand Opera House, was opened in 1871. It was for many years under the control of Lawrence Barrett, who played here for the first time in the classical repertoire which later gained him lasting fame. The theater was one of the best known in the South. Its staircase, which was once — 100 feet long, was one of the finest in any American playhouse. The building was torn down in 1899.

National Theatre

on Baronne and Perdido Streets

Of importance in the theatrical annals of the city were also the National, originally built by a syndicate for the production of German plays and called for a time the German National. It occupied the site of the present De Soto Hotel on Baronne Street, and had a long and p740varied history, being finally burned in 1885. The German dramatic societies then patronized the Grunewald Hall, on Baronne Street, demolished to make way for the present Hotel Grunewald.

The older generation will remember a few other places of amusement such as the Globe Theater and the Bijou, the Avenue Theater, which stood on St. Charles Avenue, and the Garden District Theater, on Magazine Street, near Washington Avenue, all of which were in existence before the end of the century, but these played a comparatively slight role in the development of dramatic art in this city. The same may be said of the Lafayette, built about ten years ago.8

In 1898 Klaw & Erlanger, a well-known New York booking agency, opened the Tulane and the Crescent theaters, at the corners of Baronne and Tulane avenue. The Crescent was the largest house, with a seating capacity of 1,800. The Tulane, though smaller — ? having room for only about 1,400 spectators, was more luxurious in its appointments. The former is used for popular priced entertainments. The latter has always been devoted to the presentation of high-class attractions. W. H. Rowles was manager for both theaters for many years, and was succeeded by the present incumbent, T. C. Campbell.

After the destruction of the St. Charles by fire, a new theater was erected on the spot which was opened in 1901 under a lease held by the p741Orpheum Circuit. In 1920 this company erected its own playhouse on Dryades Street, near Canal.

An interesting experiment in the drama was started in 1919 largely through the efforts of Mrs. J. O. Nixon and Mrs. A. Goldberg. An organization hitherto known as the Drawing Room Players, under their leadership evolved into the Little Theater, at present established in the Pontalba buildings, overlooking Jackson Square. Here amateur productions of the most modern drama are given to select audiences.

New Orleans supports a large number of moving picture theaters, established since 1910. Among the most important are the Trianon, the Tudor, the Strand, the Globe, and the Palace. There are also several vaudeville theaters of recent origin, among which may be mentioned Loew's and the Louisiana.

The Author’s Notes

1 See the Picayune, February 7, 1910.

2 Soulé, "The Carnival in New Orleans." This brochure was printed by the author, who was "king" of the carnival in 1887. Dr. Soulé states that Marigny introduced the carnival into New Orleans in the year mentioned in the text.

3 The call for the organization of the maskers on this occasion was published in the Times, January 31, 1872. Charles T. Howard furnished the first contribution towards the expenses of the enterprise. See also the Times, February 2, 3, 4, 6, 12, 14, 1872. It is said that 5,000 maskers took part in this inaugural parade. On April 4 the State Legislature recognized the success of the celebration by making Mardi Gras a legal holiday.

4 Picayune, November 8, 1903.passing from 3 to 5.

I\'ve renumbered the notes.',WIDTH,190)" onMouseOut="nd();">

5 I am indebted for the foregoing list to Emile Durieu, who for twenty-two years was connected with the French Opera House, in capacity of treasurer.

6 James M. Augustin, "Fifty Years of the French Opera," in Picayune, October 24, 1909.

7 This list is taken from an article on the French Opera, by Mary M. Conway, in the Item, December 3, 1919.

8 See Times-Picayune, March 3, 1910; May 9, 1920.

Thayer's Notes:

a Winnie Davis was the daughter of Jefferson Davis, the president of the Confederacy, born to him during the war. She died at 34 in 1898, and her magnificent funeral saw an outpouring of Southern affection.

b Throughout this chapter, but especially in the long lists that follow, there is every evidence that many of the names have been garbled either by Kendall, or, more likely, by his sources. The names even of the best-known singers and operas are occasionally mangled, and many of the obscurer names are philologically unlikely — ? Fanschetti should probably be Franschetti or Fanchetti, Calabressi and Calebresi should probably be Calabresi, Cheauveau should probably be Chauveau etc.; Durand Hitchcock is probably not one person but two: Durand, Hitchcock, etc.; and many others, as for instance Le Fou de Le Diable. It also seems clear that some people are hiding under multiple names, as for example Fursch-Madi and Furche-Madier. Finally Kendall, never much on French, has also omitted all the accents: while I could restore some, others are impossible to divine, so in that respect I've left his text pretty much as is, restoring only those few the omission of which particularly irritated me. Because of the obscurity of the persons involved, I've been unable to make all the corrections, and have restored only the names of which I am absolutely certain (except for the various permutations of Philippe, which I've spelled in the standard way thruout), and noted what appear to be inconsistencies in the names of single individuals: reader be forewarned.

It should also be noted that the French-language bias in New Orleans leads to unexpected names for some of the operas in this chapter: Il Trovatore for example is given as such, but also as Il Trouvatore and Le Trouvère.

c The word has pretty much fallen out of use; see the Encyclopaedia Britannica (1911) article Jean Dugazon.

p742 Chapter XLVI

The Annexed Towns

New Orleans, as laid out by De La Tour and Pauger, was bounded in front by the Mississippi River; in the rear, by what is now Rampart Street; on the south, by Esplanade Avenue, and on the north, by that canal, the name of which survives in the name of the principal thoroughfare of the present-day city. The tiny area thus enclosed was the "Vieux Carré," or, as the early inhabitants called it, the "cité." In the course of time the nascent metropolis overleaped these frontiers, and suburbs, or "fauxbourgs," sprang up both above and below. Above the canal arose the "cities" of Jefferson, Lafayette and Carrollton. Below Esplanade Street the princely estate of the Marigny family was divided into lots, and became the site of a faubourg which bore their name. The other fauxbourgs were Trémé, Declouet, Delord, Annunciations, Washington, Ste. Marie, and Nouveau Marigny. Moreover, there were several villages which grew up near the city boundaries, and which were ultimately incorporated in it. Among these were Greenville, Burtheville, Bouligny, Hurstville, Fribourg, Rickerville, Mechanicsville, Belleville, Bloomington, Freetown, Metairieville, Milneburg, Feinerville, Gentilly, Marley, Foucher and St. Johnsburg. On the opposite side of the Mississippi lay the "city" of Algiers, with its dependencies. Most of these names disappeared when the settlements which bore them were absorbed in the growing city. Some of them still occur in surveys, and real estate records; only a few, like West End and Spanish Fort, still have meaning in the life of the community. Gentilly, occupying the rear of the Third District, between the tracks of the Pontchartrain and the Northeastern railroads, still remains in a sense separate. Milneburg, too, by virtue of its situation at the terminus of the Pontchartrain Railroad, will probably continue for many years apart from the other settled region. The development which has engulfed all these entities in the single city, has taken place within the memory of persons still living.

The most important of the annexed towns was Algiers. The history of this town runs back almost as far into the past as its largest neighbor's. The site originally formed part of the King's Plantations, an immense tract of land stretching from the fort at Plaquemines all the way to the Indian village of Chetimachos (Donaldsonville) and Fort Rosalie (Natchez). LePage du Pratz, who was made superintendent of this district in 1718, stated that in his time large quantities of rice, corn and indigo were cultivated there, with the help of negroes who were imported into the colony for that purpose. Much of the produce was sold to the colonists, but a part was exported, as occasion offered, to the Spanish settlement at Pensacola. After the departure of LePage du Pratz from Louisiana, the plantation seems to have been neglected. We hear nothing of it for a long time. The negroes were sold to planters on the "German Coast," in what are now the parishes of St. James and St. Charles. It is not clear that LePage du Pratz built a settlement opposite New Orleans. It is said that Pauger, Bienville's engineer, was one of the first proprietors of what was then called Pointe St. Antoine (afterwards called p743Point Marigny), at what is today the end of Vallette Street.1 The earliest extant map of the region, drawn by M. de Serigny, and preserved in the Depot des Cartes, at Paris, dates from 1719, and shows only the French powder magazines, located at what is now the corner of Bouny and Morgan streets. Later on, in the Spanish times, these magazines seem still to have existed, at the head of the Rue de la Poudrière — ? Powder Street, as it came to be known. Whether there were other buildings in the vicinity before the time of O'Reilly is doubtful.

The earliest date in the history of Algiers is February 3, 1770, when that part of the King's Plantation extending from what is now Verret Street to the present boundary of the little town of McDonoghville, was deeded by the Spanish government to Luis Bonrepo. It appears that, in the previous December, the Cabildo had enacted a series of ordinances authorizing the alienation of unsettled crown lands. The governor was authorized to contract with individuals, to be known as "pobladores," to take over portions of these properties, on condition of putting them under cultivation. Bonrepo's grant was one of these. What he did to fulfil his obligation is not known. His holdings were, however, sold on December 12, 1770, to Jacques Rixner; who, on October 31, 1777, transferred the property to P. Burgaud. The latter left it to Martial LeBoeuf in his will, dated February 6, 1786. On August 9, 1805, the title of the tract of land which was subsequently occupied by the "city" of Algiers passed to Barthelemi Duverje, for a consideration of $18,000.2 Five days later Duverje disposed of a part of the estate adjoining the site of the present village of McDonoghville to Toussaint Mossy.3

A plan of the city of New Orleans and its suburbs, drawn in 1815, a certified copy of which still exists in the Archives of the Department of the Interior, in Washington, D. C., shows on the right bank of the river the plantation homes of the Duverje, LeBoeuf, and Verret families. Duverje's residence was a handsome structure of the old Colonial type, built of brick solidly laid in cement, with a row of gigantic pillars on each side, to support the galleries and the roof. It was built so substantially that even the shingles of the roof remained intact for sixty years. But for the fire which destroyed it in 1895, it would probably still be standing.4 In all likelihood the structure was erected in 1812. It was certainly in existence in 1817, as at that time a French traveler speaks of his vessel "hoisting sail opposite the Duverje plantation home, just above the powder magazines, and a short distance below the slaughter-pen,"5 or abbatoir, which then stood near Olivier Street. It was used by the original Barthelemé as a residence down to 1820. In 1869 the mansions was acquired by the parish authorities and converted into a courthouse. When, a year later, Algiers was annexed to New Orleans, the courthouse was listed among the assets transferred to the municipal government. It continued to be used as a courthouse down to the date of its destruction.

p744 The Verret property extended from Vallette Street down to the slaughter-house. It was then a sugar plantation, owned jointly by the widow of Barthelemé Duverje and Furcy Verret. Upon the death of Mme. Duverje the property was divided, Verret taking the central portion, and the Duverje heirs acquiring the upper and lower extremities. The latter later sold a portion of the upper section to Francois Vallette and Mark Thomas, and a short time after, an adjoining section measuring about 400 feet front, to the Belleville Iron Works, of which J. P. Whitney was president. The name of Belleville was given to the suburb which thus came into existence. Of the section owned by Verret the part extending from the Belleville line to the site afterwards occupied by the Morgan railroad depot was sold to a company of capitalists, by which warehouses were erected along the river, principally for the storage of salt. These were called the Brooklyn warehouses; the settlement which grew up around them was called Brooklyn. One of these warehouses was standing in 1885.

The land lying above Verret Street was eventually acquired by a Madame Gosselin, who in 1834 sold the upper portion, between Verret and Olivier streets, to J. B. Olivier, son-in-law of the original Duverje. The lower section was purchased about the same time by the same company which established the Brooklyn warehouses. In compliment to Francois Vallette, a member of this company, the street which had hitherto been known as Gosselin was now renamed Vallette, a name which it still bears.

Furcy Verret dug a canal in 1814 to drain the plantation owned jointly by him and Madame Duverje. This waterway was for many years a feature of the vicinity. It connected with the Mississippi by locks and was much used by smugglers and fishermen coming up from the Barataria region to go to New Orleans. Among the former were Lafitte, Dominique You and others of the so-called "pirates"this is merely my idea where it belongs. of Barataria, who used the canal as a channel of communication between their settlements at Grand Terre, Chenière Caminada and Barataria. The canal was eventually disposed of for $20,000 to the group of capitalists who bought the Gosselin property. It ceased to be useful about the time of the Civil war, and then gradually was allowed to fill up and has now disappeared. Originally, a square redoubt mounting two four-pounders stood at the Algiers end of this waterway. This tiny fortress commanded the approaches both by land and water. It was erected soon after the transfer of Louisiana to the Americans, possibly when Claiborne was expecting the British invasion, between 1812 and 1815, and probably antedated the canal. It was at this point that General Morgan succeeded in rallying his men, after their disastrous retreat from the battlefield below Tunisburg, on January 8, 1815. During the earlier stages of the battle Morgan had his headquarters at the Cazalar plantation residence at Tunisburg. In the hurried withdrawal from Cazalar's the British succeeded in taking the flag which was afterwards hung up in Whitehall, with the inscription, "Taken at the Battle of New Orleans."6 It is probable that in the vicinity of the old redoubt the re-enforcements sent by General Jackson under Humbert effected a junction with Morgan. All trace of the redoubt has disappeared, p745although as late as 1896 a fragment of brick wall was still pointed out as marking the spot where it had once stood.

Above the Verret canal was the property inherited by Mrs. Franklin Wharton from her father, Barthelmé Duverje. She sold it to the purchasers of the canal for $20,000. Next stood the residence of Mme. Barthelmé Duverje, occupied by her in 1834. This property was acquired about that time by Mme. Mace, a well-known New Orleans modiste, whose establishment at the corner of Chartres and Customhouse was one of the landmarks of the city. The not-less-celebrated Olympe, a modiste of a later date, was a graduate of Mme. Mace's institution. The property of J. B. Olivier was situated below the Verret estate. Olivier's handsome home fronted on the public road. During the Civil war the Federals took possession of this building and used it as a hospital for negroes. When taken over the building was completely and handsomely furnished; when returned to its owner, it had been stripped of every portable object, and all its outhouses were in a state of ruin. The ground in the rear of these had been used as a cemetery for negro soldiers, some 1,500 of whom were interred here. The remains were subsequently exhumed and removed to the National Cemetery at Chalmette.

Algiers figured in various ways in the stirring drama of Civil war times. Here it was that Raphael Semmes assumed command of the celebrated blockade runner Sumter, on April 22, 1861. On the 3d of June he formally placed the vessel in commission. On that occasion the Confederate colors were for the first time displayed over a sea-going vessel. The ceremony took place off the foot of Lavergne Street. The identical flag used on this occasion was subsequently transferred to the Alabama, and went down with her in the fight with the Kearsarge off Cherbourg in 1864. By a singular coincidence the last Confederate naval flag ever actually used afloat was lost with the Webb, when that vessel was destroyed to prevent capture by the Federal ships, within sight of the lower part of Algiers, after her memorable trip past the city four years after Semmes had first given his pennant to the breeze.7 Mention should also be made of another Civil war incident of which Algiers was the scene. It took place on the site of the old Belleville Hotel — ? which replaced the Hughes Hotel, one of the earliest hostelries opened in Algiers. It was at the Hughes Hotel that Capt. John G. Breshwood of the revenue cutter McClelland, received the famous dispatch of Secretary Dix, "If anyone attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot."

Algiers was early noted for its dry docks and ship building enterprises. The first shipways were established in 1819, by Andre Seguin, a native of France, on the bend of the river opposite the French Market, at the head of the street afterwards called by his name. Seguin bought the site from the Duverje heirs. This was the first parcel of land which they parted with. Seguin's establishment was acquired by François Vallette, in 1837, and operated by him as a ship and spar yard. Later he sold it to James Bass, who turned it into a saw mill. At the close of the Civil war the property was owned by Vail & Follette, who revived the shipbuilding business there. Part of the plant was subsequently acquired by Olsen & Lawson, and later by Cothrell, Brady & McLellan. p746When the last named firm gave up the site it ceased to be used for its original purposes.

The first drydock in Algiers was established in 1837 or 1838. It was built in Paducah, Ky., and floated down the Mississippi to Algiers. It was owned and operated by the New Orleans Floating Drydock Company. The dock was a small affair. It was intended to accommodate river steamboats only. The second dock brought to Algiers was built in 1839 at Pearlington, Miss., and towed around to the mouth of the river and thence upstream to Algiers. It was the first Algiers dock intended to accommodate ocean-going craft. The first vessel of this sort which used it was the Suffolk, and for that reason the dock became known as the Suffolk dock. It was owned by Bailey & Marcy. Both of these two primitive docks were moored near the Seguin shipyard. The Suffolk dock underwent various changes of ownership, and in 1852 was purchased by the firm of Hyde & Mackie, by whom it was removed to Gretna, where it continued in use for some time. Marcy, a member of the original firm, built in 1842 the first dock ever constructed in Algiers. This was larger than either of its predecessors. In 1846 the Louisiana Dry Dock No. 1 was opened at Belleville, as a part of the general scheme of expansion engineered by the proprietors of the Belleville Iron Works. It sunk in 1849. This company built two other docks in 1848 and 1852. They were sunk in 1862 on the approach of the Federal fleet, to save them from capture. In 1855 the Crescent dock was established. This dock is memorable because it was there that the little merchant steamer Havana was altered into the commerce destroyer Sumter. At the Algiers dockyards were also built other Confederate vessels, notably the McRae and the Manassas. The Gulf Line dock, established in 1857, was purchased by the Confederate government and converted into a floating battery. The same was done also with another smaller dock, the Atlantic, built at the same time. The list of ante-bellum docks may be completed by mentioning the great dock, 300 feet long, built in Algiers — ? the largest ever constructed there — ? at a cost of $450,000, for use in Havana, Cuba. This great structure was still in use in the Cuban port in 1885. At the outbreak of the Civil war there were twelve docks in all in operation in Algiers.

The war did not wholly interrupt this lucrative business. Some of the docks sunk at the time the city fell into the hands of the Federals were raised. Others were built, as, for instance, the Star dock, opened in 1867, and the Ocean dry dock, both constructed out of the hulls of steamboats dismantled for the purpose. The next dock opened in this era was the Good Intent, built in 1865 and 1866. The Vallette dock was built in 1866, and the Marine dry dock in 1871. One of the finest docks ever built in Algiers, the Louisiana, was launched in 1872 and accidentally destroyed in 1881. The changing conditions of commerce in New Orleans, particularly the growth in size of the ships frequenting the port, has affected the prosperity of the Algiers docks. The Johnson Iron Works, the Jahncke docks and the immense dock at the United States Naval Station have sprung up within the last twenty years and have today a virtual monopoly of the business.

Several attempts have been made to establish a navy yard in Algiers. The United States Government purchased a site in 1856. This was situated — "half a mile below the Morgan depot," approximately in the situation where the present naval station is located. The property was p747acquired from Bienaimé Dupeire. Although Congress made an appropriation for the purpose, nothing seems ever to have been done. The ground was gradually invaded by negroes, who on payment of a small rental were suffered to cultivate it in truck gardens. In 1901, largely through the efforts of Congressman Adolph Meyer, the Government was induced to locate here the largest dock then in existence in the United States. As it was of relatively little value without a navy yard, the latter was authorized a year or two later and gradually constructed thereafter. The dock is available for merchant vessels which cannot be accommodated elsewhere in the port.

Algiers has suffered its share of disasters. Although the highest point on the Mississippi south of Baton Rouge, it has been several times inundated by high water on the river. This happened notably in 1855, as a result of the Bell crevasse, and in 1884, following the Davis crevasse. The latter submerged the entire rear portion of the city and the rest of the town was only saved from a similar visitation by the hasty construction of a "protection" levee a few blocks back from the river. The effect of the river current, perpetually eroding the bank at Algiers Point, has also been unfortunate. As early as 1844 an early and rapid rise in the river caused a considerable portion of the bank to cave in, carrying away the club house of the rowing club, and thus interfering for years thereafter with the evolution of what had previously been a popular pastime. In 1867 another serious landslide occurred, involving the destruction of a schooner which stood, nearly complete, on the ways. In 1894 the station house of the Grand Isle Railroad was engulfed, and in 1920 a similar disaster involved the ferry landing. Scientific methods adopted by the United States Government for the protection of the harbor of New Orleans have, however, minimized these accidents and made their repetition improbable.8

Financially, too, Algiers has suffered. The failure of the New Orleans, Opelousas & Great Western Railroad in 1869 as a result of its merciless exploitation during the Civil war, involved many consequences unfortunate for the town. The property was, however, acquired by Charles Morgan, and then by the Southern Pacific, by which it was built up into a great system. Its plant, including car shops, foundries, etc., were long notable features of the town and added in no small way to its prosperity. In 1895 a great fire swept over the most important part of the place. Over 200 homes were destroyed, leaving many families homeless and destitute and involving a loss of over $600,000. This was the fire in which the Duverje mansions perished. As often happens in such cases, what then seemed a terrible disaster proved, in the long run, a blessing. Algiers was rebuilt rapidly and on handsomer lines than before. Today no trace of the fire is discoverable in the spacious streets and attractive buildings of this interesting part of New Orleans.

The expansion of New Orleans in the early decades of the nineteenth century was southwardly and westwardly, up the Mississippi. Hence, small communities, eventually absorbed by the ever-expanding city, sprang up along the river bank, in the vicinity of Delord Street, at Felicity Road, above First Street, in the neighborhood of Toledano and p748finally at Upperline Street. These settlements, in their order above Canal, were known as Delord, Annunciation (also called Nuns, or Religieuses), Delassize, Lafayette City, Bouligny, Rickerville, Burtheville, Hurstville, Foucher and Greenville. Above Greenville lay Carrollton. Of these the most important was Lafayette City, which was annexed to New Orleans in 1852. Long before that date New Orleans had spread up to the lower boundary of Lafayette. There was nothing to distinguish one municipality from the other except an imagine line at Felicity Street. Originally, the boundaries of Lafayette were a line between Philip and First streets on the north and Toledano Street on the south, but the addition of the Faubourg Delassize in 1844 brought the lower frontier down to Felicity Road. Felicity Road was at first a dirt road between two plantations and received its name because of the perfect accord which prevailed between the owners of the adjoining estates on the subject of their boundaries. Lafayette extended back from the river all the way to Metairie Road, and theoretically, even beyond, but this rear section was never built up.9

The corporate existence of Lafayette covered nineteen years. When the Parish of Jefferson was formed out of the Parish of Orleans, in 1825, the suburbs of Annunciation, Lafayette and Livaudais were mere little scattered settlements on the edge of the river. But in 1833, however, they had grown so much as to suggest the desirability of consolidation. On April 1 of that year, therefore, the State Legislature passed an act combining the three into the City of Lafayette. Provision was made for the government of the new city by a Board of Council, composed of seven persons, each of whom was required to own in the corporation limits land of the value of $500 or more. This board was empowered to elect its own president, but in most respects the municipality continued subordinate to the parish authorities. The president of the board was commissioned a justice of the peace by the governor of the state, but his authority extended only to criminal cases. As justice his salary was $600, paid by the municipality. The board had authority to impose taxes, particularly upon occupations, and upon such water craft as remained within the corporation limits for more than one day.10 In 1843 the act of incorporation was amended to provide for an elective council and a mayor. These were to be chosen once in every two years. The council thereafter consisted of six members. Under the constitution of 1845, which reorganized the judicial system of the state, the Parish of Jefferson became the Third Judicial District, the seat of which was established in Lafayette. J. Calvitt Clark was appointed judge and served until Lafayette was incorporated into the City of New Orleans. In 1849 the number of children in Lafayette of educable age was 2,900, of whom 1,456 were boys. By the census of 1850 the little city had a population of 14,190, of whom 13 percent were negroes.

The town presented curious contrasts. The rear part around Chestnut, Prytania and Nyades (St. Charles Avenue) was occupied by the charming residences of well-to-do merchants. Their mansions, surrounded by exquisite gardens, gave this quarter the air of opulence and good taste which caused this section of New Orleans long to be known as the p749Garden District. On the other hand, along the river front, particularly in the region known as Bulls' Head, were numerous private slaughter houses. Butchers in those days had the right to slaughter meat on their own premises. The pens where the cattle destined to market were kept after their arrival from Texas were located at the foot of St. Mary's Street. Few of the streets were paved, and those were laid with plank. From Tchoupitoulas Street back to St. Andrew, Josephine, First, Eighth and Ninth streets were thus equipped. The sidewalks for the most part consisted of two planks, laid parallel with the street and raised a few inches from the ground. Brick sidewalks were not unknown, but they were found only in a few neighborhoods, especially in the wealthier section near St. Charles. Communication with New Orleans was maintained by omnibus lines. There were lines on Tchoupitoulas and Magazine which ran down into New Orleans; one on Prytania, which, however, terminated at Felicity Road, and later on, one on Apollo, as Carondelet Street was called. On Jackson Street there was a railroad on which ran two-story cars drawn by mules harnessed tandem. On Nyades the dummy line which operated between Lee Circle and Carrollton offered still another means of getting downtown.

The first market was established on Jackson Street, between Rousseau and Tchoupitoulas. The Magazine and Ninth Street markets were established soon after. The Soraparu Street Market was being planned when Lafayette became part of its expanding neighbor city. The religious interests of the community were cared for by various denominations, including the Catholic, Presbyterian, Episcopalian, Methodist and Jewish. The first named were represented by the Redemptorist Fathers, who settled early in Lafayette, establishing the remarkable group of churches and charitable institutions at Josephine and Constance streets. There was one newspaper, the Louisiana Statesman, edited by J. F. H. Claiborne and J. G. Fanning and published by the latter at an office on Jackson Street, near Rousseau. There were no banks in the little city, but its business was considerable and lucrative. The arrangements for sewage and drainage were primitive. When the river was sufficiently high a stream of water from it was allowed to enter the gutters which flanked every thoroughfare and they were cleaned; but otherwise no attempt seems to have been made to attend to what, at a later date, is considered a very essential condition of public health. In 1849 James H. Caldwell proposed to introduce gas as a street illuminant in place of the system of oil lamps which had till then been deemed adequate. There is no record of this proposition having been accepted, but a tradition is to the effect that Caldwell did obtain a contract and did install a gas system.11

The growth of Lafayette was due to the steady stream of immigration which was attracted to it, especially people of Irish and German birth. Their thrift soon made Lafayette an active competitor of the larger city, from which it principally received the overflow of business. "It was a thriving, growing, busy place, with wharves and shipping, cotton presses, slaughter houses and business establishments and offices of all kinds."12 The identity of interests of the two adjacent communities led, as has been said, to their consolidation in 1852. By the act of consolidation the City of Lafayette became the Fourth District of New Orleans. It was p750divided into two wards, known as the Tenth and Eleventh wards of the city.13 But, curiously, though Lafayette thus became part of New Orleans, it continued to form part of Jefferson Parish. The Legislature was, as a matter of fact, unwilling or incompetent to alter parish boundaries, and it was not till a new state constitution was adopted later in that year that this anomalous condition was rectified.14

The annexation of Carrollton, which took place in 1875, gave New Orleans much of the area which it occupies today. This part of the city occupies what was originally a plantation owned by Chauvin de la Frenière, the leader of the revolt of the colonists against the Spaniards, who was shot by O'Reilly in 1769. After his death it passed through various hands, and was granted by the Spanish government in 1795 to Jean Baptiste Macarty. This grant was confirmed by the American Congress in 1823. The Macarty mansion stood in the vicinity of the foot of Clinton Street. It was long ago destroyed by the caving in of the river bank at this point. Macarty subsequently disposed of the upper portion of his estate to Ludgère Fortier. An undivided half interest in the remainder, comprising all the territory from the Foucher tract to the Protection levee, and from the river to the New Canal, was bought in 1833 by the Canal and Banking Company. The company paid $130,000 for the property, but by selling off the slaves and improvements the net investment was reduced to $85,000. This land was thereupon laid off into lots and sold at an enormous profit. The town as thus planned was named Carrollton, in honor of General Carroll of Kentucky,a who had commanded a division in the American army at the Battle of New Orleans. Carroll's Kentuckians, who helped materially in winning that victory, camped in 1814 in the neighborhood of Clinton and Adams streets; the name was therefore highly appropriate.

The plan of the new town was drawn by Charles F. Zimpel, a German surveyor, after whom one of the streets was named. Interested in the development of Carrollton at this early date were Laurent Millaudon, who owned a plantation abutting on the street which is called after him; Samuel Kohn, and John Slidell. The first house was built in Carrollton in 1834 by Samuel Short, whose memory is likewise perpetuated in the name of one of the prettiest streets in this part of New Orleans. Others who built about this time were Charles Huso, James McIntyre and William Jones. Huso's residence stood at the corner of Levee and Short streets. The house was in good repair down to the Civil war, when it was destroyed. The sites of the other buildings lay beyond the present line of the levee, and are therefore now under water.

The sale of the Carrollton lots inaugurated the period of wild speculation in New Orleans real estate which preceded the panic of 1837. Those who purchased from the Canal Bank re-sold in many instances at twice, ten, even a hundred times what they had paid. Some of the lots, lying in the rear of the new town, were in the swamp and derived their value solely from the fact that they were — less than five miles from Canal Street, and therefore in a region which, it was confidently expected, would, within ten years, support a population of 1,000,000 people.15 The p751panic of 1837 put an end to these fantastic operations, and ushered in a period of saner and more durable prosperity.

Carrollton was incorporated in 1845. The charter provided for a mayor and a council of six members. The first mayor was John Hampson. The first council was composed of Dr. John Bein, George B. Mason, Jacob Goldstein, Solomon Cohn, Atwater C. Ives and Frances C. Zeller. The other officers of the municipality were a comptroller, treasurer, surveyor and "commissary of streets," or street commissioner. To those positions were elected respectively Chauncey C. Porter, James Gilbert, Levi A. Heaton and Benjamin F. Blake. From this time down to the date when Carrollton became part of New Orleans, the mayors were, in the order of their election: Timoleon LeSassier, Henry Mithoff, John Hampson (second term), Henry Mithoff (second term), Edward Meegel, Dr. John L. Donellan, Henry M. Gograve, Benjamin Mason, Archibald S. Ferth, Samuel Pursell, Frances C. Zeller, Theodore Meeks, Dewitt F. Bisbee, Zwinglius McKay and Albert G. Brice. Mr. Porter continued to be comptroller practically throughout the corporate existence of the town. W. H. Williams became city surveyor in 1853 and served till 1876.

Carrollton was in communication with New Orleans and the intervening settlements both by a road, which ran along what is now St. Charles Avenue, and a street car system, which paralleled the road. The latter was in operation in 1835. It was one of the first railroads built in the United States, its only predecessors, so far as known, being the Pontchartrain Railroad, and a line in New York. Laurent Millaudon was one of the first presidents of this road. Its charter permitted it to extend up to Baton Rouge, but no attempt was ever made to extend it beyond Carrollton. Steam "dummies" were used on this road from 1845 till almost the end of the century, when they were replaced by electric power. At the head of St. Charles Avenue stood the picturesque, battlemented station of the road, which remained in use down to 1896, when it was torn down to make way for the present levee. Adjoining this structure were the Carrollton Gardens, an ante-bellum resort of great fame, which came into existence in 1836 and likewise disappeared when the necessity arose for building the new levee. The hotel, which stood in the midst of the flower beds and shady oaks, was burned in 1841, but immediately rebuilt. In this building Thackeray, the novelist, was banquetted during his visit to the city in 1855; and so also was the French general, Boulanger, nearly thirty years later. In this vicinity, too, was the steamboat landing. The levee near the Gardens was set with rows of "china ball" trees, and it was a favorite diversion of New Orleans in the early '80s to ride up to Carrollton, dine at the hotel and stroll in the twilight along this pleasant promenade. Among the early managers of the hotel were Martel Paulet and Daniel Hickok.

The shell road on Carrollton Avenue leading to New Orleans was made in 1870 under the administration of Mayor Meegel. This road was projected as early as 1839. In January of that year the city council of New Orleans had under consideration a plan to open a shell road "from Carrollton to the Canal Company's new road," where it was to connect with a similar road leading from Canal Street out to the Metairie race course. But nothing seems to have been done till the enterprise of the thriving little suburb carried out this improvement. St. Charles Avenue remained an unpaved road down to recent years, and the present asphalt p752pavement was laid throughout its length in the present century. Carrollton Avenue was laid out in 1846, and sidewalks were added in 1850. In 1871, under Mayor Bisbee, the paving of the sidewalks was begun generally throughout Carrollton. Gas was introduced in 1872 by a main connected with the Sixth District plant. Fire wells were introduced in 1874, although a fire department had existed as early as 1849, when Henry Deibel was elected its first foreman. The first church was the Methodist Episcopal. It was erected in 1843, on the east side of Jefferson Street, near Third. The first Catholic Church was built in 1847, on Cambronne Street, between Second and Burthe. A second Catholic church was erected in 1870, at the corner of Cambronne and Burthe. The first German Protestant church was established in 1849, on Zimpel Street. The first Presbyterian church dates from 1855. It stood on Burdette Street, between Hampson and Second. The Catholic Orphan Asylum was founded in 1845. The first newspaper in Carrollton appeared in 1849, from the press of Peter Soulier. It was The Carrollton Star, and the editorial offices were at Levee and Cambronne streets. This publication died a natural death in the midst of the Civil war turmoils, but its publisher, migrating to Gretna, on the opposite side of the Mississippi, revived it under the name of the Jefferson Sentinel. A second newspaper, the Louisiana Register, kept the people of Carrollton informed regarding current events in 1868. Its editor was Amos S. Collins. The first dry goods store was owned by Christian Winter. It was opened in 1836 at the corner of Monroe and Zimpel streets. Solomon Cohn established a rope walk about the same time.

Among the early settlers were Pierre Soniat, Amos S. Collins and Francis Shuler. The first brick house in Carrollton, known as the Stringer Place, was erected in 1836, in the square bounded by St. Charles, Pearl, Burdette and Adams. In that year, also, a number of residences were erected by the railroad company. They were situated on the west side of Dublin Street, near Hampson Street. In 1836, also, Francis Babin, F. C. Zeller and Levi S. Heaton, all later prominent in the affairs of the little city, settled in Carrollton. Frederick Kern and Herman Thieler settled there in 1837; William Mithof, who had previously visited Carrollton as an assistant to Zimpel in making the first surveys of the town, made his home there in 1839; George Wills, in 1837; Christopher Kerner, in 1840; Wanderlein Herrle, in 1841; Frederick Fischer, in 1839; Trubert Bosch, in 1837; Jacob Roesch, in 1839; Henry Gogreve, in 1840; Henry Deibel, in 1837; Simon Oesterly, in 1837; Frederick Brown, in 1838; William Mayo, in 1840; Mrs. Elizabeth Augustine, in 1838; Henry Jurgens, in 1837; Gottlieb Bubeck, in 1838; Enoch B. Robinson, in 1839; Gabriel Spahr, in 1837; John Coleman, in 1841; Jacob Clausen, in 1838; and Samuel Pursell, in 1839. Judge Brice settled in Carrollton after the Civil war. Judge Pardee, afterwards a distinguished member of the United States bench, was for many years also a resident of Carrollton. Before the Civil war the celebrated lawyer, Christian Roselius, made his home on Carrollton Avenue, not far from St. Charles Avenue.

A public school system was established in Carrollton in 1845. The first school was built in that year at the corner of Dublin and Hampson streets. Ten years later a larger building was erected for the same purposes at Jefferson and Washington streets. A central high school followed in 1858. The high school, however, was unsuccessful. It was p753abandoned for lack of patronage. A second high school was erected in 1867, but was also given up for similar reasons. The secondary schools, however, prospered. There were, moreover, a number of private schools which were well patronized, particularly those under the superintendence of the Catholic Church and of the German Protestants. The old courthouse on Carrollton Avenue is now the McDonogh School No. 23.

The first market house was opened for use in 1846. The second market was established by Frederick Fischer, who was authorized to pay himself for the outlay involved out of the revenues collected during the first fourteen years of its existence. The building was erected by John P. Hecker. This market was in use down to 1916.

In the construction of levees Carrollton had the co-operation of New Orleans, inasmuch as the larger city was vitally interested in the maintenance of these defenses against flood, having suffered acutely from the breaking of the levees in Carrollton in 1799 and 1816. The latter "crevasse," due to a double break in the levee, near the foot of Leonidas Street, was one of the most serious in the history of New Orleans. This danger led to the construction of a levee at the head of St. Charles Avenue, which was regarded in its time as a mammoth construction; it was situated fully — 600 feet further out than the line occupied by the present mighty embankment, — 25 feet high. The older levee was completed in 1876; the present one was begun after the high water of 1896 had shown the inadequacy of its predecessor. It was finished in 1916.

The movement for the annexation of Carrollton to New Orleans was started in New Orleans. It was not supported in Carrollton. At that time the municipality was out of debt, except for some bonds which had been issued for paving and sidewalks and those issued to the Jefferson City Gas Light Company. The growth of New Orleans, however, rendered annexation imperative, and the Legislature passed Act 74 of 1874, by which "all that portion of the Parish of Jefferson being and lying below the center of Upperline Street of the City of Carrollton, commencing with the Mississippi river and extending northwardly along the cent of said street to its terminus, and thence along the center of the line of the New Orleans & Carrollton Railroad to Lake Pontchartrain" — ? which were the boundaries of the City of Carrollton — ? should constitute part of New Orleans, under the title of the Seventh District. At the same time the annexed territory was divided into the Sixteenth and Seventeenth wards. These divisions still exist.16 The annexation was, however, not consummated till two years later.

Neither West End nor Spanish Fort have ever had any corporate existence apart from New Orleans. The former owes its origin to the Mexican Gulf Ship Canal Company, which, in 1871, was authorized by the State Legislature to "excavate canals and build protection levees within the limits of the Parish of Orleans."17 With the earth excavated from the canals an embankment was constructed — approximately 800 feet out in Lake Pontchartrain beyond the then existing shore line. In this p754way a deep water basin would be created which would serve as a harbor for vessels and at the same time provide a low area basin for the drainage of the city. The project contemplated also the erection of extensive wharves, switch tracks and connections with the trunk railroads. The company, however, became involved and eventually, under Act 16 of 1876, the city entered into an agreement with it for the purchase of all of its rights for the sum of $30,000 in drainage warrants.18 The system of drainage of which the West End basin should have formed a part was never carried into effect. The West End property, therefore, never had any part in any drainage or levee system properly so called. The embankment was only partly built by the Mexican Gulf Company. It was completed by the city, from the Seventeenth Street Canal to the New Basin Canal, a distance of — about 2,200 yards. This embankment was nearly about 2.40 m above the lake',WIDTH,180)" onMouseOut="nd();">? 100 feet wide at its top and was about 8 feet above the main lake level.

In 1869 the State Legislature granted to the New Orleans & Metairie Railroad Company the right to extend its Canal Street track from the then terminus at the cemeteries to West End. As a feeder for this extension the New Orleans City & Lake Railroad, which had succeeded to the New Orleans & Metairie Company, leased from the city in 1880 for a period of thirty years the embankment above described.19 A platform — approximately 400 feet square was erected on the north side of the embankment, and thereon rose a large hotel, built of wood; a restaurant building, and various structures intended to house amusements of one kind or another. The rest of the embankment was laid out as a garden, and along one side ran a shell road which was much patronized by carriages. This was known as the West End Lake Shore Park. For a long time it was very popular with pleasure seekers in the city. The lease provided that at the expiration of the contract all the improvements at West End should become the property of the city. As the time drew near, the New Orleans Railway & Light Company, which had acquired the various properties of the New Orleans City & Lake Railroad Company, sought an extension of the franchise. But the city officers would consent only under condition contemplating very extensive improvements at West end. These the company was not willing to accept. For three years the railroad was permitted to operate the resort on an annual agreement, in consideration for which the place was maintained in good order and condition. In May, 1909, the company acquired Spanish Fort and began to improve it with a view to make it a lakeside resort which would be completely under its control. In connection therewith transportation facilities had to be provided which could be most conveniently supplied by extending the West End Road along the lake shore on Adams Street. An application was made to the city council for a franchise to cover this — two-mile extension of the railroad. But it was evident that the development of Spanish Fort would operate injuriously upon West End, and Mayor Behrman, realizing that the city was without funds with which to improve the latter point, took advantage of the opportunity to stipulate, as a condition of the desired concession, that the company should loan the city the sum of $175,000 over and above the percentages fixed by the city charter as compensation for the franchise. This arrangement was agreed to, and an act was passed by the State Legislature to authorize p755the loan and fix the rate of interest thereon and method of liquidation.20 The liquidation of the loan was to be effected out of the revenues from the West End Lake Shore Park.

Shortly after this act went into effect the city undertook the development of West End in accordance with a plan prepared by City Engineer W. J. Hardee in 1902. The first work was the construction of a sea wall. This was located — 500 feet out in the lake, north of the old embankment, and parallel thereto. The area thus inclosed was subsequently filled in, and in this way — about thirty acres was added to the park. This wall was completed in July, 1912, at a cost of $68,255.34. The fill was accomplished at an outlay of $45,152. In view of the limited area of the park, it was decided to exclude from it all amusement features, but a part of the old lagoon, or reservoir, in the rear of the original embankment, was filled in with a view to accommodate these enterprises. In this way a further area about 500 feet square has been created at the western extremity. Among the features installed within the last few years is a great "prismatic fountain," which cost $24,000. The total expenditures have been $352,000 — ? the amount over the sum loaned by the railroad company having been appropriated by the city out of its reserve funds dedicated to public improvements.

West End is, therefore, city property in the same sense that other parks and resorts are. It is under the administrative control of the West End Lake Shore Park Advisory Board. The handsome clubhouse of the Southern Yacht Club, erected in 1921, is located at West End. The bath-houses which have long been a feature of the resort came into existence in 1862, when A. Fredericks and Theodore Brunning erected there the first establishments of that description. The hurricanes of 1893 and 1915 did great damage to these structures, but they were promptly rebuilt. The improvements at West End were not completed in 1921. They will be carried on until there has been created here a magnificent pleasure ground unique in the South in the beauty of its location.

Spanish Fort,b which is likewise a pleasure resort on Lake Pontchartrain, has a history which runs back into colonial times. When Carondelet undertook to restore the fortifications of the city, he gave orders that an old brick fort which had been erected some time previously at the mouth of Bayou St. John, on the shore of Lake Pontchartrain, should be put in repair. He stationed a garrison there in 1793. At this time it was known as Fort St. Jean, or San Juan. The fortifications had and depth of 24',WIDTH,110)" onMouseOut="nd();">? a frontage of 120 feet and depth of 80, "and all that there was within its walls." It adjoined a triangular piece of land granted in 1771 to Jean Lavergne by the Spanish government through Governor Unzaga. Fort San Juan, though garrisoned, was never considered an important point in the defenses of the city. The Spaniards, however, strengthened it during the time that the British were in West Florida, in 1776. Here also troops were stationed in the War of 1812, to prevent an advance of the British through Lake Pontchartrain, or at least to observe and give warning in case such approach were attempted. A volunteer company of artillery, under Lieutenant Wagner, was sent thither in 1814, and in December General Jackson sent thither M. Plauché with his battalion. After 1815 Fort St. John enjoyed a long period of somnolence, disturbed only in the opening months of the Civil war, when a Confederate p756garrison occupied it. These forces remained for about eighteen months. In February, 1865, it was defended against the Federals by Confederate troops under Gen. Randall Gibson, in one of the very last actions of the Civil war.

Spanish Fort has a civil as well as a military history. It was already a pleasure resort of a kind in 1825. In that year the Duke of Saxe Weimar, who visited New Orleans and wrote a volume of reminiscences, stated that the fort, "which has lost its importance since the erection of Chef Menteur and Petites Coquilles," had been abandoned and a tavern was then being erected on the site. "Behind the fort," he writes, "is a public house called the Ponchartrain Hotel, which is much frequented by persons from the city during the summer." Gambling seems to have been one of the attractions, as the duke adds: "I recognized the darling amusement of the inhabitants in a faro and roulette table." Two years before this time Harvey Elkins had obtained possession of the fort, under the terms of the act of 1819, by which the Secretary of War was empowered to sell all obsolete military reservations. He built in 1824 the hotel referred to by the ducal writer, and operated it down to his death in 1834. The property was inherited by his nephew, Samuel Elkins, who died a year later, and left his interest to sisters and brothers residing in Canada. These sold it to John Slidell, who renamed it the Spanish Fort Hotel. Subsequently it passed into the hands of the Millaudon family, who sold it in 1874 to the Canal Street, City Park & Lake Railroad. The building was in bad repair; it was rebuilt in 1874 by the railroad company. The railroad was constructed with Northern capital. A man named Brott supplied the money, and W. H. Bell, then city engineer, built the road. The company failed in 1877, and its belongings were sold to Vincent Micas, who a year or two later disposed of it to Moses Schwartz. Schwartz operated it successfully for several years, a Captain Williams being in charge of the road, with the title of superintendent.

In 1883 Spanish Fort was at its zenith as a resort. In that year a theater was built which was regarded as remarkable in its comfort and splendor. This structure was demolished in 1897. Schwartz built the casino in 1881. This was the scene of many notable events, among them a lecture by Oscar Wilde during the "esthetic's" tour of the United States. The building was partially wrecked by a storm, and then caught fire and was totally destroyed on October 14, 1906. The railroad was sold in 1896 to the East Louisiana Railroad Company. The latter corporation contemplated organizing a transfer system to connect Spanish Fort with properties owned by it in St. Tammany Parish. It was at this time that the long wharf and trestle was built out — half a mile over the water to make a proper landing place for the steamer St. Charles, which plied between Spanish Fort and the resorts on the north end of Lake Pontchartrain. This boat, however, was burned at her moorings at Spanish Fort in November, 1896. Ten or twelve years later the charter of the New Orleans, Spanish Fort & Lake Railroad expired. The property was thereupon acquired by the New Orleans Terminal Company, which shortly afterwards sold it to the present owners, the New Orleans Railway Company. Since this event Spanish Fort has been revived, and has enjoyed some of its old-time popularity as a resort.

Spanish Fort possesses several interesting buildings, one of which, the lighthouse, dates from 1811. Robert Gage served as keeper of the lighthouse from 1866 till his death in 1895. He was succeeded by his p757widow, and she in her turn by her daughter, Mrs. M. E. Coteron. The pioneers of the restaurant business at Spanish Fort were the Alberti Brothers, who settled there after the Mexican War. The elder, Lorenz, was manager of the restaurant at which Thackeray enjoyed one of the numerous banquets served in his honor in 1855. General Grant was entertained here at a dinner given in his honor by Dr. Choppin. In 1878, while some dredging was being done in the canal, the wreck of the tiny iron submarine torpedo boat Hunley, built in New Orleans in 1861, was discovered. This boat was never used in war. It sank in the bayou while being experimented with, causing the death of three sailors. It was, however, the prototype of the little vessel which sank the Federal battleship Housatonic in Charleston harbor in 1864. The recovered boat was long a curiosity of the Spanish Fort Gardens, but is now in the grounds of the Soldiers' Home at Camp Nicholls. One of the points of interest at Spanish Fort are three graves just outside of the old fort; nothing is known regarding them. In 1910 the fort was stripped of the few cannon left there since Civil war times and these ancient weapons were fittingly deposited in the State Museum at the Cabildo.

The suburb of Gentilly was another settlement which was never incorporated. It really lay within the limits of the city, and disappeared when the expanding city enveloped it with streets and houses. It occupied part of what was known as Gentilly Ridge, the highest tract of land in the municipal area. Several miles of the ridge lie at an elevation of — about 14 feet above the river front. It begins at the intersection of the Bayou Road, Grand Route St. John and the Gentilly Road, and extends down to Chef Menteur. Gentilly Road ran from Grand Route St. John to a point — two miles below the People's Canal. In the latter part of the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth century plantations and brickyards lined this road on either side for much of its distance. They extended in depth on the city side to the Marigny Canal and on the lake side to the boundary of the extensive properties belonging to Alexander Milne. When the Jesuit Fathers first settled in Louisiana they selected the high land facing Bayou Sauvage for agricultural purposes. A building erected by them was still standing in 1906 near the Louisville & Nashville Railroad crossing. The Fair Grounds race course occupies a part of the old Fortin plantation. The Broad Street car barn stands in one corner of the old Gueno, or Kernion, estate. As one went down the road he passed in succession the old Howe, Martin and Bermudez brickyards, and the Angelica, Mantell, LeBeau, Darcantell, J. B. Dejean, R. C. Smythe and Daniel Clark plantations. In later years these places fell into the hands of new owners, among them the Hopkins, Miltenberger, Blanc, Vance, Lavergne, Barret and Soyes families. The élite of New Orleans formerly frequented these old plantations. What the charm of this neighborhood was in the days before it was built over may be inferred from the "Highland" oak grove, at the corner of Gentilly Road and London Avenue, only a few squares from the Broad Street car barn. In 1906 this grove covered four blocks, and extended from the Gentilly Road to the Marigny Canal, along the tracks of the Frisco Road.

The first race course in New Orleans was located at Gentilly Road and Elysian Fields, and covered — nearly 100 acres. This place was reached from the city in carriages, which bumped over the cobblestones p758on Bayou Road out to Gentilly; or in the cars of the old "Lake Pontchartrain Railway," opened in 1825, of which J. B. LeBeau was first president. It is said that when the engine got out of order on this road sails were hoisted on masts provided for this purpose, if the wind were favorable, and the trip could be completed in this unique way. Many years previously there was a market near the St. Rose de Lima Church. This was called Indian Market, because hither the Indians paddled up in their pirogues with produce, baskets, etc., to the Broad Street Canal, and thence carried their wares over to this market, where they were offered for sale.

In the same way that Gentilly gradually disappeared in the encroaching city the other settlements which formerly environed New Orleans have been surrounded and absorbed. So disappeared the Faubourg Trémé, which lay a little to the northeast, immediately outside of the old walls of the Vieux Carré. Below the city, on the lower side of Elysian Fields, was the Faubourg Marigny, and below that was the Faubourg Daunois. The suburb of Washington lay still further down the river, and behind it, stretching out towards Milneburg, were the suburbs of Frank and Darcantel. The Faubourg Declouet, which was at the lower extremity of the habited portion of the city, in 1815, spread over the territory in the vicinity of the United States barracks. In 1815 the Faubourg Declouet boasted a distillery and a powder factory. At Rampart Street the Rue des Ursulines came to an end at the wide-spreading campus of the College d'Orleans, which, with the still-extant Polar Star Lodge, stood in the Faubourg St. Claude. The Bayou St. John was sufficiently remote from the populous part of the city to be regarded in 1815 as a summer resort. Its idyllic expanses were fringed with the summer homes of prosperous New Orleans families. There, at the point where the Bayou Bridge now crosses the stream, at the foot of Esplanade Avenue, was the pretty settlement of St. John's Burgh. And finally there was the village of Milneburg, which still stands on the shore of Lake Pontchartrain at the mouth of Bayou St. John, so remote from the rest of the city that it retains its identity unimpaired. It takes its name from the eccentric Scottish millionaire, Alexander Milne. Milne believed that the air of the cypress swamps was particularly healthful. Perhaps that was why he favored the lake coast and built up the town which bore his name. Milneburg stood on a part of his domain. At one time the little town was the most fashionable of the lakeside resorts. There was in the later '60s the landing place of the Morgan "side-wheeler" which plied between Milneburg and Mobile. Later the steamer Camilia ran between Milneburg and the resorts on the northern side of Lake Pontchartrain. Adah Isaacs Menken, actress and poet, was born in Milneburg in June, 1835. The place has a claim to fame, also, as the site of some of the most noted restaurants in New Orleans, at a time when the city was noted for good eating. Among these was Boudro's, an establishment which had the honor of entertaining Thackeray, and to which the great novelist alludes in one of his books. Boudro was employed by Mme. Pontalba as chef in the household which that magnificent lady formed for Jenny Lind, when the diva was in New Orleans as her guest.

The Author’s Notes

1 Louisiana Historical Quarterly, Vol. I, No. 3, 76.

2 Seymour, "The Story of Algiers," 7-19.

3 Coleman's "Historical Sketch Book and Guide to New Orleans," 288.

4 This building was reproduced at the World's Columbia Exposition, in Chicago, in 1893, as the Louisiana State Building.

5 Seymour somewhat vaguely attributes this quotation to "a work in the library of the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris." — ? "Story of Algiers."

6 Seymour, The Story of Algiers," 11.

7 Seymour, The Story of Algiers," 14, 15.

8 Coleman's "Historical Sketch-Book," 289.

9 Dart, "Life of John Blackstone Cotton," 5.

10 Renshaw, "The Lost City of Lafayette," in the Louisiana Historical Quarterly, II, No. 1, pp47, 48.

11 See Renshaw, 53.

12 Dart, Cotton, 6.

13 Act 72 of 1852.

14 Renshaw, 48; Dart, 8.

15 T. P. Thompson, "Early Financing in New Orleans," in Publications of the Louisiana Historical Society, Vol. VII, 32.

16 The data embodied in the foregoing sketch of Carrollton is taken from an article by E. K. Pelton, in the Picayune for March 13, 1916. Pelton derived his information from an address made in 1876 by W. H. Williams on the occasion of the celebration in Carrollton of the Centennial of American Independence, at which time it was deemed appropriate to review the history of the municipality.

17 Act 30 of 1871.

18 Ordinance of May 26, 1876.

19 Ordinance 6316, A. S.

20 Act 9 of 1910.

p759 Chapter XLVII

Medical Progress, 1900-1922

Although in this chapter we must concern ourselves mainly with men belonging to the present century notable in connection with medical progress in New Orleans, it is necessary for historical completeness to mention briefly certain outstanding figures of the preceding generation. If any apology is necessary in this connection let it be rather for alluding to so few among those whose work, in various lines, contributed toward preparing the way for the scientific triumphs of our own time, some of which were foreshadowed in prophetic visions by those pioneers of the earlier day, as evidenced by their written legacies of professional wisdom. It is meet and proper to pause, while giving praise to living champions of the conquering armies of science, to do honor to the immortal dead, men whose frames have long been dust, but whose spirits still speak to us from deathless pages; men whose faith and works shine out all the brighter because of the comparative darkness of the days in which they labored.

The most conspicuous figure among the medical men of New Orleans during the closing years of the past century was Dr. T. G. Richardson, professor of anatomy for fourteen years in Tulane University, and then for seventeen years professor of surgery, bodies being dean of his faculty during the last twenty years of that time. Doctor Richardson came to New Orleans in 1858 with the prestige of having taught in the Medical School of Louisville, Kentucky, and of having been later professor of anatomy in the Pennsylvania Medical College, besides being the author of a successful text-book on the "Elements of Anatomy." Even in those early times the fame of New Orleans as the seat of a great medical school was great, and Doctor Richardson's distinguished personality as dean of that school gave undoubted éclat to its faculty through a long series of years when personality counted for more than it does in these days of diversified teaching. To the medical student of today, going an appointed round of work in the Medical Department of Tulane University, the name and fame of Dean Richardson, who died in 1892, is more than a memory, because every time he raises his eyes to the splendid Richardson Memorial Building, donated through the munificence of his widow, Mrs. Ida A. Richardson, that student has cause to honor the name in which such facilities for training in his chosen profession are made available.

Dr. Stanford E. Chaillé, who succeeded Professor Richardson as Dean of the Medical School, was also one of the most notable men of the epoch during which they were fellow members of the Faculty, surviving his predecessor, however, until 1911. Doctor Chaillé retired as Dean of the School of Medicine in 1908 after twenty-three years' service in that capacity, and at the conclusion of half a century of active teaching, during which time his remarkable intellect and his exceptional ability to impress on the minds of students the abstruse subjects which he taught continued unimpaired. His command of language was most unusual, while his analytical method of elucidating the mysteries of p760physiology and pathology is remembered with gratitude and admiration by a legion of disciples widely scattered over the South.

It was inevitable that a man of such intelligence should be called upon for public service outside the line of his work as a teacher of medicine. He was chairman of the Government Commission sent to Havana in 1879 to study yellow fever following the great epidemic of the previous year, and it will be remembered how ably he served the National Board of Health as its supervising inspector in the years 1881-82 and 1882-83 at a time when certain interior states had become distrustful of the administration of maritime quarantine at New Orleans, with the result that the National Board undertook to exercise a sort of friendly supervision, in order that internal quarantines might be avoided.

At that time Dr. Samuel M. Bemiss, also a distinguished professor of the local medical school, was resident member of the National Board of Health. Despite the development of considerable friction between the Federal and State Health authorities, there can be no doubt but that the high standing of Doctors Bemiss and Chaillé did much to allay apprehension in the minds of interior communities.

At various times Doctor Chaillé delivered popular lectures on hygiene. Though unsparing in his denunciation of feminine vanities prejudicial to health,a his special lectures to women audiences were always crowded to overflowing with fashionable women. Possessed of a keen sense of humor, with infinite kindness of heart, Doctor Chaillé's manner was yet characterized by a sort of cheerful aggressiveness which students having occasion to interview him often found disconcerting. There was a particular chair in which the interviewer had to sit facing the Dean, and woe betide the rash young who ventured to move it. As illustrating Doctor Chaillé's disposition to discourage "bumptiousness," an anecdote is told of how a student, intent on "showing off" before the class, stopped the Dean in the main hall of the Charity Hospital to ask him if it is true that fish make a good brain food, whereupon the Dean, after a moment's pause, replied with a twinkle in his eyes, "Yes! You go and eat a whale!" The fame of his pungent wit and frank speech made even experienced physicians a little shy of meeting him in debate, but withal he was so absolutely fair that nothing he said every rankled. At the time of his retirement he was undoubtedly the most widely known and generally admired of the older physicians of Louisiana.

Dr. Albert B. Miles, who died in August, 1894, and whose name has been perpetuated by the erection of the superb Miles Amphitheater of the Charity Hospital with money bequeathed by Doctor Miles for the object, is also remembered on account of his brilliant attainment as surgeon and his lovable personality. Having grown up in the hospital, serving successively as an interne, as assistant house surgeon and house surgeon, he recognized the great need of the institution for improved facilities in the line of operative surgery which he had done so much to develop, and being claimed by death at a time when, as the head of the hospital, he was busy planning improvements, he left as a posthumous gift one of the noblest bequests a physician ever gave to sick and suffering. Spotless in its finish of tile, porcelain and germ proof enamel, brilliant with sunlight by day and the glow of electric globes by night, that lofty amphitheater, with its endless service of life-saving skill and its concourse of eager students, stands today "a monument more enduring p761than brass," worthy of the gentle spirit of the man with the boyish face and the genial smile who gave it to the city.

No story of the Charity Hospital can afford to omit mention of Dr. Andrew W. Smythe, who was a famous house surgeon in the dark days of the Reconstruction period. A native of Ireland and a republican in politics, the sterling honesty of the man, together with his boldness and success as a surgeon, won him respect, even in those days of bitter political feeling. Up to the time of his return to his native island he remained one of the notable men of New Orleans. Besides his record of able management of the hospital in the days of its direst poverty, Doctor Smythe, while still a young man, earned fame as the first to perform a successful ligation of the innominate artery, a large blood vessel just one step removed from the heart, in the depths of the thorax. When he reported that operation not long afterward at a meeting of the American Medical Association in New Orleans, it attracted comparatively little attention "because the operator was unknown," the great surgeons present being apparently skeptical on the subject. Fortunately, however, the man operated upon came back to the hospital in after years, where he died from another cause, affording opportunity to verify the result of Doctor Smythe's skill by a post-mortem dissection of his chest.

Doctor George K. Pratt, who succeeded Doctor Smythe as house surgeon of the Charity Hospital with the incoming of the democratic state government under Governor Francis T. Nicholls in 1876, besides being a bold and successful surgeon, possessed qualities of leadership which made his conspicuous as a citizen. He served for years as a member of the State Board of Health, where his initiative and energy contributed no little toward the sanitary progress made by the city in the period of its long exemption from yellow fever. Doctor Pratt is living at the time of this writing, but has entirely withdrawn from practice.

Dr. Arthur W. De Roaldes, who also served a term as house surgeon of the Charity Hospital, subsequently became distinguished in connection with the founding of the Eye, Ear, Nose and Throat Hospital, an institution of which New Orleans is justly proud, and with which the name of Doctor De Roaldes is inseparably associated. From the time of its first inception up to the last years of his life, its development and welfare were the dearest objects of his heart, and though aided by a devoted staff, with an unusually capable Board of Administrators, it is generally considered that he individually is entitled to most of the credit for its success. Doctor De Roaldes belonged to a distinguished French family and made regular pilgrimages to France, where by association with the clinicians of Paris he kept in touch with every advance in the specialties to which his hospital was dedicated. In 1904 Doctor De Roaldes was awarded the Picayune Loving Cup, given annually to the citizen adjudged to have done most for the public good. As indicating the honor in which he was held abroad it may be mentioned that the President of France, after making Doctor De Roaldes a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor, subsequently conferred on him two grades of promotion. The King of Italy made the doctor a Knight of the Order of St. Maurice and St. Lazarus, while the Pope conferred on him the Papal order of St. Gregory the Great.

Despite a progressively increasing failure of eyesight, Doctor De Roaldes, relying on what was observed and described to him by trained p762assistants, continued to direct clinical work up to a few years before his death. So completely was he master of himself, however, that it seemed at times difficult to realize under his cheerful manner the fact of his being actually sightless. Much has been written about the pathos of stone-deaf Beethoven directing an orchestra, but history certainly affords no parallel to this incredible spectacle of a blind surgeon continuing for years to diagnose disease and to direct delicate operative procedures.

In the development of the local hospitals the name of Dr. Frederic Loeber will be remembered as deserving of honor in connection with the upbuilding of the great Touro Infirmary, now among the first institutions of its kind in the country, but which the devotion and skill of Doctor Loeber almost alone sustained during its struggling infancy. Doctor Loeber lived to see the establishment of the present splendid infirmary with its ever-increasing prestige at home and in neighboring states, but while it may be regarded as a monument to him, a nobler monument to the man himself is the memory of his kindness of heart, which endeared him alike to his patients and to brother physicians.

Interwoven with the medical history of New Orleans, like the dismal chapter of Israel's bondage in Egypt, there looms the story of a long and deadly warfare against the yellow fever, in connection with which the names of certain physicians stand out in relief.

Dr. C. B. White, the last president of the State Board of Health under the republican regime, left a record of faithful service all the more to be admired because of the unsettled political conditions of that period. His reports are especially interesting as testifying to the recognized value of sulphur fumigation. Commenting on the efficacy of a furnace devised and operated by Dr. A. W. Perry (quarantine physician) for forcing concentrated sulphur dioxide gas into the holds of vessels from infected ports, Doctor White wrote in 1874 as follows: "As was stated in a special report, either by coincidence, or as cause and effect, on no vessel so fumigated did a case of yellow fever appear."

When the new democratic regime was inaugurated in Louisiana in 1877, Governor Francis T. Nicholls, an ex-Confederate brigadier, appointed as president of the State Board of Health Dr. Samuel Choppin, a distinguished surgeon of New Orleans, who besides the prestige of a Parisian medical education, had a brilliant record of service in the Confederate Army.

That was about the time when the "germ theory" began to engage popular attention, and with implicit faith in the efficacy of disinfection, Doctor Choppin declared his belief that the germ of yellow fever could be successfully attacked in its "habitat" by agents destructive to low forms of life without injury to clothing, bedding and similar fomites from infected localities. At that time carbolic acid held the highest rank as a disinfectant, and Doctor Choppin's plan for attacking the undiscovered "germ" relied mainly on the application of refined carbolic acid in the form of spray (with water) to clothing, etc., while for rough disinfection the crude acid was used.

With our present knowledge of the transmission of yellow fever by mosquitoes, and of the easy destruction of those insects by sulphur fumes, it is interesting to note that sulphur fumigation was also practiced, but only by way of carrying out the tradition of atmospheric disinfection and without the remotest idea of its real value.

p763 In 1876, encouraged by the vaunted success of disinfection alone as a protection against the importation of yellow fever, and by the lucky escape of the city from imported infection for two years, such pressure was brought to bear on the Legislature by commercial interests that the state quarantine law was amended to omit detention of apparently healthy vessels from tropical ports longer than might be required for "thorough" disinfection.

Accordingly, only vessels with sickness on board were subjected to detention at quarantine in 1877, and the season of 1878 was ushered in with the pursuance of the same policy. But yellow fever was particularly severe in Havana in the spring of 1878 so that people from that hotbed of disease, with the fever in their systems, were able to come straight through to New Orleans, thereby starting the terrible epidemic of that year which cost more than 4,000 lives in the city alone, spreading to many interior localities in the most virulent form.

Doctor Choppin remained in office through the succeeding year, and though much embittered by the criticism of unfriendly newspapers, continued to enjoy the undiminished respect of all who knew his sterling worth. He succumbed to an attack of pneumonia in May, 1880.

In 1879 a new constitution was adopted under which every state official (except the state treasurer) went out of office the following spring.

Accordingly, the State Board of Health was reorganized in April, 1880, with Dr. Joseph Jones, who had been a member of the previous board, as president.

Doctor Jones, who had been for years professor of chemistry in the medical Faculty of the University, was in every way one of most notable men of his day. He was celebrated as an archaeologist, owning what was doubtless the largest collection of American Indian relics outside of the Smithsonian Institute. His "memoirs," published in the latter years of his life and covering a wide range of topics allied with the science of medicine, form a wonderful monument to his literary ability.

In the "History and Work of the Louisiana State Board of Health," by Dr. G. Farrar Patton (1904) the following reference is made to the administration of Doctor Jones as president of that body:

"The board assumed control of affairs at a time when many of the people of New Orleans had lost faith in maritime quarantine as a protection against yellow fever. Some of those whose interests were most affected by restrictions which quarantine imposed on vessels from tropical ports, would have been glad to have all such restrictions abolished.

"Others, largely in the majority, were alarmed by certain threats made in neighboring states to quarantine New Orleans every summer without waiting for yellow fever to appear,b and were anxious that nothing should be left undone to save the city from having its internal commerce jeopardized.

"It will be thus seen that the board, assailed by the clamors of opposite factions at home, willing and anxious to do its duty, but hampered by poverty, and all the whole surrounded by suspicious neighbors threatening the city with precautionary quarantine, had no need to borrow trouble.

"The president, who was a tireless worker, combative and fearless, proved himself equal to the occasion. Upheld in his authority by the staunch support of the governor and overcoming the most pressing financial p764difficulties, partly by the counsels of able business men who were his fellow-members, and partly by an increase of quarantine charges authorized in 1882, he led the board successfully through four years of the most strenuous existence such a body has ever known. The reports of those years, in which reference is freely made to 'enemies,' read something like the record of a military campaign."

With the knowledge of a teacher of chemistry, Doctor Jones believed firmly in the efficacy of sulphur fumigation. He still further perfected the apparatus devised by Doctor Perry for that purpose, but unfortunately their furnaces were too small, besides being handicapped by the disadvantage of having to be operated by hand power. However, that disadvantage was offset by such thorough fumigation of living quarters of the ship by means of open pots that all mosquitoes were effectually destroyed.

While doing everything possible with the means at his command to guard against importation of yellow fever, Doctor Jones found conditions so threatening in the summer of 1883, with both Havana and Vera Cruz badly infected, that he boldly called on the governor for a proclamation not only forbidding vessels from infected ports admission to New Orleans, but requiring those detained at quarantine to depart.

The commercial public stood aghast at such an extreme measure as non-intercourse with valuable customers in Latin-America, but "big business" had met its match in Doctor Jones, who believed that the entire tropical trade should be sacrificed each summer rather than risk another epidemic.

That unsettled condition of affairs continued with but little prospect of relief up to the end of Doctor Jones' term as president. Under a new governor the Board of Health was reorganized in April, 1884, under the leadership of Dr. Joseph Holt, who, as a high official of the retiring board was thoroughly conversant with the situation. Four members of that board continued in office, but Doctor Jones, doubtless weary of a responsible and thankless task, retired to private life and engaged in private practice during the ten or twelve years which intervened before his death.

Dr. Joseph Holt, one of the best known physicians of New Orleans, took charge at what may be considered the most critical period of the warfare against yellow fever, and no man ever espoused a desperate cause with greater courage and determination.

Realizing, as his predecessor had done, the uncertainty of relying on the old system of quarantine, he determined, by way of an extreme object lesson, "to resort to quarantine in the literal sense of that most obnoxious term," meaning detention for forty days, which was equivalent to declaring non-intercourse with the tropics, thereby preparing the public mind for the adoption of a remedy which was next offered.

Again quoting from Doctor Patton's history: "The board proposed, if provided with the necessary means, to attack every quarantine vessel 'with an energy like that of the fire department; to cleanse her immediately, and to subject every possible carrier of disease to searching action of the most powerful germicidal agents available, applied through apparatus capable of accomplishing the work.' It was proposed to make detention merely a side issue, destitute of value as affording protection, save to cover the rational incubation period of yellow fever. The wavering faith of the local public had somewhat revived with the good fortune p765of the previous years, one of which, 1881, was marked by the entire absence of yellow fever in New Orleans, while but one death from that disease had been reported in 1882 and four in 1883, but there was still a notable lack of confidence in quarantine. The president of the Board of Health, enthusiastic, untiring and possessed of strong personal magnetism, abandoned all other interests, turned away his patients and devoted himself to the herculean task of convincing the skeptical people of New Orleans, the hostile and suspicious authorities of other states, and most important of all, the State Legislature, that the 'supreme effort' which was proposed really did promise great results. He presented his plans at a conference of state health officials, some of whom were distinctly antagonistic to the Louisiana Board on old scores, and in the end gained their confidence. He appeared before a large body of merchants of New Orleans, among whom he had been warned that there was a strong undercurrent of hostility, and not less by his impressive manner than by forcible arguments, he converted opponents into active coadjutors. Finally, by personal appeals to members of the Legislature, he secured in July, 1884, an appropriation of $30,000 with which to inaugurate the proposed system.

"In all the praise that has been deservedly bestowed on Doctor Holt, it has been customary to extol the merits of his 'system,' for which he claimed no inventive originality, while relatively little has been said about that part of the work for which he is entitled to the greatest praise, viz.: the energy and success with which he championed the discredited cause of maritime quarantine. Numbers of men could doubtless have been found capable of putting together such a system, but not one in many thousand could have gone before the people at such a time and persuaded them to accept it on faith."

Briefly described, the new system, inaugurated early in June, 1885, comprised the following procedures:

"Wetting all woodwork, ballast, clothing, bedding, etc., with a solution of bichloride of mercury, 1 to 1,000.

"After that treatment, all textile fabrics were subjected to heat in a drying chamber provided with coils of steam pipe. (Later a device was added to introduce steam into the chamber, both to secure greater penetration and to guard against fire among the fabrics under treatment.)

"Forcing into the holds freshly generated sulphur fumes drawn from a battery of furnaces (on a special tugboat) by a powerful rotary exhaust blower driven by a steam engine.

"After complete disinfection, vessels with all on board were detained long enough to cover the incubation period of yellow fever."

As will be noted further on, certain improvements in the 'system' were introduced later, but so far as the main object of keeping out yellow fever was concerned, its success was immediate and complete, not, as we know today, because of the destruction of any lurking germ, but because its sulphur fumes killed infected mosquitoes, while its detention of people over the incubation of the fever prevented any with the germ in their systems from landing before becoming ill.

At the end of four years of brilliant service Doctor Holt went to reside in Portland, Oregon, where his fame had preceded him, returning subsequently to New Orleans, where he still is an honored citizen.

p766 Dr. C. P. Wilkinson, who had served at the Mississippi River Quarantine Station under Doctor Jones' administration, became president of the State Board of Health in 1888.

Through the favorable issue of a fourteen years' lawsuit with certain wealthy steamship companies, the board had collected some $34,000 for past quarantine fees, enabling the new president to carry on and to greatly expand the work inaugurated by his predecessor.

A considerable settlement having sprung up in objectionable proximity to the old quarantine ground, that site was abandoned and a new station was established nearer the sea at a point completely isolated. That move enabled the board to make important improvements, for which credit was mainly due to the experience, initiative and mechanical ability of Doctor Wilkinson.

The wetting of fine clothing and bedding with bichloride solution had caused no little complaint from passengers and steamship companies, and the new plant was discontinued as superfluous. The former wooden drying chamber with its coils of superheated steam pipes had set fire to two costly lots of material, and in the new plant was replaced by three riveted steel cylinders eight feet in diameter and fifty feet long with racks running on overhead rails for holding articles to be treated. As soon as loaded, the racks were run in, the door clamped tight and steam was admitted to coils of pipe just inside the shell. When the temperature of the contained air reached — 180 degrees Fahrenheit live steam was turned into the chamber, rapidly raising the heat to — 220 degrees, with an internal pressure of — about seven pounds to the square inch. After an exposure of thirty minutes, steam was shut off and, as soon as practicable, the door was opened, the racks run out, the articles removed and in a few minutes drying was complete.

Doctor Wilkinson also improved the sulphur furnace and added a second furnace, complete with boiler, blower and engine, on a car running on rails along the front of the quarantine wharf, so that with the tug on the outer side of a vessel both furnaces could be operated at once with utmost economy of time.

An important feature of the improved system was the erection of a "Lazaretto" — three miles below the main station for isolating fever cases, which had been previously treated in a hospital on the grounds. The Lazaretto had its own resident physician, and, when in operation, attendants for the sick. This humane provision was notably successful in conducing to recovery of patients, among whom a high death rate might have been ordinarily expected.

In April, 1890, after the re-election of Gen. F. T. Nicholls as governor, Dr. S. R. Olliphant, who had been a member of the State Board of Health for several years, became its president, which office he continued to hold until January 31, 1898, a period remarkable for progress in various lines of sanitary work.

Doctor Olliphant's name is associated with the most important improvements made in the furnace for forcing sulphur fumes into the holds of vessels at quarantine. The furnaces previously in use had open sulphur pans, continually drawing air from outside, whereas the Olliphant furnace was closed in such a way that air drawn from the hold of a vessel, after passing over the burning sulphur, was returned to the hold, being thus worked over again and again until extreme saturation with sulphurous gas was attained.

p767 In fact, so concentrated was the gas delivered by the improved furnace that it was shown by practical test to extinguish fire, while by its density it was held to possess greatly increased power of penetration.

In the season of 1890 the board adopted the plan of stationing its own medical inspectors at tropical fruit ports, so as to keep constantly posted as to health conditions in territory extremely valuable to commerce, but always under suspicion. That plan was later followed by other Gulf states and by the United States Public Health Service. With the subsequent appointment of a physician on a vessel, the tropical fruit trade has been developed to its present magnitude with danger from exotic fever practically eliminated.

Taking advantage of the absence of yellow fever for so many years, Doctor Olliphant's board gave its attention to general sanitary improvements, and in that welcome period of peace made the following notable record:

The establishment of a chemical laboratory, under the personal direction of a distinguished expert.

Improvement in milk inspection in New Orleans.

Inauguration of a complete system of meat inspection with a scientific veterinarian in charge.

Inspection of food in the city markets.

The establishment of a bacteriological laboratory and the election of Dr. P. E. Archinard as state bacteriologist. (With the advent of diphtheria anti-toxin Doctor Archinard was commissioned to visit European cities where the serum was first used, so as to enable the board to give Louisiana the earliest possible benefit of that wonderful remedy.)

Founding a depot for free distribution of antitoxin.

Thorough and repeated campaigns of vaccination.

With the protection afforded by such admirable maritime quarantine, exclusion of yellow fever by vessels arriving from sea was absolute, but in the summer of 1897 that dread disease slipped into New Orleans (and Mobile) by the "back door," having masqueraded quite a while as dengue at Ocean Springs, a popular summer resort on the Gulf Coast of Mississippi, before being recognized. From positive evidence obtained after the outbreak had subsided, it is now known that a case of yellow fever occurred about the middle of March in the house of a Cuban lady at Ocean Springs, where secret meetings of Revolutionary agents were held. The first fatal case was that of a commercial traveler known to have frequented that house, who died in a sanitarium at Louisville, Kentucky, later in August with every symptom of yellow fever.

The first recognized case in New Orleans was that of a boy, recently returned from Ocean Springs, who died September 6, and after so many years of freedom from the disease it is easy to understand the quasi panic which ensued, with a stampede of frightened people and complete demoralization of business and travel due to state and local quarantines. Owing to continued mild weather the fever persisted in New Orleans until later in December, with ever-increasing hostility to the Board of Health. The president and his fellow members, desirous of sparing their friend, the governor, embarrassment, tendered their resignations early in December, but remained in office through January while putting the business of the board in order.

Doctor Olliphant soon afterward moved to New York City, where he built up an extensive practice in his specialty of dermatology, besides p768being one of the clinic staff of the De Milt Hospital. In the suburban "village" of Mount Vernon, where he resided, he was honored by being made health officer. In 1921, on account of failing health, he came to Louisiana to recuperate, but died in Lafayette December 26 of that year, highly honored by the press of the state.

At the critical juncture following the resignation of the Olliphant board, the governor offered the presidency to Dr. Edmond Souchon, the distinguished professor of anatomy and clinical surgery, whose constructive ability had been of such signal service to the Tulane Faculty of Medicine. With due realization of the grave responsibility involved, Doctor Souchon accepted the office and took charge January 31, 1898, with practically a new board, on which occasion he expressed generous admiration for the courage and fidelity of his predecessor.

Though not then aware of the manner in which yellow fever infection is conveyed, Doctor Souchon recognized the danger of "lurking infection, which surviving a comparatively mild winter, might be expected to reassert itself with the coming summer." Quoting further from his report of that year:

"The mild fever of 1897 was generally believed to have existed in hundreds of houses where no cases were officially reported, and the desire of the board was to ascertain by careful inquiry from door to door the location of such houses and to practice thorough disinfection and aeration wherever fever of any kind had existed. Considering the extent of territory involved and the hostile attitude of the average citizen as regards submitting to such inquiries, the task undertaken by the board was not an easy one." By way of preparing the people for the measures contemplated, 50,000 carefully worded circulars of information were distributed to householders by officers of the board. The same information was given through the daily papers and the attention of the public was directed to the subject by repeated and vigorous editorials.

Through an appeal made to the clergy in a special letter, and with the backing of their bishops, this crusade was preached in all the pulpits of the city, while a fraternal letter to practicing physicians asked their aid in locating houses in which unreported cases of any kind of fever had occurred.

Not depending on such sources of information, a house-to-house canvass of the entire city was made by one hundred picked men charged with making courteous, but persistent, inquiries in the same line, results being tabulated at the end of each day's work.

While thus making unremitting efforts to guard against any recurrence of the fever, Doctor Souchon was mainly instrumental in the framing and adoption of the famous "Atlanta Regulations" for the movement of persons and freight during the existence of land quarantine. Following a preliminary meeting of Southern health officers and prominent railroad officials, held February 9, in Mobile, Doctor Souchon called a meeting of the same interests in New Orleans early in April, and with the collaboration of his experienced colleague, Dr. H. R. Carter of the United States Marine Hospital Service, secured the adoption of a schedule of rules which were later ratified at a much larger convention that met in Atlanta, Georgia, April 18, 1898, on the invitation of the mayor of that city, thereby becoming historical as the "Atlanta Regulations," which came as a gracious boon to commerce.

p769 Despite the vigorous campaign of prevention carried out early in 1898, it is evident that enough infected mosquitoes survived the winter of 1897-1898 to start the mild type of yellow fever which made its appearance in the spring of 1898. From evidence gathered later, there must have been hundreds of cases so mild that no medical advice was sought. No physician wished to be the first to announce a case of yellow fever, so that it was not until September 17 that a conscientious physician reported a case in his family.

From that time until frost, which occurred October 22, there were reported in New Orleans 118 cases of the fever, with fifty-seven deaths, and though the city was promptly quarantined in various directions, commerce was but little interrupted, thanks to the operation of the "Atlanta Regulations." During that season yellow fever was reported from some twenty-five interior localities in Louisiana, but as Doctor Souchon's report for the year declares:

"The mildness of the fever and the absence of typical symptoms rendered a diagnosis difficult in nearly every locality where it appeared. Very few people died, and it was chiefly by taking the prevailing fever in the aggregate that it was determined to be yellow fever."

In August, 1899, attributable, perhaps, to infection brought in by people from Cuba who had landed at northern ports and came to New Orleans by rail, a little group of eighty-one cases of yellow fever occurred in the "uptown" district of the city. This explanation is borne out by the case of a man direct from Cuba who developed a fatal attack at Vincennes, Indiana, in September.

In 1904 the Souchon board made a very complete exhibit of its quarantine plant and other activities at the Columbian Centennial Exposition at St. Louis, Missouri, earning thereby the award of a gold medal.

In the summer of 1905, undoubtedly as the result of undue confidence in the reported freedom of Cuba from yellow fever, quarantine against that island was not imposed in time to prevent the introduction of infection by a very swift passenger steamer which landed near the French Market, a quarter swarming with non-immune Italians, among whom the disease must have prevailed for weeks before being discovered. In that interval numbers of Italians had sought refuge among their relatives on neighboring plantations, so that the infection was very widely scattered.c

As the means at the command of the State Board of Health were not deemed sufficient to cope with the situation, the mercantile interests of New Orleans, duly impressed with the "cleaning up" of Havana by representatives of the United States Government, invited the United States Public Health Service (August 4) to come to the aid of New Orleans. Consent was promptly given, provided the sum of $250,000 be pledged for expenses, and full control be given the Federal authorities.

Of the required sum, $150,000 was subscribed by citizens, while the governor pledged the credit of the state for the remainder, and Surgeon J. H. White of the United States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service took charge August 7, with a staff of sixteen assistants, also utilizing the zeal and ability of a large number of young physicians of the city to carry out his campaign, besides having the enthusiastic coöperation of all classes of the people. That brief and victorious campaign is now a matter of history, establishing a record as being the first instance of complete conquest of yellow fever before the coming of frost, with triumphant vindication of the "mosquito doctrine."

p770 Doctor Souchon's genius for organization found ample scope for exercise in the congenial labor of formulating a sanitary code, as required by Act 192 of 1898, and in perfecting various schedules of regulations, as, for example, those relating to details of the tropical fruit trade, which needed to be revised year after year to meet changing conditions. The service of marine inspectors, i.e., physicians to travel on vessels during the quarantine season, was brought to its highest efficiency under his watchful care, safeguarding every potential point of danger. He resigned as state health officer in December, 1905, and since his return to private life (1908) he has found leisure to still further develop the Anatomical Museum of Tulane University, containing numerous dissections wonderfully preserved in natural colors by a process of which he is the originator and which has rendered him famous.

Prior to the passage of Act 192 of 1898, the Board of Health, domiciled in New Orleans, exercised dual functions as a state and city board, but under that act providing for municipal health boards, Dr. Quitman Kohnke became chairman of the first City Board of Health of New Orleans, bringing to the duties of that important position remarkable energy and resourcefulness.

Following the discovery of transmission of yellow fever by mosquitoes late in 1900, Doctor Kohnke, knowing New Orleans to be swarming with Stegomyia mosquitoes by which the disease is conveyed, made the most strenuous efforts to secure the adoption of an ordinance empowering him to attack the breeding places of those insects all over the city, but with discouraging results. It is generally conceded that if his earnest appeals had been heeded at that time, Louisiana might have been spared the outbreak of 1905, with its loss of life, disturbance of business and the toll of a quarter million dollars assessed by the Federal Government for the expense of fighting the fever.

After eight years of faithful service as city health officer, Doctor Kohnke, with his own health impaired, moved to Covington, Louisiana, in 1907, where he died suddenly in June, 1909.

Dr. William T. O'Reilly, who succeeded Doctor Kohnke as city health officer in 1906, was serving his third term when he was claimed by death in 1917. He was worthily succeeded by Dr. William H. Robin, who had become thoroughly conversant with the duties of the position by years of service as secretary of the board. With the incoming of a new city administration in 1920, Dr. John Callan, long and favorably known to the physicians and people of New Orleans, accepted the position of city health officer, the duties of which he continues to perform with all the ability on which his friends counted in persuading him to serve. His experience in directing such activities dates back to the yellow fever of 1897 and 1898, when he was chief field officer of the State Board of Health.

His talent for administration has been of great value in matters connected with state medicine, and has been exercised more recently as one of the administrators of Tulane University.

To bring the story of men prominent in connection with state health affairs down to the present time (1922) it is necessary to add that of Dr. Clifford H. Irion of Caddo Parish, who took charge as successor to Dr. Edmond Souchon early in January, 1906, and remained president of the State Board until the autumn of 1908. During the summer of p7711906 an unaccountable case, declared by competent experts to be yellow fever, occurred in New Iberia, but with the confidence inspired by the experience of 1905, comparatively little alarm or disturbance of commerce resulted. It was also in 1906 that the Louisiana Legislature passed an act authorizing the sale of state quarantine property to the Federal Government, in accordance with which the United States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service took charge of all maritime quarantine in April, 1907, thereby relieving the State Board of Health of one of its greatest responsibilities.

Dr. D. Harvey Dillon of Vernon Parish succeeded Doctor Irion in the autumn of 1908 and served nearly two years.

In August, 1910, Dr. Oscar Dowling, a distinguished specialist of Shreveport, ex-president of the State Medical Society and for several years a member of the State Board of Health, became its president, and up to the time of this writing has continued to direct its affairs with zeal and ability that have given him a national reputation. His "Health Train" of adapted Pullman cars, with its "Laboratory on Wheels," its moving picture outfit, its staff of lecturers, etc., has brought the demonstration of health teaching home to people in every part of the state, besides having traveled from ocean to ocean on visits to conventions, where it has never failed to elicit generous admiration.

A man whose long association with public health activities entitles him to mention is Dr. G. Farrar Patton, who became a member of the board in 1892 and was its secretary during the strenuous decade from 1896 to 1906, embracing the yellow fever outbreaks of 1897, 1898, 1899 and 1905. In his secretarial capacity Doctor Patton edited six voluminous biennial reports, besides writing, as part of the exhibit sent to the St. Louis Exposition of 1904, the brief history of the board and its work already referred to.

Prior to the year 1900 there was no law providing for the collection of vital statistics in the interior parishes of Louisiana, but under an act passed that year the secretary of the State Board of Health undertook the uphill work of persuading physicians and midwives all over the state to make monthly returns of deaths and births to their respective parish health officers (or coroners), who in turn were required to make quarterly reports to the State Board. For reasons easy to understand, the reports received were very incomplete, but were duly tabulated and published in the biennial reports of the board, where they make a fairly respectable show for the beginning of a great work.

With the prestige of such statistical training, Doctor Patton was invited in February, 1906, to supervise the work of tabulating and filing clinical histories for the Charity Hospital of New Orleans, where, under the progressive administration of Dr. J. M. Batchelor as house surgeon the "Bellevue System" had just been installed after long years of comparative chaos as regards the preparation, tabulating and preservation of those valuable records.

The "system," progressively expanded and improved, is now the "Charity Hospital System," with more than 200,000 histories classified, indexed and filed so as to be readily accessible when required for reference. The original registrar still directs the work.

In order to give Louisiana the benefit of the new "model law" designed to secure uniformity of method in collecting vital statistics, Doctor Dowling, as state health officer, had incorporated its essential p772features in the Sanitary Code (amendments to the code acquire force of law after being officially promulgated), and after some preliminary field work invited Dr. G. F. Patton to become state registrar of vital statistics. Accepting that position in October, 1913, Doctor Patton was fortunately able during his term of service, ending in January, 1917, to build up the system, which with only minor modifications has since enabled Louisiana to be admitted to the "Registration Area" for deaths of the United States Bureau of Census.

Doctor Patton, one of the charter members of the Anti-Tuberculosis League, organized in 1906, has continued since that time to be prominent in its work.

Among those who have passed to the great beyond, leaving a record of public service, Dr. Paul Emile Archinard, who died in August, 1912, is especially entitled to mention. One of the pioneers of the South in the domain of bacteriology during the development of that mysterious science, Doctor Archinard lost no opportunity to apply its newly discovered truths to the needs of practical medicine.

He was that author of one of the most concise and generally satisfactory text-books on bacteriology ever published, besides being one of the most successful of its teachers. Mention has been made of his having been commissioned to visit European cities to make a study of diphtheria anti-toxin at the fountainhead. On his return he was put in charge of the emergency supply of that precious serum provided for the use of physicians in treating the poor.

Officially, Doctor Archinard was for years bacteriologist for both the State and City Board of Health, and his laboratory, one of the Departments of Tulane University, was a center for original research, with its facilities always available to the profession of Louisiana and adjoining states.

One of the founders of the Polyclinic and of the New Orleans Sanitarium, the first training school for nurses in the South, Doctor Archinard later became professor of neurology in the Tulane Faculty, after the union of the Polyclinic with the undergraduate Medical School, with ever-increasing prestige as a clinician in nervous and mental diseases.

Possessing in a remarkable degree the judicial temperament, with keen insight into the affairs of men, he was known as a wise counsellor, loyal to any cause which he espoused and to those whom he honored with his friendship.

In October, 1920, the world of science, and in particular our city and state, sustained a serious loss by the untimely death of Dr. Isidore Dyer, professor of dermatology in Tulane University, who became dean of the School of Medicine on the retirement of Doctor Chaillé in 1908, having been previously identified with the New Orleans Polyclinic, now the Post-Graduate Medical Department of Tulane.

Jointly with Dr. Charles Chassaignac, Doctor Dyer had for years found congenial exercise for his brilliant intellect and classical education (he was a graduate of Yale) in editing the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal. His affability made him universally popular, especially with the student body of Tulane, one of whose class orators in a Founders' Day address referred to him as "The man with the heart of a boy and the mind of a statesman."

That which may be considered Doctor Dyer's greatest public work was the success with which he directed the treatment of leprosy in the p773State Leprosarium in Iberville Parish, — some sixty miles distant from New Orleans. He was an international authority on leprosy, having been commissioned by the State Board of Health to a world convention on that disease held under the auspices of the German government in 1896.

Dr. John B. Elliott, Sr., who retired from the Tulane professorship of therapeutics in 1908 and only recently (1921) joined the silent majority, was widely known as a scholarly and capable teacher. His exposition of the pathology of influenza will long be remembered as a particularly valuable contribution to the knowledge of practical medicine.

His son, Dr. John B. Elliott, Jr., who succeeded his distinguished faith in the medical faculty, is equally celebrated as a clinical diagnostician. When the United States entered the World war Doctor Elliott went to France as the head of Tulane Unit No. 24 of the American Red Cross, a devoted group of New Orleans physicians, surgeons, nurses and helpers, who were the first organized body of the kind to volunteer from the South for overseas service.

In 1918 Dr. Joseph A. Danna, widely known as the last executive house surgeon of the Charity Hospital under the former system, organized the splendid Loyola Unit" of physicians, surgeons, nurses and Sisters of Charity, which landed directly in Italy and promptly went into active service close to the firing line, where their arrival was hailed as a veritable blessing.

Doctor Danna, with his skill as a surgeon, his ability as an organizer and Italian parentage, was a fitting chief for such a mission of mercy. In his home city of New Orleans he ranks among the foremost surgeons of the day, being one of the few who have successfully sutured the heart of a living subject.

He is also dean of the Loyola Post-Graduate Medical School, formed by the merging of two new schools of that character organized in 1914.

Inseparably associated with the history of Tulane as one of the few survivors of its great fin de siècle medical faculty, the well-known figure of Dr. Ernest Lewis still moves with stately grace among the physicians of New Orleans, a noble example of honored old age and of the race of courtly Southern gentlemen of the olden time.

In the present year (1922), at what was perhaps the largest gathering of doctors the Orleans Medical Society ever assembled, Doctor Lewis read a paper entitled "Reminiscences," commemorative of his eighty-second birthday, and was presented a loving cup inscribed with an affectionate message of congratulation on his having rounded out sixty years of practice, including years of teaching in obstetrics and gynecology. Of the latter science it is no exaggeration to say that he is actually its father and creator, as concerns the large circle of medical teaching of which New Orleans has been the center.

For nearly two decades Doctor Lewis, as the leading spirit of the Board of Administrators, presided over the affairs of the Charity Hospital, aiding by his influence the introduction of progressive improvements that have contributed so largely to the efficiency of that great institution. Though nominally retired, he continues to give occasional lectures to medical classes and still observes his life habit of keeping an office where patients and friends can consult him. At the time of this writing, with mental powers unimpaired, he is the honored president of the State Anti-Tuberculosis League.

p774 Among medical men of Louisiana, and especially those of New Orleans, the name of Dr. Charles Chassaignac stands for more than merely the designation of a physician eminent in his chosen line of work. One of the founders of the pioneer Training School for Nurses and of the Polyclinic Post-Graduate Medical School, also the first institution of its kind in the South; dean of that school and professor of urology since 1897 and for over twenty-six years joint editor of the New Orleans Medical and Surgical Journal, he has been both recording historian of current scientific events and ex-officio biographer of many notable men who have contributed to medical progress.

Along with untiring activity as a worker and as a successful promoter of plans for improving professional education, Doctor Chassaignac has shown himself gifted in no small degree with the quality of leadership as a citizen. On various occasions when he has spoken at public meetings, his calm judgment and the practical wisdom of his utterances have helped to steady debate. In great emergencies he has been one of the men generally called upon, as in the yellow fever invasion of 1905, when he served on the citizens' finance committee, and later, when the association of Commerce decided to make a sanitary canvass of the city, he was the man invited to direct it.

In August, 1905, when the resources of the State Board of Health were taxed to the utmost by the spread of infection to many interior localities, a pitiful appeal for help came for Tallulah, in North Louisiana, where a desperate condition of panic had developed. The president of the board, with sure intuition, sent for Doctor Chassaignac and asked him if he would take charge at Tallulah, promising all the help available. With only the stipulation that his services should be gratuitous, Doctor Chassaignac promptly consented and with the coöperation of three young physicians, Doctors Bass, Menges and Anderson, aided by Doctor von Ezdorf of the Federal Health Service as director of disinfection, quickly brought order out of chaos, but with the sad sacrifice of the life of Dr. D. C. Anderson, who erroneously considering himself immune, disregarded precautions against exposure to the bites of infected mosquitoes and contracted a virulent attack of fever.

Doctor Chassaignac has been the recipient of many honors, having been president of the both the Parish and State Medical societies, besides being appointed year after year on important committees. During the world war he was chairman of the Executive Committee of the Volunteer Medical Service designed to arrange for supplying physicians of the communities where all the resident doctors had gone into military service.

On account of his business ability, Doctor Chassaignac has been much in demand on the boards of various charities, having served for years on the House Committee of the Eye, Ear, Nose and Throat Hospital, and as president of the New Orleans Sanitarium Training School for Nurses up to its becoming the Presbyterian Hospital. He has also been a member of the Central Council of the Anti-Tuberculosis League and is now one of its general Board of Directors.

Dr. F. W. Parham, one of Louisiana's leading surgeons, is another of those identified with the founding of Louisiana's pioneer Training School for Nurses and the New Orleans Polyclinic, as well as with improvement in the facilities of the Charity Hospital, of which he was a former associate house surgeon. Besides being more than ordinarily distinguished as a surgeon and as a professor in the Post-Graduate Medical p775School, Doctor Parham has always stood in the front rank of public-spirited citizens. As one of the administrators of Tulane University, he has had no small share in shaping its policy along the broadest lines consistent with its traditions, and always with single-minded purpose of making it the leading educational institution of the South.

Dr. Henry Dickson Bruns, worthy son of a father distinguished in the last generation, is an honored associate of the loyal group of workers represented by De Roaldes, Chassaignac, Archinard, Parham and Dyer, men animated by a common purpose to raise the standard of professional education, while striving for the betterment of all clinical facilities. One of the leading ophthalmologists of the day, Doctor Bruns has been for years surgeon-in-chief of the Senses Hospital, which in recent times has undergone notable development, always having a group of visiting doctors in attendance as post-graduate matriculants, many of whom come especially to benefit by his able teaching.

Among the people of New Orleans, Doctor Bruns has long been known as an earnest advocate for civic reform. He was one of the most influential members of the constitutional convention of 1898 and by his thorough acquaintance with basic principles of government, as well as by his forceful exposition of what he held to be the best for the state, did much toward shaping the action of that historic body. The existing law under which the State Board of Health and all related parish and municipal boards have been organized, was passed in obedience to Article 296 of the constitution framed by that convention.

Dr. George S. Bel, professor of internal medicine in the Tulane Faculty, has for years enjoyed the reputation of being not only a master in the diagnosis and treatment of disease, but also as one of the most successful teachers of physical diagnosis, the science of interpreting physical signs as indicating the exact nature of hidden ailments. Fortunate in having at his command the wealth of clinical material afforded by the great Charity Hospital, Doctor Bel has been able by lectures and bedside demonstration to go on, year after year, training successive classes of men upon whose correct knowledge of physical diagnosis countless thousands of people all over the country have to depend for treatment of ordinary sickness and the discovery of that which is extraordinary, as well as for life insurance and warning against the inroads of insidious disease. Considering the relationship of conservative medicine to human health and happiness, all honor is due to the man, himself a great physician, who has thus devoted the best years of his life to teaching other physicians such an art.

But Doctor Bel has done more for suffering humanity than merely to teach and practice medicine. From the outset of organized warfare against tuberculosis begun by the Anti-Tuberculosis League in 1906, though one of the busiest of doctors, he has served as its medical examiner-in-chief, giving to every unfortunate victim referred to him the benefit of his priceless skill. Hundreds of those passed upon by him have been sent to Camp Hygeia and cured, while others recommended for a period of probation have been materially benefited.

Associated with Doctor Bel in that humane work for the past few years, Dr. Robert Bernhard has been equally devoted to the cause.

Dr. C. C. Bass, professor of experimental medicine in the Tulane Faculty, who has been already mentioned in connection with his service at Tallulah in the early days of his practice (1905), has subsequently p776won signal distinction in the line of research work to which he has so successfully devoted his energies. At the time hookworm disease was being so widely discussed both in medical journals and in the newspapers, Dr Bass made an exhaustive study of the subject, and jointly with Dr. George Dock, who was then professor of the practice of medicine at Tulane, published a text-book entitled "All About the Hook Worm."

A few years later pellagra, that puzzling disease about the cause of which there has been so much acrimonious debate, claimed his attention. But it is in connection with his study of malaria that he has earned his greatest distinction. With fairly complete knowledge of the parasite (Plasmodium) which causes malarial fever, and of its transmission by the bite of the spotten-winged (Anopheles) mosquito, the veteran scientists of the world had concluded, because of their failure to cultivate it in a test tube, that such cultivation was impossible. It had come to be accepted as an explanation that the Plasmodium being a living organism, with a definite sexual life-cycle, requires a living "host" like the human body for its propagation. But in the summer of 1912 Doctor Bass, assisted by Dr. Foster M. Johns, also of Tulane, after a series of quiet but epoch-making experiments in Central America, returned in time to exhibit at the International Congress of Scientists held in September of that year in Washington, D. C., the most convincing demonstration of his success in cultivating the Plasmodium by laboratory methods. Those demonstrations also showed, as points of direct therapeutic importance, the destructive power of normal blood-serum on newly liberated malarial spores, together with effect of agencies which favor or retard the curative action of quinine. Thus did a mere youth astonish and confound great scientists, with honor to his university and world-wide fame for himself. After his return to New Orleans, at an enthusiastic meeting, the Parish Medical Society presented him with a superb gold medal, which though a fitting token of fraternal admiration, may be considered insignificant as compared with the noble monument of scientific acclaim everywhere awarded him.

Dr. Rudolph Matas, professor of surgery in the Faculty of Tulane University, is recognized as one of the foremost surgeons of the United States, with a reputation extending to all the remote regions of the world reached by medical literature.

His public service even antedates his graduation in medicine, as he was chosen on account of his knowledge of the Spanish language to act as secretary to the Government commission already mentioned as having been sent to Havana in 1879 under the leadership of Doctor Chaillé to study yellow fever.

Doctor Matas was professor of surgery in the New Orleans Polyclinic up to the death of Prof. Samuel Logan, when he was nominated "by acclamation" of admiring friends among the profession of the state to fill the vacant chair of surgery in the older school. It is no disparagement to any of the other able surgeons of New Orleans to say that, measured by standards of character, attainments and celebrity, Doctor Matas is truly a great man. He has always realized the importance of attending conventions, where his personal charm and fluent eloquence never fail to make such a profound impression that he has come to be generally regarded as the chief exponent of surgical progress in the South. A prolific writer himself, his range of reading seems to embrace the whole realm of current medical literature, with a p777faculty of memory so extraordinary as to be incredible except to those who have witnessed its exhibition.

As regards his attainments as a surgeon, it goes without saying that no man could have gained such celebrity otherwise than on a sound basis of merit, but it is as a teacher that he is most admirable. Knowing that only those immediately assisting at an operation can follow technical details, Doctor Matas has cultivated the habit of describing concisely and in a voice audible all over the amphitheater exactly what conditions he finds, and, as the operation proceeds, every detail of procedure and discovery, thus carrying his audience along with him.

Taking into account the open friendliness of the man, his cheerful readiness to answer questions and his unvarying courtesy to all, it is not surprising that he should be idolized alike by his classes and his patients.

It would be out of place in this sketch to undertake anything like a circumstantial account of any of Doctor Matas' most notable achievements in surgery. In offering the foregoing remarks it is felt that where a man has done so much for the advancement of surgical science and incidentally for the glory of his city and its great medical school, it is meet and just to pay him all due honor.

In closing this sketch, let it be understood that its purpose is mainly to mention physicians notably associated with medical progress in New Orleans. To extend it to include even brief mention of all the deserving physicians, surgeons and specialists of the city would occupy the whole of the book of which this only presumes to form a chapter.

Notes

Text prepared by:

• Jacob Schlenker
• Taylor Thibodeaux
• Michael Horn
• Lasan Ihalekkankanamalage

Fall 2016 group:

• Elizabeth Thomas
• Angel Stringfellow-Singleton

Fall 2017 group:

• Johnathan Horton
• Prasil Mainali
• Robert Morton

Source

Smith, Kendall J. History of New Orleans. Vol. 1 an 2. Chicago: Lewis Pub., 1922. Archive.Org. Chicago New York, The Lewis Publishing Company. Web. Apr.-May 2015. https://archive.org/details/historyofneworle02kend.

L’Anthologie  Louisianaise